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RUINS OF THE SITE OF EPHESUS. 


te 


PEOPLE’S EDITION. 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES 






OF 


BAINT PAUL. 


il BY 


THE REV. W J. CONYBEARE, M.A., 


LATE FELLOW OF TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE; 


AND 


THE REV. J. 8. HOWSON, D.D., 


PRINCIPAL OF THE COLLEGIATE INSTITUTION, LIVERPOOL, 


NEW YORK “CHICAGO TORONTO 
Fleming H. Revell Company 


Publishers of Evangelical Literature 


1911. 





PREFAOK 


TO 


THE PEOPLE’S EDITION. 


HOUGH the death of one of ‘the writers of this book has 
now thrown the sole responsibility of revision on the sur- 


vivor, the plan of a “People’s Edition” was contemplated by both 
writers from the time when the first edition was published. 

The survivor, in doing his best, while his life was yet spared, 
to prepare for a wider circle of readers a book which has been 
received with remarkable favor, has found, however, the execu- 
tion of the plan beset with peculiar difficulties. The simplest 
course would have been to give the text of the work without 
the notes; but it was soon seen that many parts of the narrative 
would thus have been left destitute of important illustration, and 
many passages of the Epistles would have embarrassed, rather 
than helped, the mere English reader. On the assumption, then, 
that some of the notes must be retained, a question arose as to 
the selection. The writer of this preface might easily have cut 
down his own notes to a very narrow compass; but how was he 
to deal with the notes of a friend whom he could not consult? 
To have omitted nearly all the former, and to have retained all 
the latter, would have been to disturb the whole symmetry of 
the book. Then came the ee Ra that, so far as the 

f7 


Vv 


vi PREFACE TO THE PEOPLE’S EDITION. 


notes were criticisms of passages in the New Testament, they 
were, in the two former editions, based on the original text. Ex- 
clusion or adaptation in all such cases was necessary for the reader 
who is presumed not to know Greek. But criticisms of this kind 
are, of course, by far the most frequent in the notes on the 
Epistles, which were not translated by the present editor: so that 
‘some change was most required precisely where, to him, adapta- 
tion was most difficuit of execution, or where he was naturally 
most unwilling to resume the responsibility of exclusion. 

It is hoped, that, under all these circumstances, general appro- 
bation will be secured for the arrangement which has been 
adopted. Those readers have throughout been kept in view, 
who, though well educated, would not find it easy to refer to 
Greek or German books. Some few technical Greek terms are 

retained; and here and there there is a reference to classical 
authors, which has seemed peculiarly important, or which it was 
hardly worth while to remove: but, on the whole, there are few 
citations except from books which are easily within reach. The 
references to Scripture are very frequent; and it is believed that 
such references can hardly be too frequent. It is presumed that 
the reader has the Authorized Version before him; at the sama 
time, it is hoped that the notes will continue to be useful to stu- 
dents of the Greek New Testament. 


necessarily, however, be taken for granted; and, in such cases, 


Some criticisms must 


occasional reference has been made to the two larger editions.’ 
In Mr. Conybeare’s part of the work, no alteration whatever has 
been made, except as regards the verbal adjustments requisite 
for leaving out the Greek. It is impossible to know whether his 


1The first edition, in quarto, and with 
very numerous illustrations, was com- 
pleted in 1862; the second, with fewer 
illustrations, but after careful revision, 
was published in 1856. In this edition, 
the illustrations are still fewer ; the text 
is unaltered, with the exception of slight 


verbal changes suggested in the course 
of a thorough reperusal: but besides 
the modifications mentioned above, the 
notes in the narrative portion are very 
considerably retrenched. Thus each of 
the three editions has a character of its 
own. 


PREFACE OF THE PEOPLE'S EDITION. vii 
translation of some phrases and his interpretation of some texts 
might have been modified if he had taken part in the revisior. 
Wherever it has been thought worth while to express a difference 
of opinion, this is separately indicated.* Such cases are very few. 
The separate responsibilities of the whole work are clearly stated 
in the Postscript to the Introduction. 

The present writer is far from satisfied with the result of what 
he has done, in this edition, with considerable labor, and to the 
best of his judgment and ability ; but this he can say with truth, 
that while he feels the imperfection of his own work, this last 
revision has left in his mind a higher estimate than ever of the 


parts written by his fellow-laborer and friend. 
J. S. H. 


*This remark applies to the general 
body of the work. The Appendices, writ- 
ten by Mr. Conybeare, have been ab- 
breviated in conformity withthe prin- 
ciples stated above. Such questions as 
the verbal peculiarities of the Pastoral 
Epistles could hardly be presented with 


clearness to those who have no knowl- 
edge of Greek; and other retrenchments 
have been made here in accordance with 
the special aim of this edition. 

3 By notes in square brackets, distin- 
guished by the letter u. 


. ‘ , | 
¢ vn 
6 , ee Coe i 
FASTEN, cer SEL -b 
: a a 
| arora Ee a Ra 
He Siag wad hd tis “ab Teh 
; t 
. ‘ i wt ’ | rd F's ae. 
t mm | as . 
ist * 
‘ 
ary 
Yi} } 
- 
F > 
i i 4) she 
Asie) 
F f LS Oe oe tA SSE 
t ¥ 
: Sh & : 
. i 1 icy oe 
? 
\ ‘ aq ' 
Piss ‘ i 
; ti 
ey riuetaigizs 3 te 
w gt) ‘ + Ps 
4 
eit 
ava \»4asai 4 } | 
3 “a 4 
Atty 
rd 
T 
4 





INTRODUCTION. 


HE purpose of this work is to give a living picture of St. Paul himself, and of 
the circumstances by which he was surrounded. 

The biography of the Apostle must be compiled from two sources: first, his own 
letters; and, secondly, the narrative in the Acts of the Apostles. The latter, after 
a slight sketch of his early history, supplies us with fuller details of his middle life; 
and his Epistles afford much subsidiary information concerning his missionary 
labors during the same period. The light concentrated upon this portion of his 
course makes darker by contrast the obscurity which rests upon the remainder; for 
we are left to gain what knowledge we can of his latter years from scattered hints in 
a few short letters of his own, and from a single sentence of his disciple Clement. 

But, in order to present anything like a living picture of St. Paul’s career, much 
more is necessary than a mere transcript of the Scriptural narrative, even where it is 
fullest. Every step of his course brings us into contact with some new phase of 
ancient life, unfamiliar to our modern experience, and upon which we must throw 
light from other sources, if we wish it to form a distinct image in the mind. For 
example, to comprehend the influences under which he grew to manhood, we must 
realize the position of a Jewish family in Tarsus; we must understand the kind of 
education which the son of such a family would receive as a boy in his Hebrew 
home, or in the schools of his native city, and in his riper youth ‘“‘at the feet of 
Gamaliel’”’ in Jerusalem; we must be acquainted with the profession for which he 
was to be prepared by this training, and appreciate the station and duties of an ex- 
pounder of the Law. And, that we may be fully qualified todo all this, we should 
have a clear view of the state of the Roman Empire at the time, and especially of 
its system in the provinces; we should also understand the political position of the 
Jews of the ‘‘Dispersion’’; we should be (so to speak) hearers in their synagogues; we 
should be students of their Rabbinical theology. And in like manner, as we follow 
the Apostle in the different stages of his varied and adventurous career, we must 
strive continually to bring out in their true brightness the half-effaced forms and 
coloring of the scene in which he acts; and while he ‘‘becomes all things to all men, 
that he might by all means save some,’’ we must form to ourselves a living like- 
ness of the things and of the men among which he moved, if we would rightly 
estimate his work. Thus we must study Christianity rising in the midst of Juda- 
ism; we must realize the position of its early churches with their mixed society, to 
which Jews, Proselytes, and Heathens had each contributed a characteristic 


1 [It has been thought better to leave thisIntro- lating to views and illustrations are not strictly 
daiction quite untouched, though the passagesre- applicable to the present edition.—u_.] ue 


x INTRODUCTION. ’ . 


element; we must qualify ourselves to be umpires (if we may so speak) in their 
violent internal divisions; we must listen to the strife of their schismatic parties, 
when one said, “Iamof Paul; and another, Iam of Apollos;’’ we must study the 
true character of those early heresies which even denied the resurrection, and 
advocated impurity and lawlessness, claiming the right ‘‘to sin that grace might 
abound.” * “‘defiling the mind and conscience”? of their followers, and making 
them ‘‘abominable and disobedient, and to every good work reprobate’’;* we 
must trace the extent to which Greek philosophy, Judaizing formalism, and East- 
ern superstition, blended their tainting influence with the pure fermentation of 
that new leaven which was at last to leaven the whole mass of civilized society. 

Again: to understand St. Paul’s personal history as a missionary to the Heathen, 
we must know the state of the different populations which he visited; the character 
of the Greek and Roman civilization at the epoch; the points of intersection be- 
tween the political history of the world and the scriptural narrative; the social 
organization and gradation of ranks, for which he enjoins respect; the position of 
women, to which he specially refers in many of his letters; the relations between 
parents and children, slaves and masters, which he not vainly sought to imbue with 
the loving spirit of the gospel; the quality and influence, under the early Empire, 
of the Greek and Roman religions, whose effete corruptness he denounces with such 
indignant scorn; the public amusements of the people, whence he draws topics of 
warning or illustration; the operation of the Roman law, under which he was so 
frequently arraigned; the courts in which he was tried, and the magistrates by 
whose sentence he suffered; the legionary soldiers who acted as his guards; the 
roads by which he travelled, whether through the mountains of Lycaonia or the 
marshes of Latium; the course of commerce by which his journeys were so often 
regulated; and the character of that imperfect navigation by which his life was so 
many times 4 endangered. 

While thus trying to live in the life of a bygone age, and to call up the figure of the 
past from its tomb, duly robed in all its former raiment, every help is welcome 
which enables us to’fill up the dim outline in any part of its reality. Especially we 
delight to look upon the only one of the manifold features of that past existence 
which still is living. We remember with pleasure that the earth, the sea, and the 
sky still combine for us in the same landscapes which passed before the eyes of the 
wayfaring Apostle. The plain of Cilicia; the snowy distances of Taurus; the cold 
and rapid stream of the Cydnus; the broad Orontes under the shadow of its steep 
banks, with their thickets of jasmine and oleander; the hills which “‘stand about 
Jerusalem,”’ * the ‘‘arched fountains cold’’ in the ravines below, and those ‘‘flowery 
brooks beneath that wash their hallowed feet”’; the capes and islands of the Grecian 
Sea; the craggy summit of Areopagus; the land-locked harbor of Syracuse; the 
towering cone of Atna; the voluptuous loveliness of the Campanian shore,—all 
these remain to us, the imperishable handiwork of nature. We can still look upon 
the same trees and flowers which he saw clothing the mountains, giving color to the 
plains, or reflected in the rivers; we may think of him among the palms of Syria, the 
cedars of Lebanon, the olives of Attica, the green Isthmian pines of Corinth, whose 

f leaves wove those ‘‘fading garlands” which he contrasts 8 with the “incorruptible 
crown,” the prize for which he fought. Nay, we can even still look upon some of 
the works of man which filled him with wonder, or moved him to indignation. The 


1Rom vi. 1. Melita. 

? Tit. i. 15. 5“The hills stand about Jerusalem: even so 

3 Tit. i. 16. “standeth the Lord round about his people.” Ps 
4“Thrice have I suffered shipwreck," 2 Cor. xi. xxxv. 2. 


25; and this was before he was wrecked upon ® 1 Cor. ix. 25. 


——, 


INTRODUCTION. XI 


“temples made with hands” ! which rose before him—the very apotheosis of idola- 
try—on the Acropolis, still stand in almost undiminished majesty and beauty. 
The mole on which he landed at Puteoli still stretches its ruins into the blue waters 
of the bay. The remains of the Baian villas, whose marble porticoes he then beheld 
glittering in the sunset,—his first specimen of Italian luxury,—still are seen along 
the shore. We may still enter Rome as he did by the same Appian Road, through 
the same Capenian Gate, and wander among the ruins of ‘‘Czsar’s palace” ? on the 
Palatine, while our eye rests upon the same aqeducts radiating over the "Sampagna 
to the unchanging hills. Those who have visited these spots must often have felt 
a thrill of recollection as they trod in the footsteps of the Apostle; they must have 
been conscious how much the identity of the outward scene brought them into 
communion with him, while they tried to image to themselves the feelings with 
which he must have looked upon the objects before them. They who have ex- 
perienced this will feel how imperfect a biography of St. Paul must be without faith- 
ful representaitons of the places which he visited. It is hoped that the views * 
which are contained in the present work (which have been diligently collected from 
various sources) will supply thisdesideratum. And it is evident, that, for the pur- 
poses of such a biography, nothing but true and faithful representations of the real 
scenes will be valuable; these are what is wanted, and not ideal representations, 
even though copied from the works of the greatest masters; for as it has been well 
said, ‘‘Nature and reality painted at the time, and on the spot, a nobler cartoon of 
St. Paul’s preaching at Athens than the immortal Rafaelle afterwards has done.’’4 

For a similar reason, maps have been given (in addition to careful geographical 
descriptions), exhibiting with as much accuracy as can at present be attained the 
physical features of the countries visited, and some of the ancient routes through 
them, together with plans of the most important cities, and maritime charts of the 
coasts and harbors where they were required. 


While thus endeavoring to represent faithfully the natural objects and archi- 
tectural remains connected with the narrative, it has likewise been attempted to 
pive such illustrations as were needful of the minor productions of human art as 
they existed in the first century. For this purpose, engravings of coins have been 
given in all cases where they seemed to throw light on the circumstances mentioned 
in the history; and recourse has been had to the stores of Pompeii and Herculaneum, 
to the columns of Trajan and Antoninus, and to the collections of the Vatican, the 
Louvre, and especially of the British Museum. 


But, after all this is done,—after we have endeavored, with every help we can 
command, to reproduce the picture of St. Paul’s deeds and times,—how small 
would our knowledge of himself remain if we had no other record of him left us but 
the story of his adventures! If his letters had never come down to us, we should 
have known indeed what he did and suffered; but we should have had very little 
idea of what he was.> Even if we could perfectly succeed in restoring the image of 
the scenes and circumstances in which he moved; even if we could, as in a magic 
mirror, behold him speaking in the school of Tyrannus, with his Ephesian hearers 
in their national costume around him,—we should still see very little of Paul of 
Tarsus. We must listen to his words, if we would learn to know him. If Fancy did 


1 Acts xvii. 24. 2 Phil. i. 13. 4 Wordsworth’s Athens and Aitica, p. 78. 

3[See note on p. ix, and the Preface. The 5 For his speeches recorded in the Acts, charac- 
sentence in the text applies in strictness only to teristic as they are, would by themselves have 
the quarto edition. In the intermediate edition, been too few and too short to add much to our 
it was remarked in a note, that, even there, knowledge of St. Paul; but, illustrated as they 
“‘most of the larger engravings were necessarily now are by his Epistles, they become an import- 
omitted. on account of their size.””—H.] ant part of his personal biography. 


XII INTRODUCTION. 


her utmost, she could give us only his outward, not his inward life. “His bodily 
presence’’ (so his enemies declared) ‘“was weak and contemptible”; but “‘his letters” 
(even they allowed) ‘‘were weighty and powerful.” 1 Moreover, an effort of imagin- 
ation and memory is needed to recall the past; but, in his Epistles, St. Paul is 
present with us. “His words are not dead words; they are living creatures with 
hands and feet,” ? touching in a thousand hearts at this very hour the same chord 
of feeling which vibrated to their first utterance. We, the Christians of the nine 
teenth century, can bear witness now, as fully as could a Byzantine audience four- 
teen hundred years ago, to the saying of Chrysostom, that ‘‘Paul by his letters stil: 
lives in the mouths of men throughout the whole world: by them not only his own 
converts, but all the faithful even unto this day, yea, and all the saints who are yet 
to be born until Christ’s coming again, both have been and shall be blessed.”’ His 
Epistles are to his inward life what the mountains and rivers of Asia and Greece and 
Italy are to his outward life,—the imperishable part which still remains to us when 
all that time can ruin has passed away. 


It is in these letters, then, that we must study the true life of St. Paul, from its 
inmost depths and springs of action, which were ‘‘hidden with Christ in God,” 
down to its most minute developments and peculiar individual manifestations. In 
them we learn (to use the language of Gregory Nazianzene) ‘‘what is told of Paul 
by Paul himself.’’ Their most sacred contents, indeed, rise above all that is peculiar 
to the individual writer; for they are the communications of God to man concerning 
the faith and life of Christians, which St. Paul declared (as he often asserts) by the 
immediate revelation of Christ himself. But his manner of teaching these eternal 
truths is colored by his human character, and peculiar to himself. And such indi- 
vidual features are naturally impressed much more upon epistles than upon any 
other kind of composition: for here we have not treatises or sermons, which may 
dwell in the general and abstract, but genuine letters, written to meet the actual 
wants of living men; giving immediate answers to real questions, and warnings 
against pressing dangers; full of the interests of the passing hour. And this, which 
must be more or less the case with all epistles addressed to particular churches, is 
especially so with those of St. Paul. In his case, it is not too much to say that his 
letters are himself,—a portrait painted by his own hand, of which every feature 
may be ‘‘known and read of all men.” 


It is not merely that in them we see the proof of his powerful intellect, his insight 
into the foundations of natural theology * and of moral philosophy; * for in such 
points, though the philosophical expression might belong to himself, the truths 
expressed were taught him of God. It is not only that we there find models of the 
sublimest eloquence when he is kindled by the vision of the glories to come, the 
perfect triumph of good over evil, the manifestation of the sons of God, and their 
transformation into God’s likeness, when they shall see him no longer ® “in a glass 
darkly, but face to face,’’—for in such strains as these it was not so much he that 
spake as the Spirit of God speaking in him,*—but in his letters, besides all this 
which is divine, we trace every shade, even to the faintest, of his human character 
also. Here we see that fearless independence with which he “withstood Peter to 
the face”; 7 that impetuosity which breaks out in his apostrophe to the “‘foolish 
Galatians”; ® that earnest indignation which bids his converts “beware of dogs, 


19 Cor. x. 10. 51 Cor. xiii. 12. 

? Luther, as quoted in Archdeacon Hare’s Mts- 6 Matt. x. 20. . 
ston of the Comforter, p. 449. 7 Gal. ii. 11. 

3 Rom. i. 20. 8 Gal. iii. 1. 


4 Rom. ii. 14, 15. 


OE 


aa 


INTRODUCTION. XIIL 


beware of the concision,” ! and pours itself forth in the emphatic “God forbid” 
which meets every Antinomian suggestion; that fervid patriotism which make 
him ‘“‘wish that he were himself accursed from Christ for his brethren, his kinsmen 
according to the flesh, who are Israelites;”’ 3 that generosity which looked for nc 
other reward than ‘‘to preach the Glad-Tidings of Christ without charge,” + and 
made him feel that he would rather “‘die than that any man should make this 
glorying void’’; that dread of officious interference which led him to shrink from 
“building on another man’s foundation”’;° that delicacy which shows itself in his 
appeal to Philemon, whom he might have commanded, “‘yet for love’s sake rathei 
beseeching him, being such an one as Paul the aged, and now also a prisoner of 
Jesus Christ,” 8 and which is even more striking in some of his farewell greetings, 
as (for instance) when he bids the Romans “‘salute Rufus, and his mother, who ts 
also mine”’;* that scrupulous fear of evil appearance which “‘would not eat any 
man’s bread for nought, but wrought with labor and travail night and day, that 
he might not be chargeable to any of them;”’® that refined courtesy which cannot 
bring itself to blame till it has first praised,® and which makes him deem it needful 
almost to apologize for the freedom of giving advice to those who were not person- 
ally known to him;?° that self-denying love which “‘will eat no flesh while thé world 
standeth, lest he make his brother to offend’’;“ that impatience of exclusive form- 
alism with which he overwhelms the Judaizers of Galatia, joined with a forbearance 
so gentle for the innocent weakness of scrupulous consciences;” that grief for the 
sins of others, which moved him to tears when he spoke of the enemies of the cross 
of Christ, ‘‘of whom I tell you even weeping;’’* that noble freedom from jealousy 
with which he speaks of those, who, out of rivalry to himself, preach Christ even of 
envy and strife, supposing to add affliction to his bonds,—‘‘What then? notwith- 
standing every way, whether in pretence or in truth, Christ is preached; and I 
therein do rejoice, yea, and will rejoice;’’* that tender friendship which watches 
over the health of Timothy even with a mother’s care; that intense sympathy in 
the joys and sorrows of his converts which could say even to the rebellious Corin- 
thians, “Ye are in our hearts, to die and live with you;’’!® that longing desire for the 
intercourse of affection, and that sense of loneliness when it was withheld, which 
perhaps is the most touching feature of all, because it approaches most nearly to a 
weakness,—‘‘When I had come to Troas to preach the Glad-Tidings of Christ, and 
a door was opened to me in the Lord, I had no rest in my spirit because I found not 
Titus my brother; but I parted from them, and came from thence into Macedonia.” 
And, “‘when I was come into Macedonia, my flesh had no rest, but I was troubled 
on every side: without were fightings, within were fears. But God, who comforts 
them that are cast down, comforted me by the coming of Titus.” 7 ‘“‘Do thy utmost 
to came to me speedily: for Demas hath forsaken me, having loved this present 
world, and is departed to Thessalonica; Crescens to Galatia, Titus to Dalmatia; 
only Luke is with me.” ® 


1 Phil. iii. 2. unmingled censure conveyed in the whole subs> 
? Rem. vi. 2; 1 Cor. vi. 15, &c. It is difficultto sequent part of these Epistles. 
express the force of the original by any other Eng- 10 Rom. xv. 14, 15. 
lish phrase. 11] Cor. viii. 13. 
3 Rom. ix. 3. 121 Cor. viii. 12, and Rom. xiv. 21. 
#1 Cor. ix., 15 and 18, 13 Phil. iii. 18. 
5 Rom. xv. 20. 14 Phil. i. 15. 
® Philemen 9. 154 Tim. v. 23. 
7 Rom. xvi. 13. 16 9 Cor. vii. 3. 
81 Thess. ii. 9. ; 17 2 Cor. ii. 13, and vii. 5, 
® Compare the laudatory expressions im « Cor. 18 2 Tim. iv. 9. 


L. 5-7, and I Cor. i. 6, 7, with the heavy and almost 


XIV INTRODUCTION. 

Nor is it only in the substance, but even in the style, of these writings, that we 
recognize the man Paul of Tarsus. In the parenthetical constructions and broken 
sentences, we see the rapidity with which the thoughts crowded upon him, almost 
too fast for utterance; we see him animated rather than weighed down by “‘the 
crowd that presses on him daily, and the care of all the churches,” 1 as he pours 
forth his warnings or his arguments in a stream of eager and impetuous dictation, 
with which the pen of the faithful Tertius can hardly keep pace.” And, above all, 
we trace his presence in the postscript to every letter, which he adds as an authen- 
tication, in his own characteristic handwriting, * ‘‘which is a token in every epistle: 
thus I write.’’4 Sometimes as he takes up the pen, he is moved with indignation 
when he thinks of the false brethren among those whom he addresses: ‘‘The saluta- 
tion of me Paul with my own hand: if any man love not the Lord Jesus Christ, let 
him be accursed.””® Sometimes, as he raises his hand to write, he feels it cramped 
by the fetters which bind him to the soldier who guards him:® “I Paul salute you 
with my own hand: remember my chains.” Yet he always ends with the same 
blessing,—‘‘The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ be with you;’’ to which he some- 
times adds still further a few last words of affectionate remembrance,—‘‘My love 
be with you all in Christ Jesus.” 7 

But, although the letters of St. Paul are so essential a part of his personal biog- 
raphy, it is a difficult question to decide upon the form in which they should be 
given in a work like this. The object to be sought is, that they may really represent 
in English what they were to their Greek readers when first written. Now, this 
object would not be attained if the Authorized Version were adhered to; and yet a 
departure from that whereof so much is interwoven with the memory and deepest 
feelings of every religious mind should be grounded on strong and sufficient cause. 
It is hoped that the following reasons may be held such:— 

1st, The Authorized Version was meant to be a standard of authority and ulti- 
mate appeal in controversy: hence it could not venture to depart, as an ordinary 
translation would do, from the exact words of the original, even where some ampli- 
fication was absolutely required to complete the sense. It was to be the version 
unanimously accepted by all parties, and therefore must simply represent the 
Greek text word for word. This it does most faithfully, so far as the critical 
knowledge of the sixteenth ® century permitted. But the result of this method is 
sometimes to produce a translation unintelligible to the English reader. ® Also, if 
the text admit of two interpretations, our version endeavors, if possible, to preserve 
the same ambiguity, and effects this often with admirable skill; but such indecision, 
although a merit in an authoritative version, would be a fault in a translation 
which had a different object. 

2d, The imperfect knowledge existing at the time when our Bible was translated 
made it inevitable that the translators should occasionally render the original in- 
correctly; and the same cause has made their version of many of the argumentative 
portions of the Epistles perplexed and obscure. 

3d, Such passages as are affected by the above-mentioned objections, might, it is 
true, have been recast, and the authorized translation retained in all cases where it 
js correct and clear; but, if this had been done, a patchwork effect would have been 


Si Gor ines 
2 Rom, xvi. 22. “I Tertius, who wrote this 


® Coloss. iv. 18. 71 Cor. xvi. 24. 
8 Being executed at the very beginning of the 


Epistle, salute you in the Lord.” 

3 Gal. vi. 11. ‘‘See the size of the characters in 
which I write to you with my own hand.” 

4 2 Thess. iii. 17. : 

5 1 Cor. xvi. 22. 


seventeenth. 

® Yet, had any other course been adopted, every 
sect would have had its own Bible; as it is, this 
one translation has been all but unanimously 
received for three centuries. 


INTRODUCTION. xv 
produced like that of new cloth upon old garments: moreover, the devotional 
associations of the reader would have been offended; and it would have been a rash 
experiment to provoke such a contrast between the matchless style of the Author- 
ized Version and that of the modern translator, thus placed side by side. 

4th, The style adopted for the present purpose should not be antiquated; for St. 
Paul was writing in the language used by his Hellenistic readers in every-day life. 

5th, In order to give the true meaning of the original, something more than a 
mere verbal rendering is often absolutely required. St. Paul’s style is extremely 
elliptical, and the gaps must be filled up. And, moreover, the great difficulty in. 

_understanding his argument is to trace clearly the transitions * by which he passes 
from one step to another. For this purpose something must occasionally be sup- 
plied beyond the mere literal rendering of the words. 

In fact, the meaning of an ancient writer may be rendered into a modern language 
in three ways: either, first, by a literal version; or, secondly, by a free translation; or, 
thirdly, by a paraphrase. A recent specimen of the first method may be found in 
the corrected edition of the Authorized Version of the Corinthians, by Prof. Stanley; 
of the Galatians and Ephesians, by Prof. Ellicott; and of the Thessalonians, Gala- 
tians, and Romans, by Prof. Jowett; all of which have appeared since the first 
edition of the present work. The experiment of these translations (ably executed 
as they are) has confirmed the view above expressed of the unsatisfactory nature 
of such a literal rendering; for it cannot be doubted, that though they correct the 
mistakes of the Authorized Version, yet they leave an English reader in more 
hopeless bewilderment as to St. Paul’s meaning than that version itself. Of the 
third course (that of paraphrase), an excellent specimen is to be found in Prof. 
Stanley’s paraphrases of the Corinthian Epistles. There is, perhaps, no better way 
than this of conveying the general meaning of the Epistles to an English reader; 
but it would not be suitable for the biography of St. Paul, in which not only his 
general meaning, but his every sentence and every clause, should, so far as possible, 
be given. There remains the intermediate course of a free translation, which is that 
adopted in the present work: nor does there seem any reason why a translation of 
St. Paul should be rendered inaccurate by a method which would generally be 
adopetd in a translation of Thucydides. 

It has not been thought necessary to interrupt the reader by a note? in every 
instance where the translation varies from the authorized version. It has been 
assumed that the readers of the notes will have sufficient knowledge to understand 
the reason of such variations in the more obvious cases. But it is hoped that no 
varation which presents any real difficulty has been passed over without explana- 
tion. 

It should further be observed, that the translation given in this work does not 
adhere to the Textus Receptus, but follows the text authorized by the best MSS. 
Yet, though the Textus Receptus has no authority in itself, it seems undesirable 
to depart from it without necessity, because it is the text familiar to English 
readers. Hence the translator has adhered to it in passages where the MSS. of 
highest authority are equally divided between its reading and some other, and 





1 Tn the translation of the Epistles given in the 
present work, it has been the especial aim of the 
translator to represent these transitions correctly. 
They very often depend upon a word which sug- 
gests a new thought, and are quite lost by a want 
of attention to the verbal coincidence. Thus, for 
mstance, in Rom. x. 16, 17,—‘‘Who hath given 
faith to our teaching? So, then, faith cometh by 
teaching,’’—how completely is the connection de- 


‘stroyed by such inattention in the Authorized Ver 
sion!—‘*Who hath believed our report? So, then, 
faith cometh by hearing.’”’ 

? [See again note on p. 1x, and the Preface. In 
this edition, no note appended to the translations 
has been altered in meaning. Only such changes 
are made as is required by the omission of 
Greek words.—4.] 


xvi INTRODUCTION. 


also in some cases where the difference between it and the true text is merely 
verbal. 

The authorities consulted upon the chronology of St. Paul’s life, the reasons for 
the views taken of disputed points in it, and for the dates of the Epistles, are stated 
(so far as seems needful) in the body of the work or in the Appendices, and need 
not be further referred to here. 

In conclusion, the authors would express their hope that the biography may, 
in its measure, be useful in strengthening the hearts of some against the peculiar 
form of unbelief most current at the present day. The more faithfully we can 
represent to ourselves the life, outward and inward, of St. Paul, in all its fullness, 
the more unreasonable must appear the theory hat Christianity had a mythical 
origin; and the stronger must be our ground for believing his testimony to the 
divine nature and miraculous history of our Redeemer. No reasonable man can 
learn to know and love the Apostle of the Gentiles without asking himself the 
question, ‘‘What was the principle by which, through such a life, he was animated? 
What was the strength in which he labored with such immense results?” Nor can 
the most sceptical inquirer doubt for one moment the full sincerity of St. Paul’s 
belief, that ‘‘the life which he lived in the flesh, he lived by the faith of the Son of 
God, who died and gave himself for him.’”’ ‘‘To believe in Christ crucified and 
risen, to serve him on earth, to be with him hereafter,—these, if we may trust the 
account of his own motives by any human writer whatever, were the chief if not 
the only thoughts which sustained Paul of Tarsus through all the troubles and 
sorrows of his twenty-years’ conflict. His sagacity, his cheerfulness, his forethought, 
his impartial and clear-judging reason, all the natural elements of his strong charac- 
ter, are not, indeed, to be overlooked: but the more highly we exalt these in our 
estimate of his work, the larger share we attribute to them in the performance of 
his mission, the more are we compelled to believe that he spoke the words of truth 
and soberness when he told the Corinthians, that ‘last of all, Christ was seen of 
him also;’ that ‘by the grace of God he was what he was’; that ‘whilst he labored 
more abundantly than all, it was not he, but the grace of God that was in him.’ 


POSTSCRIPT. 


T may be well to add, that, while Mr. Conybeare and Dr. Howson have under- 
taken the joint revision of the whole work, the translation of the Epistles and 
Speeches of St. Paul is contributed by the former; the historical portion of the 
work principally, and the geographical portion entirely, by the latter: Dr. Howson 
having written Chapters I., II., IIJ., IV., V., VI., VIL., VIII., IX., X., XI., XII., 
XIV., XVI., XX., XXI. (except the earlier portion), XXII. (except some of the 
later part), XXIII., XXIV., the latter pages of XVII., and the earlier pages of 
XXVI., with the exception of the Epistles and Speeches therein contained; and 
Mr. Conybeare having written the introduction and Appendices, and Chapters 
XIII., XV., XVII. (except the conclusion), XVIII., XIX., XXV., XXVI. (except 
the introductory and topographical portions), XXVII., XXVIII., the earlier pages 
of XXI., and some of the later pages of XXII, 


——e— 


Tais seems the proper place for explaining the 
few abbreviations used. T. R. stands for Textus 
Receptus; O. T. for Old Testament; N. T. for New 
Testament; A. V. for Authorized Version; and 
LX&X.. (after a quotation from the Old Testa- 
ment! means that the quotation is cited by St. 
Paul, according to the Septuagint translation, 


In such references, however, the numbering of 
verses and chapters according to the Authorised 
Version (not according to the Septuagint) has 
been retained, to avoid the causing of perplexity 
to English readers who may attempt to verify 
the references. 





——_- 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER I. 


eareat Men of Great Periods. — Period of Christ’s Apostles. — Jews, Greeks, and 
Romans. — Religious Civilization of the Jews. — Their History, and its Re- 
lation to that of the World. — Heathen Preparation for the Gospel. — Char- 
acter and Language of the Greeks. — Alexander.— Antioch and Alexan- 
dria. — Growth and Government of the Roman Empire. — Misery of Italy 
and the Provinces. — Preparation in the Empire for Christianity. — Disper- 
sion of the Jews in Asia, Africa, and Europe. — Proselytes. — Provinces of 
Cilicia and Judea.— Their Geography and History.— Cilicia under the 
Romans. — Tarsus. — Cicero. — Political Changes in Judea.— Herod and 
his Family.— The Roman Governors.— Conclusion . - . : eee 


CHAPTER II. 


Jewish Origin of the Church. — Sects and Parties of the Jews. — Pharisees and 
Sadducees. — St. Paul a Pharisee. — Hellenists and Aramezans. — St. Paul’s 
Family Hellenistic, but not Hellenizing.— His Infancy at Tarsus. — The 
Tribe of Benjamin.— His Father’s Citizenship.— Scenery of the Place. — 
His Childhood. — He is sent to Jerusalem.— State of Judea and Jerusa- 
lem. — Rabbinical Schools. — Gamaliel. — Mode of Teaching. — Synagogues. 

— Student-Life of St. Paul.— His early Manhood.— First Aspect of the 
Church. — St. Stephen. — The Sanhedrin. — St. Stephen the Forerunner of 
St. Paul. — His Martyrdom and Prayer - - : . . 29 


CHAPTER III 


Funeral of St. Stephen. —Saul’s continued Persecution. — Flight of the Chris- 
tians.— Philip and the Samaritans.—Saul’s Journey to Damascus. — 
Aretas, King of Petra. — Roads from Jerusalem to Damascus. — Neapolis. 
—Histery and Description of Damascus.— The Narratives of the Mira- 
ele. —It was a real Vision of Jesus Christ. — Three Days in Damascus. — 
Ananias. — Baptism and first Preaching of Saul. — He retires into Arabia. 

— Meaning of the Term “Arabia.””— Petra and the Desert.— Motives to 
Conversion. — Conspiracy at Damascus.— Escape to Jerusalem. — Barna- 
bas. — Fortnight with St. Peter. — Conspiracy. — Vision in the Temple. — 
Saul withdraws tol Syma Ciieta el) ee ho) Te ae 


CHAPTER IV. 


Wider Diffusion of Christianity. — Antioch. — Chronology of the Acts. — Reign 
of Caligula. — Claudius and Herod Agrippa I. —The Year 44. — Conversion 


xIxX 


xx CONTENTS. 


of the Gentiles.— St. Peter and Cornelius.— Joppa and Cwsarea. — St. 
Peter’s Vision.— Baptism of Cornelius. — Intelligence from Antioch. — 
Mission of Barnabas.—Saul with Barnabas at Antioch.—The Name 
“ Christian.” — Description and History of Antioch. — Character of its In- 
habitants. — Earthquakes. — Famine. — Barnabas and Saul at Jerusalem. 
— Death of St. James and of Herod Agrippa.— Return with Mark to 
Antioch. — Providential Preparation of St. Paul. — Results of his Mission 
to Jerusalem . : . : : : : x : 4 : . 101 


CHAPTER V. 


Second Part of the Acts of the Apostles. — Revelation at Antioch. — Public De- 
votions. — Departure of Barnabas and Saul.— The Orontes.— History and 
Description of Selucia.— Voyage to Cyprus. — Salamis. — Roman Provin- 
cial System.— Proconsuls and Propretors.— Sergius Paulus. — Oriental 
Impostors at Rome and in the Provinces. —Elymas Barjesus. — History of 


Jewish Names.— Saul and Paul . . - : + 192 
CHAPTER VI. 

Old and New Paphos.— Departure from Cyprus.— Coast of Pamphylia. — 
Perga.— Mark’s Return to Jerusalem.— Mountain-Scenery of Pisidia. — 
Situation of Antioch. — The Synagogue.— Address to the Jews. — Preach- 
ing to the Gentiles. — Persecution by the Jews. — History and Description of 
Iconium. — Lycaonia.— Derbe and Lystra.— Healing of the Cripple. — 
Idolatrous Worship offered to Paul and Barnabas. — Address to the Gentiles. 
—St. Paul stoned. — Timotheus.— The Apostles retrace their Journey. — 
Perga and Attaleia. — Return’to Syria . . : . : . 4 - 139 

CHAPTER VII. 

Controversy in the Church. — Separation of Jews and Gentiles. — Difficulty in 
the Narrative. — Discontent at Jerusalem. — Intrigues of the Judaizers at 
Antioch. — Mission of Paul and Barnabas to Jerusalem.— Divine Revela- 
tion to St. Paul.— Titus.— Private Conferences.— Public Meeting. — 
Speech of St. Peter.— Narrative of Barnabas and Paul.— Speech of St. 
James. — The. Decree. — Public Recognition of St. Paul’s Mission to the 
Heathen. — St. John. — Return to Antioch with Judas, Silas, and Mark. — 
Reading of the Letter.— Weak Conduct of St. Peter at Antioch. — He is 
rebuked by St. Paul. — Personal Appearance of the two Apostles. — Their 
Reconciliation . - - : : : : Aa ic | 5) ee. 


CHAPTER VIII 


Political Divisions of Asia Minor. — Difficulties of the Subject. — Provinces in 
the Reigns of Claudius and Nero.—I. ASIA.—II. BITHYNIA. —III. 
PAMPHYLIA. —IV. GALATIA.— V. PONTUS.— VI. CAPPADOCIA. — 
VII. CILICIA. — Visitation of the Churches proposed. — Quarrel and Sep- 
aration of Paul and Barnabas. — Paul and Silas in Cilicia. — They cross the 
Taurus. — Lystra.— Timothy.— His Circumcision.—Journey through 
rygia. — Sickness of St. Paul.— His Reception in Galatia. — Journey to 

the A°gean. — Alexandria Troas.— St. Paul’s Vision . ’ s : . 208 


CHAPTEF IX. 


Voyage by Samothrace to Neapolis. — Philippi.— Constitution of a Colony. — 
Lydia.— The Demoniac Slave.— Paul and Silas arrested. —The Prison 
and the Jailer.— The Magistrates. — Departure from Philippi. — St. Luke. 
— Macedonia described. — Its Condition as a Province.— The Via Egnatia. 


CONTENTS. 


— St. Paul’s Journey through Amphipolis and Apollonia. — Thessalonica. — 
The Synagogue. — Subjects of St. Paul’s Preaching. — Persecution, Tumult, 
and Flight.—The Jews at Berea.—St. Paul again persecuted. — Pro- 
ceeds to Athens : - 4 : - ° : 3 


CHAPTER X. 


Arrival on the Coast of Attica. — Scenery round Athens. — The Pireus and the 
“Long Walls.” — The Agora. — The Acropolis. — The “ Painted Porch” and 
he “ Garden.” — The Apostle alone in Athens. — Greek Religion. — The un- 
known God.—Greek Philosophy.— The Stoics and Epicureans. — Later 
Period of the Schools. —St. Paul in the Agora. — The Shas —_ rae 
of St. Paul.— Departure from Athens 5 - - 5 . 


CHAPTER XI. 


Letters to Thessalonica written from Corinth. — Expulsion of the Jews from 
Rome. — Aquila and Priscilla. — St. Paul’s Labors.— Arrival of Timothy 
and Silas.— First Epistle to the Thessalonians. — St. Paul is opposed by 
the Jews, and turns to the Gentiles. — His Vision. — Second Epistle to the 
Thessalonians. — Continued Residence in Corinth : : 


CHAPTER XII. 


The Isthmus and Acrocorinthus.— Early History of Corinth.—Its Trade and 
Wealth. — Corinth under the Romans. — Province of Achaia. — Gallio the 
Governor.— Tumult at Corinth. — Cenchrea. Tobias by me to 
Cesarea.— Visit to Jerusalem.— Antioch . - : : 


CHAPTER XIII. 


The Spiritual Gifts, Constitution, Ordinances, Divisions, and Heresies of the 
Primitive Church in the Lifetime of St. Paul 2 : 5 Z 


CHAPTER XIV. 


Departure from Antioch. — St. Paul’s Companions. — Journey through Phrygia 
and Galatia. — Apollos at Ephesus and Corinth. — Arrival of St. Paul at 
Ephesus. — Disciples of John the Baptist. — The Synagogue. — The School 
of Tyrannus.—Ephesian Magic. — Miracles. — The Exorcists. — Burning 
of the Books . . : - 2 - : - 5 : ; . 


CHAPTER XV. 


St. Paul pays a short Visit to Corinth. — Returns to Ephesus. — Writes a Let- 
ter to the Corinthians, which is now lost.— They reply, desiring further 
Explanations. — State of the Corinthian Church.—St. Paul writes the 
First Epistle to the Corinthians - * : - 


CHAPTER XVI. 


Description of Ephesus. — Temple of Diana: her Image and Worship. — Politi- 
‘al Constitution of Ephesus. — The Asiarchs.— Demetrius and the Silver- 
amiths. — Tumult in the Theatre. — Speech of the Town-Clerk. — St. Paul’s 
Departure : 5 : : : Z 2 . - : 3 : 


. 246 


S 
7) 


. 333 


. 357 


. 372 


- 402 


. 418 


46] 


Xx CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER XVII. 


St. Paul at Troas. — He passes over to Macedonia. — Causes of his Dejection. — 
He meets Titus at Philippi.— Writes the Second Epistle to the Corinthians. 
— Collection for the poor Christians in Judea.— Liberality of the Mace- 
donians. — Titus. — Journey by Illyricum to Greece . ° F ° . 


CHAPTER XVIII. 


St. Paul’s Return to Corinth. — Contrast with his First Visit. — Bad news from 
Galatia. — He writes the Epistle to the Galatians " P - ‘ ° 


CHAPTER XIX. 


St. Paul at Corinth.— Punishment of contumacious Offenders. — Subsequent 
Character of the Corinthian Church.— Completion of the Collection. — 
Pheebe’s Journey to Rome. — She bears the Epistle to the Romans . ° 


CHAPTER XxX. 


Isthmian Games. — Route through Macedonia. — Voyage from Philippi. — Sun- 
day at Troas. — Assos. — Voyage by Mitylene and Trogyllium to Miletus.— 
Speech to the Bphesian Presbyters. — Voyage by Cos and Rhodes to Patara. 
— Thence to Phenicia. — Christians at Tyre. — Ptolemais. — Events at Czs- 
area. — Arrival at Jerusalem . : e 2 ° ° ° . . ° 


CHAPTER XXI. 


Reception at Jerusalem. — Assembling of the Presbyters. — Advice given to St. 
Paul. — The Four Nazarites. — St. Paul seized at the Festival.— The Tem- 
ple and the Garrison.— Hebrew Speech on the Stairs.—The Centurion 
and the Chief Captain.— St. Paul before the Sanhedrin. —The Pharisees 
and Sadducees. — Vision in the Castle. — Conspiracy. —— St. Paul’s Nephew. 
—Letter of Claudius Lysias to Felix. ee hie Journey to > ee — 
Cesarea 3 . 5 ° . . . . . ° 


CHAPTER XXII 


History of Judea resumed. — Roman Governors. — Felix. — Troops quartered in 
Palestine. — Description of Cxsarea.— St. Paul accused there. — Speech 
before Feliz.— Continued Imprisonment. — Accession of Festus. — Appeal 
to the Emperor.— Speech before Agrippa . “ e - : ° 


CHAPTER XXIII. 


Ships and Navigation of the Ancients.— Roman Commerce in the Mediterra- 
nean. — Corn-Trade between Alexandria and Puteoli.— Travellers by Sea.— 
St. Paul’s Voyage from Cesarea, by Sidon, to Myra.— From Myra, by 
Cnidus and Cape Salmone, to Fair Havens. — Phenix.— The Storm. — 
Seamanship during the Gale.—St. Paul’s Vision.— Anchoring in the 
Night. — Shipwreck. — Proof that it took Place in Malta.— Winter in the 
Island. — Objections considered. Moe eee by ier and Rhegium, to 
Putedli . . : . ° . . 


CHAPTER XXIV. 


The fr am Way.— Appii Forum and the Three Taverns.— Entrance into 
Rome. — The Pretorian Prefect.— Description of the City.—Its Popals- 

tion. — The Jews in Rome.— The Roman Church.—St. Paul’s ipo iic=! 
with the Jews. — His Residence in Rame ‘ } e rg 


478 


518 


539 


585 


620 


652 


677 


726 


See 


CONTENTS. XXII 


CHAPTER XXY. 


Delay of St. Paul’s Trial.— His Occupations and Companions during his Im- 
prisonment. — He writes the Epistle to Philemon, the Hpistle to the Colos- 
sians, and the Epistle to the Ephesians (so called) : 3 - . 


CHAPTER XXVI. 


The Pretorium and the Palatine. — Arrival of Epaphroditus. — Political Events 
at Rome.— Octavia and Poppra.—St. Paul writes the Hpistle to the 
Philippians. — He makes Converts in the Imperial Household b 5 . 


CHAPTER XXVII. 


Authorities for St. Paul’s subsequent History.— His Appeal is heard. — His 
Acquittal.— He goes from Rome to Asia Minor. — Thence to Spain, where 
he resides two Years. — He returns to Asia Minor and Macedonia. — Writes 
the First Epistle to Timotheus.— Visits Crete.— Writes the Epistle to 
Titus. —He winters at Nicopolis.— He is again imprisoned at Rome. — 
Progress of his Trial. — He writes the Second Epistle to Timotheus.— 
His Condemnation and Death 4 : . - : C - ° ° 


CHAPTER XXVIII. 


The Epistle to the Hebrews. — Its Inspiration not affected by the Doubts concern- 
ing its Authorship. — Ics Original Readers. — Conflicting Testimony of the 
Primitive Church concerning its Author.— His Object in writing it.— 
Translation of the Epistle . fe 5 5 cS ° ° ° ° ° 


APPENDICES. 


ApprenpIx I.— (On the Chronology of Gal. ii.) “ . ° ° e ° 
APPENDIX II.— (On the Date of the Pastoral Epistles) . ° 6 e e 
Appenpix III.— (Chronological Table and Notes) . ° ° Fy ° ® 


INDEX ° ° ° e ° e ° e e ® e e « ® 


. 744 


779 


799 


848 





THE © 


LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


(ee ee 


CHA PTE ie 


Breat Men of Great Periods. — Period of Christ’s Apostles. — Jews, Greeks, and Remana 
— Religious Civilization of the Jews.— Their History and its Relation to that of the 
World. — Heathen Preparation for the Gospel. — Character and Language of the Greeks. — 
Alexander. — Antioch and Alexandria. — Growth and Government of the Roman Empire. 
— Misery of Italy and the Provinces.— Preparation in the Empire for Christianity. — 
Dispersion of the Jews in Asia, Africa, and Europe. — Proselytes. — Provinces of Cilicia 
and Judwa.— Their Geography and History.— Cilicia under the Romans. — Tarsus. — 
Cicero. — Political Changes in Jud#a.— Herod and his Family. — The Roman Governors. 
— Conclusion. 


HE life of s great man, in a great period of the world’s history, isa 
subject to command the attention of every thoughtful mind. 
Alexander on his Eastern expedition, spreading the civilization of Greece 
over the Asiatic and African shores of the Mediterranean Sea, — Julius 
Cesar contending against the Gauls, and subduing the barbarism of 
Western Europe to the order and discipline of Roman government, — 
Charlemagne compressing the separating atoms of the feudal world, 
and reviving for a time the image of imperial unity, — Columbus sailing 
westward over the Atlantic to discover a new world which might receive 
the arts and religion of the old,— Napoleon on his rapid campaigns, 
shattering the ancient system of European States, and leaving a chasm 
between our present and the past:— these are the colossal figures of 
history, which stamp with the impress of their personal greatness the 
centuries in which they lived. 

The interest with which we look upon such men is natural and im 
evitable, even when we are deeply conscious that, in their character 
and their work, evil was mixed up in large proportions with the good, 
and when we find it difficult to discover the providential design which 


drew the features of their respective epochs. But this natural fecling 
1 we 1 


2 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. cBar * 


rises into something higher, if we can be assured that the period we 
contemplate was designedly prepared for great results, that the work 
we admire was a work of unmixed good, and the man whose actions we 
follow was an instrument specially prepared by the hands of Gop. 
Such a period was that in which the civilized world was united under 
the first Roman emperors: such a work was the first preaching of the 
Gospel: and such a man was Paul of Tarsus. 

Before we enter upon the particulars of his life and the history of his 
work, it is desirable to say something, in this introductory chapter, cou- 
cerning the general features of the age which was prepared for him. 
We shall not attempt any minute delineation of the institutions and 
social habits of the period. Many of these will be brought before us 
in detail in the course of the present work. We shall only notice here 
those circumstances in the state of the world, which seem to bear the 
traces of a providential pre-arrangement. 

Casting this general view on the age of the first Roman emperors, 
which was also the age of Jesus Curist and His Apostles, we find our 
attention arrested by three great varieties of national life. The Jew, 
the Greek, and the Roman appear to divide the world between them. 
The outward condition of Jerusalem itself, at this epoch, might be 
taken as a type of the civilized world. Herod the Great, who rebuilt 
the Temple, had erected, for Greek and Roman entertainments, a theatre 
‘within the same walls, and an amphitheatre in the neighboring plain.’ 
His coins, and those of his grandson Agrippa, bore Greek inscriptions : 
that piece of money, which was brought to our Saviour (Matt. xxii., 
Mark xii., Luke xx.), was the silver Denarius, the “image” was that 
of the emperor, the “superscription” was in Latin: and at the same 
time when the common currency consisted of such pieces as these, — 
since 2oins with the images of men or with Heathen symbols would 
have been a profanation to the “ Treasury,’’ — there might be found on 
the tables of the money-changers in the Temple, shekels and half-shekels 
with Samaritan letters, minted under the Maccabees. Greek and Roman 
names were borne by multitudes of those Jews who came up to worship 
at the festivals. Greek and Latin words were current in the popular 
“ Hebrew ” of the day: and while this Syro-Chaldaic dialect was spoken 
by the mass of the people with the tenacious affection of old custom, 
Greek had long been well known among the upper classes in the larger 
towns, and Latin was used in the courts of law, and in the official 


1 Josern. Ant. xv. 8, 1. War, i. 21, 8. Jewish War, will be very frequent. (ccs 
Onur reference to the two great works of sionally also we shall refer to hie J/i* and 
Josephus, the Jewish Antiquities, and the his discourse against Apion. 


CHAP. I, JEWS, GREEKS, AND ROMANS. a 


correspondence of magistrates. On a critical occasion of St. Paul’s life,’ 
when he was standing on the stair between the Temple and the fortress, 
he first spoke to the commander of the garrison in Greek, and then 
turned round and addressed his countrymen in Hebrew; while the letter? 
of Claudius Lysias was written, and the oration® of Tertullus spoken, 
in Latin. We are told by the historian Josephus,* that on a parapet of 
stone in the Temple area, where a flight of fourteen steps led up from the 
outer to the inner court, pillars were placed at equal distances, with 
notices, some in Greek and some in Latin, that no alien should enter 
the sacred enclosure of the Hebrews. And we are told by two of the 
Evangelists, that when our blessed Saviour was crucified, “the super- 
scription of his accusation” was written above His cross “in letters of 
Hebrew, and Greek, and Latin.” 

The condition of the world in general at that period wears a similar 
appearance to a Christian’s eye. He sees the Greek and Roman ele 
menis brought into remarkable union with the older and more sacred 
element of Judaism. He sees in the Hebrew people a divinely-laid 
foundation for the superstructure of the Church, and in the dispersion 
of the Jews a soil made ready in fitting places for the seed of the Gospel. 
He sees in the spread of the language and commerce of the Greeks, and 
in the high perfection of their poetry and philosophy, appropriate means 
for the rapid communication of Christian ideas, and for bringing them 
into close connection with the best thoughts of unassisted humanity. And 
he sees in the union of so many incoherent provinces under the law and 
government of Rome, a strong framework which might keep together for 
a sufficient period those masses of social life which the Gospel was in- 
tended to pervade. The City of God is built at the confluence of three 
civilizations. We recognize with gratitude the hand of God in the his 
tory of His world: and we turn with devout feeling to trace the course 
of these three streams of civilized life, from their early source to the 
time of their meeting in the Apostolic age. 

We need not linger about the fountains of the national life of the Jews. 
We know that they gushed forth at first, and flowed in their appointed 
channels, at the command of God. The call of Abraham, when one 
family was chosen to keep and hand down the deposit of divine truth, 
— the series of providences which brought the ancestors of the Jews into 
Egypt, —the long captivity on the banks of the Nile, —the work of Moses, 


1 Acts xxi. xxii 5 Acts xxiv. Dean Milman (Bampion 
2 Acts xxiii. A document of this kind, Lectures, p. 185) has remarked on the peculiar. 
sent with a prisoner by a subordinate to a ly Latin character of Tertullus’s address. 
superior officer, would almost certainly be in * War, v. 5,2. Compare vi. 2, 4. 
Latin. & Luke xxiii. 38; John xix. 20. 


4 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. omar. t 


whereby the bondsmen were made into a nation,—all these things are 
represented in the Old Testament as occurring under the immediate 
direction of Almighty power. The people of Israel were taken out of the 
midst of an idolatrous world, to become the depositaries of a purer knowl- 
edge of the one true God than was given to any other people. Ata time 
when (humanly speaking) the world could hardly have preserved a spirit- 
ual religion in its highest purity, they received a divine revelation 
enshrined in symbols and ceremonies, whereby it might be safely kept 
till the time of its development in a purer and more heavenly form. 

The peculiarity of the Hebrew civilization did not consist in the cul- 
ture of the imagination and intellect, like that of the Greeks, nor in the 
organization of government, like that of Rome, — but its distinguishing 
feature was Leligion. To say nothing of the Scriptures, the prophets, 
the miracles of the Jews, — their frequent festivals, their constant sacri- 
fices, — every thing in their collective and private life was connected with 
a revealed religion: their wars, their heroes, their poetry, had a sacred 
character, — their national code was full of the details of public worship, 
— their ordinary employments were touched at every point by divinely- 
appointed and significant ceremonies. Nor was this religion, as were the 
religions of the Heathen world, a creed which could not be the common 
property of the instructed and the ignorant. It was neither a recondite 
philosophy which might not be communicated to the masses of the peo 
ple, nor a weak superstition, controlling the conduct of the lower classes, 
and ridiculed by the higher. The religion of Moses was for the use of 
all and the benefit of all. The poorest peasant of Galilee had the same 
part in it as the wisest Rabbi of Jerusalem. The children of all families 
were taught to claim their share in the privileges of the chosen people. 

_ And how different was the nature of this religion from that of the 

contemporary Gentiles! The pious feelings of the Jew were not dissipated 
and distracted by a fantastic mythology, where a thousand different 
objects of worship, with contradictory attributes, might claim the 
attention of the devout mind. “One God,” the Creator and Judge of 
the world, and the Author of all good, was the only object of adoration. 
And there was nothing of that wide separation between religion and 
morality, which among other nations was the road to all impurity. The 
will and approbation of Jehovah was the motive and support of all holi- 
ness: faith in His word was the power which raised men above their 
natural weakness: while even the divinities of Greece and Rome were 
often the personifications of human passions, and the example and sane- 
tion of vice. And stall further: — the devotional scriptures of the Jews 
express that heartfelt sense of infirmity and sin, that peculiar spirit 
ef prayer, that real communion with God, with which the Christian, in 


quar. L RELIGIOUS CIVILIZATION OF THE JEWS. § 


his best moments, has the truest sympathy.’ So that, while the best 
hymns of Greece* are-only mythological pictures, and the literature of 
Heathen Rome hardly produces any thing which can be called a prayer, 
the Hebrew psalms have passed into the devotions of the Christian 
Church. There is a light on all the mountains of Judga which never 
shone on Olympus or Parnassus: and the “Hill of Zion,” in which 
“it pleased God to dwell,” is the type of “the joy of the whole 
sarth,”* while the seven hills of Rome are the symbol of tyranny 
and idolatry. ‘He showed His word unto Jacob,— His statutes and 
ordinances unto Israel. He dealt not so with any nation; neither had 
the Heathen knowledge of His laws.’’* 

But not only was a holy religion the characteristic of the civilization 
of the Jews, but their religious feelings were directed to something in 
the future, and all the circumstances of their national life tended to fix 
their thoughts on One that was to come. By types and by promises, 
their eyes were continually turned towards a Messiah. Their history 
was a continued prophecy. All the great stages of their national exist 
ence were accompanied by effusions of prophetic light. Abraham was 
called from his father’s house, and it was revealed that in him “ all fami- 
lies of the earth should be blessed.”’ Moses formed Abraham’s descend- 
ants into a people, by giving them a law and national institutions; but 
while so doing he spake before of Him who was hereafter to be raised up 
‘“‘a Prophet like unto himself.” David reigned, and during that reign, 
which made so deep and lasting an impression on the Jewish mind, 
psalms were written which spoke of the future King. And with the 
approach of that captivity, the pathetic recollection of which became per- 
petual, the prophecies took a bolder range, and embraced within their 
widening circle the redemption both of Jews and Gentiles. Thus the 
pious Hebrew was always, as it-were, in the attitude of expectation: and 
it has been well remarked that, while the golden age of the Greeks and 
Romans was the past, that of the Jews was the future. While other 
nations were growing weary of their gods, — without any thing in their 
mythology or philosophy to satisfy the deep cravings of their nature, — 
with religion operating rather as a barrier than a link between the edu- 
cated and the ignorant,— with morality divorced from theology, — the 
whole Jewish people were united in a feeling of attachment to their 


1 Neander observes that it has been justly 
remarked that the distinctive peculiarity of the 
Hebrew nation frem the very first, was, that 
conscience Was mere alive among them than any 
ether people. 

® There are some exceptions, as in the hymn 
of the Stoic Cleanthes, who was born at Assos 


350 years before St. Panl was there; yet & 
breathes the sentiment rather of acquiescence 


. in the determinations of Fate, than of resigna 


tion to the goodness of Providence. Ses ou 
Acts xvii. 28. 

3 Ps. xlviii. 2, Lxviii 16. 

* Ps. exlvii 19, 20. 


8 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL, CHAP. 1, 


sacred institutions, and found in the facts of their past history a pledge 
ef the fulfilment of their national hopes. 

It is true that the Jewish nation, again and again, during several cen- 
‘aries, fell into idolatry. It is true that their superiority to other nations 
gonsisted in the light which they possessed, and not in the use which they 
made of it; and that a carnal life continually dragged them down from 
the spiritual eminence on which they might have stood. But the Divine 
purposes were not frustrated. The chosen people were subjected to the 
chastisement and discipline of severe sufferings: and they were fitted by 
a long training for the accomplishment of that work, to the conscious per- 
formance of which they did not willingly rise. They were hard pressed 
in their own country by the incursions of their idolatrous neighbors, and 
in the end they were carried into a distant captivity. From the time of 
their return from Babylon they were no longer idolaters. They presented 
to the world the example of a pure Monotheism. And in the active times 
which preceded and followed the birth of Christ, those Greeks or Romans 
who visited the Jews in their own land where they still lingered at the 
portals of the East, and those vast numbers of proselytes whom the dis- 
persed Jews had gathered round them in various countries, were made 
fa oniliar with the worship of one God and Father of all. 

The influence of the Jews upon the Heathen world was exercised — 
m inly through their dispersion: but this subject must be deferred for 
a few pages, till we have examined some of the developments of the 
Gz eek and Roman nationalities. A few words, however, may be allowed 
in pass ng, upon the consequences of the geographical position of Judea. 

The situation of this little but eventful country is such, that its in- 
ha ita ts were brougt* into contact successively with all the civilized na- 
tions of antiquity. Not to dwell upon its proximity to Egypt on the one 
hand, and to Assyria on the other, and the influences which those ancient 
kingdoms may thereby have exercised or received, Palestine lay in the 
road of Alexander’s Eastern expedition. The Greek conqueror was 
there before he founded his mercantile metropolis in Egypt, and thence 
went to India, to return and die at Babylon. And again, when his 
empire was divided, and Greek kingdoms were erected in Europe, Asia, 
and Africa, Palestine lay between the rival monarchies of the Ptolemies 
at Alexandria and the Seleucids at Antioch,—too near to both to be 
safe from the invasion of their arms or the influence of their customs 
and their language. And finally, when the time came for the Romans to 


1 Humboldt has remarked, in the chapter of Monotheism, and portrays nature, not as 
en Poetic Descriptions of Nature (Kosmos,  self-subsisting, but ever in relation to a Higher 
Sabine’s Eng. trans., vol. ii. p. 44), that the Power. 
aescriptive poetry of the Hebrews is a reflex 


CHAP. I, CHARACTER AND LANGUAGE OF THE GREEKS. 7 


embrace the whole of the Mediterranean within the circle of their power, 
the coast-line of Judza was the last remote portion which was needed 
to complete the fated circumference.' 

The full effect of this geographical position of Judza can only be 
seen by following the course of Greek and Roman life, till they were 
brought so remarkably into contact with each other, and with that of 
the Jews: and we turn to those other tw nations of antiquity, th 
steps of whose progress were successive stages in what is called in the 
Hpistle to the Ephesians (i.10) “the dispensation of the fulness of 
time.” 

If we think of the civilization of the Greeks, we have no difficulty in 
‘xing on its chief characteristics. High perfection of the intellect and 
imagination, displaying itself in all the various forms of art, poetry, lit- 
erature, and philosophy — restless activity of mind and body, finding its 
exercise in athletic games or in subtle disputations — love of the beauti- 
ful — quick perception — indefatigable inquiry —all these enter into the 
very idea of the Greek race. This is not the place to inquire how far 
these qualities were due to an innate peculiarity, or how far they grew up, 
by gradual development, amidst the natural influences of their native” 
country, —the variety of their hills and plains, the clear lights and 
warm shadows of their climate, the mingled land and water of their coasts. 
We have only to do with this national character so far as, under divine 
Providence, it was made subservient to the spread of the Gospel. 

We shall see how remarkably it subserved this purpose, if we consider 
the tendency of the Greeks to trade and colonization. Their mental ac- 
tivity was accompanied with a great physical restlessness. This clever 
people always exhibited a disposition to spread themselves. Without 
aiming at universal conquest, they displayed (if we may use the word) a 
‘remarkable catholicity of character, and a singular power of adaptation 
to those whom they called Barbarians.? In this respect they were 
strongly contrasted with the Egyptians, whose immemorial civilization 
was confined to the long valley which extends from the cataracts to the 
mouths of the Nile. Tie Hellenic® tribes, on the other hand, though 
they despised foreigners, were never unwilling to visit them and to cul- 
tivate their acquaintance. At the earliest period at which history en- 


' For reflections on the geographical posi- 
tion of Palestine in relation to its history, see 
Stanley’s Sinai and Palestine, Kurtz’s History 
of the Old Covenant (in Clark’s “Foreigu 
Theological Library ”’), and the Quarterly Re- 
view for October, 1859. 

2 In the N. T. the word “ barbarian” is 
ased in its strict classical sense, ¢.e. for a man 


who does not speak Greek. See Acts xxviii. 
2,4; Rom.i 14; 1 Cor. xiv. 11; Col. iii. 11. 

8 “Hellenic” and “ Hellenistic,” corre- 
sponding respectively to the “Greek” and 
~ Grecian” of the Authorized Version, are 
words which we must often use. See p. 10, 
a. 3. 


8 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8ST. PAUL. cular. & 


ables us to discover them, we see them moving about in their ships on 
the shores and among the islands of their native seas; and, three or four 
eenturies before the Christian era, Asia Minor, beyond which the Per- 
sians had not been permitted to advance, was bordered by a fringe of 
Greek colonies; and Lower Italy, when the Roman republic was just 
beginning to be conscious of its strength, had received the name of 
Greece itself! To all these places they carried their arts and literature, 
their philosophy, their mythology, and their amusements. They carried 
also their arms and their trade. The heroic age had passed away, and 
fabulous voyages had given place to real expeditions against Sicily and 
constant traffic with the Black Sea. They were gradually taking the 
place of the Phenicians in the empire of the Mediterranean. They 
were, indeed, less exclusively mercantile than those old discoverers. 
Their voyages were not so long. But their influence on general civiliza- 
tion was greater and more permanent. The earliest ideas of scientific 
navigation and geography are due to the Greeks. The later Greek tray- 
ellers, Strabo and Pausanias, will be our best sources of information op 
the topography of St. Paul’s journeys. 

With this view of the Hellenic character before us, we are prepared 
to appreciate the vast results of Alexander’s conquests. He took up the 
meshes of the net of Greek civilization, whick:were lying in disorder on 
the edges of the Asiatic shore, and spread them over all the countries 
which he traversed in his wonderful campaigns. The Hast and the 
West were suddenly brought together. Separated tribes were united 
under a common government. New cities were built, as the centres of 
political life. New lines of communication were opened, as the channels 
of commercial activity. The new culture penetrated the mountain 
ranges of Pisidia and Lycaonia. The Tigris and Euphrates became 
Greek rivers. The language of Athens was heard among the Jewish 
colonies of Babylonia; and a Grecian Babylon* was built by the con- 
queror in Egypt, and called by his name. 

The empire of Alexander was divided, but the effects of his cam- 
paigns and policy did not cease. The influence of the fresh elements 
of social life was rather increased by being brought into independent ac- 
tion within the spheres of distinct kingdoms. Our attention is particu- 
larly called to two of the monarchical lines, which descended from Alex- 
ander’s generals, —the Ptolemies, or the Greek kings of Egypt, — and 
the Seloucids, or the Greek kings of Syria. Their respective capitals, 
Alexandria and Antioch, became the metropolitan centres of commer 
cial and civilized life in the East. They rose suddenly; and their ver; 


1 Magna Grecia. * Alexandria. 


a@me?. ANTIOCH AND ALEXANDRIA. $ 


appearance marked them as the cities of a new epoch. Like Berlin and 
St. Petersburg, they were modern cities built by great kings at a defi- 
nite time and fora definite purpose. Their histories are no unimportant 
chapters in the history of the world. Both of them were connected 
with St. Paul: one indirectly, as the birthplace of Apollos; the other 
directly, as the scene of some of the most important passages of the 
Apostle’s own life. Both abounded in Jews from their first foundation. 
Both became the residence of Roman governors, and both afterwards 
were patriarchates of the primitive Church. But before they had re 
ceived either the Roman discipline or the Christian doctrine, they had 
served their appointed purpose of spreading the Greek language and 
habits, of creating new lines of commercial intercourse by land and sea, 
and of centralizing in themselves the mercantile life of the Levant. 
Even the Acts of the Apostles remind us of the traffic of Antioch with 
Cyprus and the neighboring coasts, and of the sailing of Alexandrian 
corn-ships to the more distant harbors of Malta and Puteoli. 

Of all the Greek elements which the cities of Antioch and Alexandria 
were the means of circulating, the spread of the language is the most im- 
portant. Its connection with the whole system of Christian doctrine — 
with many of the controversies and divisions of the Church — is very 
momentous. That language, which is the richest and most delicate that 
the world has seen, became the language of theology. The Greek 
tongue became to the Christian more than it had been to the Roman or 
the Jew. The mother-tongue of Ignatius at Antioch, was that in which 
Philo’ composed his treaties at Alexandria, and which Cicero spoke at 
Athens. It is difficult to state in a few words the important relation 
which Alexandria more especially was destined to bear to the whole 
Christian Church. In that city, the representative of the Greeks of the 
East, where the most remarkable fusion took place of the peculiarities of 
Greek, Jewish, and Oriental life, and at the time when all these had 
been brought in contact with the mind of educated Romans, —a theo 
logical language was formed, rich in the phrases of various schools, and 
suited to convey Christian ideas to all the world. It was not an acci- 
dent that the New Testament was written in Greek, the language which 
can best express the highest thoughts and worthiest feelings of the in- 
tellect and heart, and which is adapted to be the instrument of education 
for all nations: nor was it an accident that the composition of these 
books and the promulgation of the Gospel were delayed, till the instruc 
tion of our Lord, and the writings of His Apostles, could be expressed in 
the dialectof Alexandria. This, also, must be ascribed to the foreknow!- 


1 We shall frequently have oceasion to was a contemporary of &t Peal See 
mention this learned Alexandrian Jew. He p. SM. 


10 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. cHaP. L 


edge of Him, who “ winked at the times of ignorance,” but who “ made 
of one blood all nations of men for to dwell on all the face of the earth, 
and determined the times before appointed, and the bounds of their 
habitation.” ? 

We do not forget that the social condition of the Greeks had been 
falling, during this period, into the lowest corruption. The disastrous 
quarrels of Alexander’s generals had been continued among their suc- 
cessors. Political integrity was lost. The Greeks spent their life in 
worthless and frivolous amusements. Their religion, though beautiful 
beyond expression as giving subjects for art and poetry, was utterly 
powerless, and worse than powerless, in checking their bad propensities. 
Their philosophers were sophists ; their women might be briefly divided 
into two classes, — those who were highly educated and openly profii- 
gate on the one side, and those who lived in domestic and ignorant 
seclusion on the other. And it cannot be denied that all these causes 
of degradation spread with the diffusion of the race and the language. 
Like Sybaris and Syracuse, Antioch and Alexandria became almost 
worse than Athens and Corinth. But the very diffusion and develop- 
ment of this corruption was preparing the way, because it showed the 
necessity, for the interposition of a Gospel. The disease itself seemed 
to call for a Healer. And if the prevailing evils of the Greek popula- 
tion presented obstacles, on a large scale, to the progress of Christianity, 
—yet they showed to all future time the weakness of man’s highest 
powers, if unassisted from above; and there must have been many who 
groaned under the burden of a corruption which they could not shake 
off, and who were ready to welcome the voice of Him, who “ took our 
infirmities, and bare our sicknesses.”* The “Greeks,”’* who are 
mentioned by St. John as coming to see JEsuS at the feast, were, we 
trust, the types of a large class; and we may conceive His answer to 
Andrew and Philip as expressing the fulfilment of the appointed times 
in the widest sense—‘‘The hour is come, that the Son of Man should 
be glorified.” 

Such was the civilization and corruption connected with the spread of 
the Greek language when the Roman power approached to the eastern 
parts of the Mediterranean Sea. For some centuries this irresistible 
force had been gathering strength on the western side of the Apennines. 
Gradually, but surely, and with ever-increasing rapidity, it made to 


1 Acts xvii. 30, 26. for a Hellenist, or Grecizing Jew — as in Acts © 

2 Matt. viii. 17. vi. 1, ix. 29 — while the word “ Greek” is used 

* John xii. 20. It ought to be observed for one who was by birth a Gentile, and who 
here, that the word “ Grecian” in the Author- might, or might not, be a proselyte to Judsism, 
ized Version of the New Testament is used or a convert to Christianity. 


Gar, 1. GROWTH OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. ij 


itself a wider space—northward into Ktruria, southward into Campania. 
It passed beyond its Italian boundaries. And six hundred years after 
the building of the City, the Roman eagle had seized on Africa at the 
point of Carthage, and Greece at the Isthmus of Corinth, and had turned 
its eye towards the Hast. The defenceless prey was made secure, by 
eraft or by war; and before the birth of our Saviour, all those coasts, 
from Ephesus to Tarsus and Antioch, and round by the Holy Land to 
Alexandria and Cyrene, were tributary to the city of the Tiber. We 
have to describe in a few words the characteristics of this new dominion, 
and to point out its providential connection with the spread and consoli- 
dation of the Church. 

In the first place, this dominion was not a pervading influence exerted 
by a restless and intellectual people, but it was the grasping power of an 
external government. The idea of law had grown up with the growth 
of the Romans; and wherever they went they carried it with them. 
Wherever their armies were marching or encamping, there always 
attended them, like a mysterious presence, the spirit of the City of 
Rome. Universal conquest and permanent occupation were the ends at 
which they aimed. Strength and organization were the characteristics 
of their sway. We have seen how the Greek science and commerce 
were wafted, by irregular winds, from coast to coast: and now we follow 
the advance of legions, governors, and judges along the Roman Roads, 
which pursued their undeviating course over plains and mountains, and 
bound the City to the furthest extremities of the provinces. 

There is no better way of obtaining a clear view of the features and a 
correct idea of the spirit of the Roman age, than by considering the 
material works which still remain as its imperishable monuments. 
Whether undertaken by the hands of the government, or for the osten- 
tation of private luxury, they were marked by vast extent and accom- 
plished at an enormous expenditure. The gigantic roads of the Empire 
have been unrivalled till the present century. Solid structures of all 
kinds, for utility, amusement, and worship, were erected in Italy and the 
provinces, — amphitheatres of stone, magnificent harbors, bridges, sepul- 
chres, and temples. The decoration of wealthy houses was celebrated by 
the poets of the day. The pomp of buildings in the cities was rivalled 
by astonishing villas in the country. The enormous baths, by which 
travellers are surprised, belong to a period somewhat later than that of 
St. Paul; but the aqueducts, which still remain in the Campagna, were 
some of them new when he visited Rome. Of the metropolis itself it may 
be enough to say, that his life is exactly embraced between its two great 
times of renovation, that of Augustus on the one hand, who (to use his 
own expression) having found it a city of brick left it a city of marble, 


12 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. omar. 4. 


and that of Nero on the other, when the great conflagration afforded am 
opportunity for a new arrangement of its streets and buildings. 

These great works may be safely taken as emblems of the magnitude, 
strength, grandeur, and solidity of the Empire; but they are emblems, 
no less, of the tyranny and cruelty which had presided over its formation, 
and of the general suffering which pervaded it. The statues, with which 
the metropolis and the Roman houses were profusely decorated, had been 
brought from plundered provinces, and many of them had swelled the 
triumphs of conquerors on the Capitol. The amphitheatres were built 
for shows of gladiators, and were the scenes of a bloody cruelty, which 
had been quite unknown in the licentious exhibitions of the Greek thea- 
tre. The roads, baths, harbors, aqueducts, had been constructed by 
slave-labor. And the country villas, which the Italian traveller lingered 
to admire, were themselves vast establishments of slaves. 

It is easy to see how much misery followed in the train of Rome’s 
advancing greatness. Cruel suffering was a characteristic feature of the 
close of the Republic. Slave wars, civil wars, wars of conquest, had left 
their disastrous results behind them. No country recovers rapidly from 
the effects of a war which has been conducted within its frontier; and 
there was no district of the Empire which had not been the scene of 
some recent campaign. None had suffered more than Italy herself. Its 
old stock of freemen, who had cultivated its fair plains and terraced vine- 
yards, was utterly worn out. The general depopulation was badly com- 
pensated by the establishment of military colonies. inordinate wealth 
and slave factories were the prominent features of the desolate prospect. 
The words of the great historian may fill up the picture. “ As regards 
the manners and mode of life of the Romans, their great object at this 
time was the acquisition and possession of money. Their moral conduct, 
which had been corrupt enough before the Social war, became still more 
so by their systematic plunder and rapine. Immense riches were accumu- 
lated and squandered upon brutal pleasures. The simplicity of the old 
manners and mode of living had been abandoned for Greek luxuries and 
frivolities, and the whole household arrangements had become altered. 
The Roman houses had formerly been quite simple, and were built either 
of bricks or peperino, but in most cases of the former material; now, 
on the other hand, every one would live in a splendid house and be sur 
rounded by luxuries. The condition of Italy after the Social and Civii 
wars was indescribably wretched. Samnium had become almost a dea 
ert; and as late as the time of Strabo there was scarcely any town in 
that country which was not in ruins. But worse things were yet te 
come.**! 


1 Niebuhr’s Lectures on the History of Rome, vol. i. pp. 421, 423. 


mar, i MISERY OF ITALY AND THE PROVINCES. 18 


This disastrous condition was not confined to Italy. In some respects 
the provinces had their own peculiar sufferings. To take the case of 
Asia Minor. It had been plundered and ravaged by successive generals, 
— by Scipio in the war against Antiochus of Syria,—by Manlius in his 
Galatian campaign, — by Pompey in the struggle with Mithridates. The 
rapacity of governors and their officials followed that of generals and their 
armies. We know what Cilicia suffered under Dolabella and his agent 
Verres: and Cicero reveals to us the oppression of his predecessor Ap- 
pius in the same province, contrasted with his own boasted clemency. 
Some portions of this beautiful and inexhaustible country revived under 
the emperors.! But it was only an outward prosperity. Whatever may 
have been the improvement in the external details of provincial govern- 
ment, we cannot believe that governors were gentle and forbearing, when 
Caligula was on the throne, and when Nero was seeking statues for his 
golden house. The contempt in which the Greek provincials themselves 
were held by the Romans may be learnt from the later correspondence 
of the Emperor Trajan with Pliny the governor of Bithynia. We need 
not hesitate to take it for granted, that those who were sent from Rome 
_ to dispense justice at Ephesus or Tarsus, were more frequently like Ap- 
pius and Verres, than Cicero? and Flaccus,— more like Pilate and Felix, 
than Gallio or Sergius Paulus. 

It would be a delusion to imagine that, when the world was reduced 
under one sceptre, any real principle of unity held its different parts 
together. The emperor was deified,? because men were enslaved. There 
was no true peace when Augustus closed the Temple of Janus. The 
Empire was only the order of external government, with a chaos both of 
opinions and morals within. The writings of Tacitus and Juvenal remain 
to attest the corruption which festered in all ranks, alike in the senate 
and the family. The old severity of manners, and the old faith in the 
better part of the Roman religion, were gone. The licentious creeds and 
practices of Greece and the East had inundated Italy and the West: 
and the Pantheon was only the monument of a compromise among a 


1 Niebuhr’s Lect. on Hist. of Rome, vol. i. ® The image of the emperor was at that 


p- £06, and the note. 

7 Much of our best information concerning 
the state of the provinces is derived from 
Cicero’s celebrated “‘ Speeches against Verres,” 
and his own Cilician Correspondence, to which 
we shall again have occasion to refer. His 
“ Speech in Defence of Flaccus ” throws much 
light on the condition of the Jews under the 
Bomans. We must not place teo much confi- 
dence in the picture there given ef this Ephe- 
sian governer. 


time the object of religious reverence: he was 
a deity on earth (Dis equa potestas, Juv. iv. 
71); and the worship paid to him was a real 
worship. It is a striking thought, that im 
those times (setting aside effete forms of reli 
gion), the only two genuine worships in the civ- 
ilized world were the worship of a Tiberius o2 
s Nero on the one hand, and the worship ef 
Cunist on the other. 


14 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. CHAP, a 


multitude of effete superstitions. It is true that a remarkable religious 
toleration was produced by this state of things: and it is probable that 
for some short time Christianity itself shared the advantage of it. But 
still the temper of the times was essentially both cruel and profane; and 
the Apostles were soon exposed to its bitter persecution. The Roman 
Empire was destitute of that unity which the Gospel gives to mankind. 
It was a kingdom of this world; and the human race were groaning for 
the better peace of “a kingdom not of this world.” 

Thus, in the very condition of. the Roman Empire, and the miserable 
state of its mixed population, we can recognize a negative preparation 
for the Gospel of Christ. This tyranny and oppression called for a Con- 
soler,| as much as the moral sickness of the Greeks called for a Healer ; 
a Messiah was needed by the whole Empire as much as by the Jews, 
though not looked for with the same conscious expectation. But we 
have no difficulty in going much farther than this, and we cannot hesitate 
to discover in the circumstances of the world at this period, significant 
traces of a positive preparation for the Gospel. 

It should be remembered, in the first place, that the Romans had 
already become Greek to some considerable extent, before they were 
the political masters of those eastern countries, where the language, 
mythology, and literature of Greece had become more or less familiar. 
How early, how widely, and how permanently this Greek influence pre- 
vailed, and how deeply it entered into the mind of educated Romans, we 
know from their surviving writings, and from the biography of eminent 
men. Cicero, who was governor of Cilicia about half a century before 
the birth of St. Paul, speaks in strong terms of the universal spread of 
the Greek tongue among the instructed classes; and about the time 
of the Apostle’s martyrdom, Agricola, the conqueror of Britain, was receiv- 
ing a Greek education at Marseilles. Is it too much to say, that the 
general Latin conquest was providentially delayed till the Romans had 
been sufficiently imbued with the language and ideas of their predecessors, 
and had incorporated many parts of that civilization with their own ? 

And if the wisdom of the divine pre-arrangements is illustrated by 
the period of the spread of the Greek language, it is illustrated no less 
_ by that of the completion and maturity of the Roman government. 
When all parts of the civilized world were bound together in one empire, 


1 We may .efer here to the apotheosis of contrast will be found in Scheffer’s modern 
Augustus with Tiberius at his side, as repre- picture — “‘ Christus Consolator,” — where the 
sented on the “‘ Vienna Cameo” in the midst Saviour is seated in the midst of those who 
of figures indicative of the misery and enslave- are miserable, and the eyes of all are turned to 
ment of the world. An engraving of this Him for relief. 

Cameo is given in the quarto edition. Its best 


onAF. I, DISPERSION OF THE JEWS. 15 


— when one common organization pervaded the whole —when channels 
of communication were everywhere opened—when new facilities of 
travelling were provided,— then was “ the fulness of time” (Gal. iv. 4), 
then the Messiah came. The Greek language had already been prepared 
as a medium for preserving and transmitting the doctrine; the Roman 
government was now prepared to help the progress even of that religion 
which it persecuted. The manner in which it-spread through the prov- 
_ inces is well exemplified in the life of St. Paul; his right of citizenship 
rescued him in Macedonia! and in Judea ;? he converted one governor 
in Cyprus,’ was protected by another in Achaia,* and was sent from 
Jerusalem to Rome by a third.’ The time was indeed approaching, when 
all the complicated weight of the central tyranny, and of the provincial 
governments, was to fall on the new and irresistible religion. But before 
this took place, it had begun to grow up in close connection with all 
departments of the Empire. When the supreme government itself 
became Christian, the ecclesiastical polity was permanently regulated in 
conformity with the actual constitution of the state. Nor was the Empire 
broken up, till the separate fragments, which have become the nations of 
modern Europe, were themselves portions of the Catholic Church. 

But in all that we have said of the condition of the Roman world, one 
important and widely diffused element of its population has not been 
mentioned. We have lost sight for some time of the Jews, and we must 
return to the subject of their dispersion, which was purposely deferred 
till we had shown how the intellectual civilization of the Greeks, and the 
organizing civilization of the Romans, had, through a long series of 
remarkable events, been brought in contact with the religious civilization 
of the Hebrews. It remains that we point out that one peculiarity of 
the Jewish people, which made this contact almost universal in every part 
of the Empire. 

Their dispersion began early ; though, early and late, their attachment 
to Judza has always been the same. Like the Highlanders of Switzer- 
land and Scotland, they seem to have combined a tendency to foreign 
settlements with the most passionate love of their native land. The first 
scattering of the Jews was compulsory, and began with the Assyrian 
exile, when, about the time of the building of Rome, natives of Galilee 
and Samaria were carried away by the Eastern monarchs; and this was 
followed by the Babylonian exile, when the tribes of Judah and Benjamin 
were removed at different epochs,— when Daniel was brought to Babylon, 
and Ezekiel to the river Chebar. That this earliest dispersion was not 


1 Acts xvi. 37-39. * Acts xviii. 14-17. 
2 Acts xxii. 25. § Acts xxv. 12, xxvii. 1. 
5 Acts xiii. 12. 


16 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. OHAP, L 


without influential results may be inferred from these facts ;— that, about 
the time of the battles of Salamis and Marathon, a Jew was the minister, 
another Jew the cupbearer, and a Jewess the consort, of a Persian mon- 
arch. That they enjoyed many privileges in this foreign country, and 
that their condition was not always oppressive, may be gathered from 
this, — that when Cyrus gave them permission to return, the majority 
remained in their new home, in preference to their native land. Thus 
that great Jewish colony began in Babylonia, the existence of which 
may be traced in Apostolic times,! and which retained its influence long 
after in the Talmudical schools. These Hebrew settlements may be fol- 
_ lowed through various parts of the continental East, to the borders of the 
Caspian, and even to China. We however are more concerned with the 
coasts and islands of Western Asia. Jews had settled in Syria and 
Pheenicia before the time of Alexander the Great. But in treating of 
this subject, the great stress is to be laid on the policy of Seleucus, who, 
in founding Antioch, raised them to the same political position with the 
other citizens. One of his successors on the throne, Antiochus the Great, 
established two thousand Jewish families in Lydia and Phrygia. From 
hence they would spread into Pamphylia and Galatia, and along the 
western coasts from Ephesus to Troas. And the ordinary channels of 
communication, in conjunction with that tendency to trade which already 
began to characterize this wonderful people, would easily bring them to 
the islands, such as Cyprus? and Rhodes. 

Their oldest settlement in Africa was that which took place after the 
murder of the Babylonian governor of Judgwa, and which is connected 
with the name of the prophet Jeremiah.’ But, as in the case of Antioch, 
our chief attention is called to the great metropolis of the period of the 
Greek. kings. The Jewish quarter of Alexandria is well known in his- 
tory; and the colony of Hellenistic Jews in Lower Egypt is of greater 
importance than that of their Aramaic‘ brethren in Babylonia. Alex- 
ander himself brought Jews and Samaritans to his famous city ; the first 
Ptolemy brought many more; and many betook themselves hither of 
their free will, that they might escape from the incessant troubles which 
disturbed the peace of their fatherland. Nor was their influence con- 
fined to Egypt, but they became known on one side in Atthiopia, the 
country of Queen Candace,’ and spread on the other in great numbers 
to the “ parts of Libya about Cyrene.’’® 


1 See 1 Pet. v. 13. ® See 2 Kings xxv. 22-26, Jer. xlii 
3 The farming of the copper mines in Cy-  xliv. 
prus by Herod (Jes. Ant. xvi. 4,5) may have 4 This term is explained in the next chap 
attracted many Jews. There is a Cyprian ter, see p. 33, note 2. 
imscription which seems to refer to one of the § Acts viii. 27. 
Herods. ® Acts ii. 10. The sscond book ef Macca 


































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































RUINS OF THE NEOROPOLIS OF OYRENE. 





SELAP, 5. THE JEWS LN KUROPH. rd 


Under what circumstances the Jews made their first appearance im 
Europe is unknown ; but it is natural to suppose that those islands of the 
Archipelago which, as Humboldt has said, were like a bridge for the pas 
sage of civilization, became the means of the advance of Judaism. The 
journey of the proselyte Lydia from Thyatira to Philippi (Acts xvi. 14), 
and the voyage of Aquila and Priscilla from Corinth to Ephesus (Ibid 
Kvili. 18), are only specimens of mercantile excursions which must have 
begun at a farearlier period. Philo! mentions Jews in Thessaly, Beeotia, 
Macedonia, Aitolia, and Attica, in Argos and Corinth, in the other parts 
of Peloponnesus, and in the islands of Eubcea and Crete: and St. Luke, 
in the Acts of the Apostles, speaks of them in Philippi, Thessaionica, and 
Bereea, in Athens, in Corinth, and in Rome. The first Jews came te 
Rome to decorate a triumph ; but they were soon set free from captivity, 
and gave the name to the “ Synagogue of the Libertines’? in Jerusalem, 
They owed to Julius Cxsar those privileges in the Western Capital which 
they had obtained from Alexander in the Eastern. They became infia- 
ential, and made proselytes. They spread into other towns of Italy ; and 
in the time of St. Paul’s boyhood we find them in large numbers in the 
island of Sardinia, just as we have previously seen them established in 
that of Cyprus. With regard to Gaul, we know at least that two sons of 
Herod were banished, about this same period, to the banks of the Rhone; 
and if (as seems most probable) St. Paul accomplished that journey to 
Spain, of which he speaks in his letters, there is little doubt that he found 
there some of the scattered children of his own people. We do not seek 
to pursue them further; but, after a few words on the proselytes, we 
must return to the earliest scenes of the Apostle’s career. 

The subject of the proselytes is sufficiently important to demand a 
separate notice. Under this term we include at present all who were 
attracted in various degrees of intensity towards Judaism,— from those 
who by circumcision had obtained full access to all the privileges of the 
temple-worship, to those who only professed a general respect for the 
Mosaic religion, and attended as hearers in the synagogues. Many 
proselytes were attached to the Jewish communities wherever they were 
dispersed.‘ Hven in their own country and its vicinity, the number, both 
in early and later times, was not inconsiderable. The Queen of Sheba, 


bees is the abridgment of a work written by 
a Hellenistic Jew of Cyrene. A Jew or prose- 
tyte of Cyrene bore our Saviour’s cross. And 
the mention of this city. occurs more than once 
tm the Acts of the Apostles. 

1 See note, p. 9. 

3 This body doubtless consisted of manu- 
witted Jewish slaves. The synagogue or syua- 

2 


gogues mentioned im Acts vi. 9 are discussed 
in the next chapter. 

% In the case of Sardinia, however, they 
were forcibly sent to the island, te die of the 
bad climate. 

* In illustration of this fact, it is easy te 
adduce abundance of Heathen testimony. 


18 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. cHaP, I. 


in the Old Testament; Candace, Queen of Althiopia, in the New; and 
King Izates, with his mother Helena, mentioned by Josephus, are only 
royal representatives of a large class. During the time of the Maccabees, 
some alien tribes were forcibly incorporated with the Jews. This was the 
case with the Itureans, and probably with the Moabites, and, above all, 
with the Edomites, with whose name that of the Herodian family is his- 
torically connected. How far Judaism extended among the vague col- 
lection of tribes called Arabians, we can only conjecture from the curious 
history of the Homerites, and from the actions of such chieftains as 
Aretas (2 Cor. xi. 32). But as we travel towards the West and North, 
into countries better known, we find no lack of evidence of the moral 
effect of the synagogues, with their worship of JEHOVAH, and their 
prophecies of the Messiah. ‘Nicolas of Antioch” (Acts vi. 5) is only 
one of that “vast multitude of Greeks” who, according to Josephus,’ 
were attracted in that city to the Jewish doctrine and ritual. In Damas- 
cus, we are even told by the same authority that the great majority of the 
women were proselytes; a fact which receives a remarkable illustration 
from what happened to Paul at Iconium (Acts iii. 50). But all further 
details may be postponed till we follow Paul himself into the synagogues, 
where he so often addressed a mingled audience of “ Jews of the disper- 
sion” and “ devout” strangers. 

This chapter may be suitably concluded by some notice of the provinces 
of Cilicia and Judea. This will serve as an illustration of what has been 
said above, concerning the state of the Roman provinces generally; it 
will exemplify the mixture of Jews, Greeks, and Romans in the east of 
the Mediterranean, and it will be a fit introduction to what must imme- 
diately succeed. For these are the two provinces which require our 
attention in the early life of the Apostle Paul. 

Both these provinces were once under the sceptre of the line of the 
Seleucids, or Greek kings of Syria; and both of them, though originally 
whabited by a “ barbarous”? population, received more or less of the 
influence of Greek civilization. If the map is consulted, it will be seen 
that Antioch, the capital of the Greco-Syrian kings, is situated nearly in 
the angle where the coast-line of Cilicia, running eastwards, and that of 
Judea, extended northwards, are brought to an abrupt meeting. It will 
be seen also, that, more or less parallel to each of these coasts, there is a 
line of mountains, not far from the sea, which are brought into contact 
with each other in heavy and confused forms, near the same angle; the 
principal break in the continuity of either of them being the valley of 
the Orontes, which passes by Antioch. One of these mountain lines is the 


1 War, vii. 3, 3. 2 See p. 7, note. 


s 


cwar, L CILICIA UNDER THE ROMANS. 19 


range of Mount Taurus, which is so often mentioned as a great geographi- 
cal boundary by the writers of Greece and Rome; and Cilicia extends 
partly over the Taurus itself, and partly between it and the sea. The 
other range is that of Lebanon —a name made sacred by the scriptures 
and poetry of the Jews; and where its towering eminences subside 
towards the south into a land of hills and valleys and level plains, there 
is Judea, once the country of promise and possession to the chosen 
people, but a Roman province in the time of the Apostles. 

Cilicia, in the sense in which the word was used under the early Roman 
emperors, comprehended two districts, of nearly equal extent, but of very 
different character. The Western portion, or Rough Cilicia, as it was 
called, was a collection of the branches of Mount Taurus, which come 
down in large masses to the sea, and form that projection of the coast 
which divides the Bay of Issus from that of Pamphylia. The inhabitants 
of the whole of this district were notorious for their robberies: the 
northern portion, under the name of Isauria, providing innumerable 
strongholds for marauders by land; and the southern, with its excellent 
timber, its cliffs, and small harbors, being a natural home for pirates. 
The Isaurians maintained their independence with such determined 
obstinacy, that in a later period of the Empire, the Romans were willing 
to resign all appearance of subduing them, and were content to surround 
them with a cordon of forts. The natives of the coast of Rough Cilicia 
began to extend their piracies as the strength of the kings of Syria and 
Hgypt declined. They found in the progress of the Roman power, for 
some time, an encouragement rather than 4 hinderance; for they were 
actively engaged in an extensive and abominable slave-trade, of which 
the island of Delos was the great market; and the opulent families of 
Rome were in need of slaves, and were not more scrupulous than some 
Christian nations of modern times about the means of obtaining them. 
But the expeditions of these buccaneers of the Mediterranean became at 
last quite intolerable ; their fleets seemed innumerable ; their connections 
were extended far beyond their own coasts; all commerce was paralyzed ; 
and they began to arouse that attention at Rome which the more distant 
pirates of the Eastern Archipelago not long ago excited in England. A 


- vast expedition was fitted out under the command of Pompey the Great ; 


thousands of piratic vessels were burnt on the coast of Cilicia, and the 
inhabitants dispersed. A perpetual service was thus done to the cause 
of civilization, and the Mediterranean was made safe for the voyages of 
merchants and Apostles. The town of Soli, on the borders of the two 
divisions of Cilicia, received the name of Pompeiopolis,' in honor of the 


’ 1 A similar case, on a small scale, is that of the French power, since the accession of 
of Philippeville in Algeria; and the progress Louis Philippe, in Northern Afiica, is perhaps 


20 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. omar.» 


great conqueror, and the splendid remains of a colonnade which led from 
the harbor to the city may be considered a monument of this signal 
destruction of the enemies of order and peace. 

The Kastern, or Flat Cilicia, was a rich and extensive plain. Its 
prolific vegetation is praised both by the earlier and later classical 
writers, and, even under the neglectful government of the Turks, is 
still noticed by modern travellers.'. From this circumstance, and still 
more from its peculiar physical configuration, it was a possession of great 
political importance. Walled off from the neighboring countries by a 
high barrier of mountains, which sweep irregularly round it from Pom- 
peiopolis and Rough Cilicia to the Syrian coast on the North of Antioch, 
— with one pass leading up into the interior of Asia Minor, and another 
giving access to the valley of the Orontes,— it was naturally the high 
road both of trading caravans and of military expeditions. Through this 
country Cyrus marcbed, to depose his brother from the Persian throne. 
It was here that th» decisive victory was obtained by Alexander over 
Darius. This plain nas since seen the hosts ef Western Crusaders; and, 
in our own day, has been the field of operations of hostile Mohammedan 
armies, Turkish and Egyptian. The Greek kings of Egypt endeavored, 
long ago, to tear ; from the Greek kings of Syria. The Romans left it 
at first in the possession of Antiochus: but the line of Mount Taurus 
could not permanently arrest them: and the letters of Cicero remain to 
us among the most interesting, a’ they are among the earliest, monw 
ments of Roman Cilicia. 

Situated near the western border of the Cilician plain, where the river 
Cydnus flows in a cold and rapid stream, from the snows of Taurus to the 
sea, was the city of Tarsus, the capital of the whole province, and “ no 
mean city” (Acts xxi. 39) in the history of the ancient world. Its 
coins reveal to us its greatness through a long series of years: —alike in 
the period which intervened between Xerxes and Alexander, — and 
ander the Roman sway, when it exulted in the name of Jfetropolis, 
—and long after Hadrian had rebuilt it, and issued his new coinage 
with the old mythological types.? In the intermediate period, which is 


the nearest parallel in modern times to the hie 
tory ef a Roman province. As far as regards 
the pirates, Lord Exmouth, in 1816, really did 
the work ef Pompey the Great. It may be 
doubted whether Marshal Bugeaud was more 
lenient to the Arabs, than Cicero to the Elen- 
thero-Cilicians. 

Chrysippus the Stoic, whose father was a 
native of Tarsus, and Aratus, whom St. Paul 
quotes, lived at Soli. 

} Leborde’s illustrated work on Syria and 


Asia Minor contains some luxuriant specimens 
of the modern vegetation of Tarsus; but the 
banana and the prickly pear were introduced 
into the Mediterranean long after St. Paul’s 
day. 

2 The coin at the end of the chapter was 
struck under Hadrian, and is preserved in the 
British Museum. The word Metropolis is con- 
spicuous on it. The same figures of the Lion 
and the Bull appear in a fine series of silver 
coins of Tarsus, assigned by the Duc de 


map. 1, . TARSUS. 2) 


that of St. Paul, we have the testimony of a native of this part of Asia 
Minor, from which we may infer that Tarsus was in the Kastern basin of 
the Mediterranean, almost what Marseilles was in the Western. Strabe 
says that, in all that relates to philosophy and general education, it was 
even more illustrious than Atnens and Alexandria. From his description 
it is evident that its main character was that of a Greek city, where the 
Greek language was spoken, and Greek literature studiously cultivated. 
But we should be wrong in supposing that the general population of the 
province was of Greek origin, or spoke the Greek tongue. When Cyrus 
came with his army from the Western Coast, and still later, when Alex- 
ander penetrated into Cilicia, they found the inhabitants “‘ Barbarians.” 
Nor is it likely that the old race would be destroyed, or the old language 
obliterated, especially in the mountain districts, during the reign of the 
Seleucid kings. We must rather conceive of Tarsus as like Brest, in 
Brittany, or like Toulon, in Provence,—a city where the language of 
refinement is spoken and written, in the midst of a ruder population, who 
use @ different language, and possess no literature of their own. 

lf we turn now to consider the position of this province and city under 
the Romans, we are led to notice two different systems of policy which 
they adopted in their subject dominions. The purpose of Rome was to 
make the world subservient to herself: but this might be accomplished 
directly or indirectly. A governor might be sent from Rome to take the 
absolute command of a province: or some native chief might have a king- 
dom, an ethnarchy,! or a tetrarchy assigned to him, in which he was nomi 
nally independent, but really subservient, and often tributary. Some prov- 
inces were rich and productive, or essentially important in the military 
sense, and these were committed to Romans under the Senate or the 
Emperor. Others might be worthless or troublesome, and fit only to 
reward the services of a useful instrument, or to occupy the energies 
of a dangerous ally. Both these systems were adopted in the East and 
in the West. We have examples of both — in Spain and in Gaul — in 
Cilicia and in Judwa. In Asia Minor they were so irregularly combined, 
and the territories of the independent sovereigns were so capriciously 
granted or removed, extended or curtailed, that it is often difficult to 
ascertain what the actual boundaries of the provinces were at a given 
epoch. Not to enter into any minute history in the case of Cilicia, it 
will be enough to say, that its rich and level plain in the east was made 
& Roman province by Pompey, and so remained, while certain districts in 
the western portion were assigned, at different periods, to various native 
chieftains. Thus the territories of Amyntas, King of Galatia, were ex- 


Luynes to the period between Xerxes end 2 Bee note at the end of Ch. OL 
Alexander. 


22 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. CHAP, I 


tended in this direction by Antony, when he was preparing for his great 
struggle with Augustus: just as a modern Rajah may be strengthened 
on the banks of the Indus, in connection witli wars against Scinde and 
the Sikhs. For some time the whole of Cilicia was a consolidated prov- 
ince under the first emperors: but again, in the reign of Claudius, we 
find a portion of the same Western district assigned to a king called 
Polemo II. It is needless to pursue the history further. In St. Paul’s 
early life the political state of the inhabitants of Cilicia would be that 
of subjects of a Roman governor: and Roman officials, if not Roman 
soldiers, would be a familiar sight to the Jews who were settled in 
Tarsus. 

We shall have many opportunities of describing the condition of prov- 
inces under the dominion of Rome; but it may be interesting here to 
allude to the information which may be gathered from the writings of that 
distinguished man, who was governor of Cilicia, a few years after its first 
reduction by Pompey. He was intrusted with the civil and military 
superintendence of a large district in this corner of the Mediterranean, 
comprehending not only Cilicia, but Pamphylia, Pisidia, Lycaonia, and 
the island of Cyprus; and he has left a record of all the details of his 
policy in a long series of letters, which are a curious monument of the 
Roman procedure in the management of conquered provinces, and which 
possess a double interest to us, from their frequent allusions to the 
same places which St. Paul refers to in his Epistles. This correspond- 
ence represents to us the governor as surrounded by the adulation of 
obsequious Asiatic Greeks. He travels with an interpreter, for Latin is 
the official language; he puts down banditti, and is saluted by the 
title of Imperator; letters are written, on various subjects, to the 
_ governors of neighboring provinces, — for instance, Syria, Asia, and 
Bithynia ; ceremonious communications take place with the independent 
chieftains. The friendly relations of Cicero with Deiotarus, King of 
Galatia, and his son, remind us of the interview of Pilate and Herod 
in the Gospel, or of Festus and Agrippa in the Acts. Cicero’s letters 
are rather too full of a boastful commendation of his own integrity ; but 
from what he says that he did, we may infer by contrast what was done 
by others who were less scrupulous in the discharge of the same re- 
sponsibilities. He allowed free access to his person; he refused expen- 
sive monuments in his honor; he declined the proffered present of the 
pauper King of Cappadocia ;* he abstained from exacting the customary 
expenses from the states which he traversed on his march ; he remitted 


1 Tarsus, as a “ Free City” (Urbs Libera), 4 See Hor. 1 Zp. vi. $9. 
would have the privilege of being garrisoned 
by its own soldiers. See next chapter 


7 


or Bombay under the governor-general who resides at Calcutta. 


POLITICAL CHANGES IN JUDAA 23 


onAY. I. 


to the treasury the moneys which were not expended on his province ; 
he would not place in official situations those who were engaged in trade ; 
he treated the local Greek magistrates with due consideration, and con- 
trived at the same time to give satisfaction to the Publicans. From all 
this it may be easily inferred with how much corruption, cruelty, and 
pride, the Romans usually governed; and how miserable must have 
been the condition of a province under a Verres or an Appius, a Pilate 
ora Felix. So far as we remember, the Jews are not mentioned in any 


of Cicero’s Cilician letters; but if we may draw conclusions from a 


speech which he made at Rome in defence of a contemporary governor 
of Asia, he regarded them with much contempt, and would be likely 
to treat them with harshness and injustice.’ 

That Polemo II., who has lately been mentioned as a king in Cilicia, 
was one of those curious links which the history of those times exhibits 
between Heathenism, Judaism, and Christianity. He became a Jew to 
marry Berenice,’ who afterwards forsook him, and whose name, after 
once appearing in Sacred History (Acts xxv., xxvi.), is lastly asso- 
ciated with that of Titus, the destroyer of Jerusalem. The name of 
Berenice will at once suggest the family of the Herods, and transport 
our thoughts to Judza. 

The same general features may be traced in this province as in that 
which we have been attempting to describe. In some respects, indeed, 
the details of its history are different. When Cilicia was a province, it 
formed a separate jurisdiction, with a governor of its own, immediately 
responsible to Rome: but Judza, in its provincial period, was only an 
appendage to Syria. It has been said‘ that the position of the ruler resi- 
dent at Casarea in connection with the supreme authority at Antioch may 
be best understood by comparing it with that of the governor of Madras 
The 
comparison is in some respects just: and British India might supply a 
further parallel. We might say that when Judea was not strictly a prov- 
ince, but a monarchy under the protectorate of Rome, it bore the same 
relation to the contiguous province of Syria which, before the recent 
war, the territories of the king of Oude® bore to the presidency of Bengal. 


1 This was L. Valerius Flaccus, who had 
served in Cilicia, and was afterwards made 
Governor of Asia, — that district with which, 
and its capital Ephesus, we are so familiar in 
the Acts of the Apostles. 

2 See especially Cic. Flacc. 28; and for the 
opinion which educated Romans had of the 
Jews, see Hor. 1 Sat. iv. 143, v. 100, ix. 69. 

® He was the last King of Pontus. By Ca- 
ligula he was made King of Bosphorus; but 


Claudius gave him part of Cilicia instead of it. 
Joseph. Ant. xx. 7, 3. 

* See the introduction to Dr. Traill’s Jcse- 
phus, a work which was interrupted by the 
death of the translator during the Irish famine, 
and was continued by Mr. Isaac‘Taylor. 

5 Another coincidence is, that we made the 
Nabob of Oudea king. He had previously beem 
hereditary Vizier of the Mogul. 


24 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. omar.» 


Judsa was twice a monarchy; and thus its history furnishes illustra 
tions of the two systems pursued by the Romans, of direct and indirect 
government. 

Another important contrast must be noticed in the histories of these 
two provinces. In the Greek period of Judea, there was a time of noble 
and vigorous independence. Antiochus Epiphanes, the eighth of the line 
ef the Seleucids, in pursuance of a general system of policy, by which he 
sought to unite all his different territories through the Greek religion, 
endeavored to introduce the worship of Jupiter into Jerusalem.’ Such 
an attempt might have been very successful in Syria or Cilicia: but in 
Juda it kindled a flame of religious indignation, which did not cease to 
burn till the yoke of the Seleucidz was entirely thrown off: the name of 
Antiochus Epiphanes was ever afterwards held in abhorrence by the Jews, 
and aspecial fast was kept up in memory of the time when the “ abomi- 
nation of desolation”? stood in the holy place. The champions of the 
independence of the Jewish nation and the purity of the Jewish religion 
were the family of the Maccabees or Asmongwans: and a hundred years 
before the birth of Christ the first Hyrcanus was reigning over @ prosper- 
gus and independent kingdom. But in the time of the second Hyrcanus 
and his brother, the family of the Maccabees was not what it had been, 
and Juda was ripening for the dominion of Rome. Pompey the Great, 
the same conqueror who had already subjected Cilicia, appeared in Da 
mascus, and there judged the cause of the two brothers. All the country 
was full of his fame. In the spring of the year 63 he came down by the 
valley of the Jordan, his Roman soldiers occupied the ford where Joshua 
had crossed over, and from the Mount of Olives he looked down upon 
Jerusalem.? From that day Judza was virtually under the government 
of Rome. It is true that, after a brief support given to the reigning 
family, a new native dynasty was raised to the throne. Antipater, a man 
of Idumwan birth, had been minister of the Maccabwan kings: but they 
were the Rois Fainéants of Palestine, and he was the Maire du Palais. 
In the midst of the confusion of the great civil wars, the Herodian family 
succeeded to the Asmonzan, as the Carlovingian line in France succeeded 
that of Clovis. As Pepin was followed by Charlemange, so Antipater 
prepared a crown for his son Herod. 

At first Herod the Great espoused the cause of Antony; but he cop- 


1 Here we may observe that there are ex- 
tant coins of Antiochus Epiphanes, where the 


from the religions movement alluded to in the 
text. 


head of Jupiter appears on the obverse, in 
place of the portrait usual in the Alexandrian, 
Seleucid, and Macedonian series. Since such 
emblems on ancient coins have always sacred 
meanings, it is very probable that this arose 


2 Pompey heard of the death of Mishridates 
at Jericho. His army crossed at Scythopolia 
by the ford immediately below the Lake of 


Mae. % HEROD AND His FAMILY. 26 


trived ts .emedy his mistake by paying a prompt visit, after the battle 
of Actimm, to Augustus in the island of Rhodes. This singular inter 
view of the Jewish prince with the Roman conqueror in a Greek island 
was the beginning of an important period for the Hebrew nation. An 
exotic civilization was systematically introduced and extended. Those 
Greek influences, which had been begun under the Seleucids, and not dis 
continued under the Asmongans, were now more widely diffused: and 
the Roman customs,’ which had hitherto been comparatively unknown, 
were now made famiiar. Herod was indeed too wise, and knew the 
Jews too well, to attempt, like Antiochus, to introduce foreign institu- 
tions without any regard to their religious feelings. He endeavord to 
ingratiate himself with them by rebuilding and decorating their national 
temple ; and a part of that magnificent bridge which was connected with 
the great southern colunnade is still believed to exist,— remaining, in ita 
vast proportions and Boman form, an‘ appropriate monument of the 
Herodian period of Judea.2 The period when Herod was reigning at 
Jerusalem under the protectorate of Augustus was chiefly remarkable for 
great architectural works, for the promotion of commerce, the influx of 
strangers, and the increased diffusion of the two great languages of the 
heathen world. The names of places are themselves a monument of 
the spirit of the times. As Tarsus was called Juliopolis from Julius 
Cwzsar, and Soli Pompeiopolis from his great rival, so Samaria was called 
Sebaste after the Greek name of Augustus, and the new metropolis, which 
was built by Herod on the sea-shore, was called Cmsarea in honor of the 
game Latin emperor: while Antipatris, on the road (Acts xxiii. 31) be 
tween the old capital and the new,’ still commemorated the name of the 
King’s Idumaan father. We must not suppose that the internal change in 
the minds of the people was proportional to the magnitude of these 
outward improvements. They suffered much; and their hatred grew 
towards Rome and towards the Herods. A parallel might be drawn 
between the state of Judza under Herod the Great, and that of Egypt 
ender Mahomet Ali,‘ where great works have been successfully accom- 


1 Antiochus Epiphanes (who was called 
Epimanes from his mad conduct) is said to 
have made himself ridiculous by adopting Ro 
man fashions, and walking about the streets 
of Antioch in a toga. 

7 See the woodcut opposite. The arch ex- 
tends about fifty feet along the wall, and its 
tadius must have been about twenty feet. Is 
is right to say that there is much controversy 
about it origin. Dr. Robinson assigns it to 
the epe of Solomon: Mr. Fergusson te that 
” Hered: Mr Williams holds it to be s 


fragment of the great Christian werks eon 
structed in this southern part ef the Temple 
area in the age of Justinian. 

3 The tracing of the road by which St 
Paul travelled om this eccasion is one of the 
most interesting geographical questions which 
will come before us. 

* There are many points of resemblance 
between the character and fortunes of Herod 
and those of Mahomet Ali: the chief differ- 
ences are those of the times. Herod secured 
his position by the influence of Augustus: 


26 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. OHAP. I, 


plished, where the spread of ideas has been promoted, traffic made busy 
and prosperous, and communication with the civilized world wonderfully 
increased, — but where the mass of the people has continued to be mis- 
erable and degraded. 

After Herod’s death, the same influences still continued to operate in 
Judza. Archelaus persevered in his father’s policy, though destitute of 
his father’s energy. The same may be said of the other sons, Antipas 
and Philip, in their contiguous principalities. All the Herods were great 
builders, and eager partisans of the Roman emperors: and we are familiar 
in the Gospels with that Casarea (Cesarea Philippi), which one of them 
built in the upper part of the valley of the Jordan, and named in honor ° 
of Augustus, — and with that Ziberias on the banks of the lake of Ge- 
nesareth, which bore the name of his wicked successor. But while 
Antipas and Philip still retained their dominions under the protectorate 
of the emperor, Archelaus had+ been banished, and the weight of the 
Roman power had descended still more heavily on Judea. It was 
placed under the direct jurisdiction of a governor, residing at Cesa-. 
rea by the Sea, and depending, as we have seen above, on the governor 
of Syria at Antioch. And now we are made familiar with those features 
which might be adduced as characterizing any other province at the same 
epoch, — the prztorium,'—the publicans,?— the tribute-money,’ — sol- 
diers and centurions recruited in Italy, — Cesar the only king,’ and the 
ultimate appeal against the injustice of the governor.’ In this period 
the ministry, death, and resurrection of Jesus Curist took place, the 
first preaching of His Apostles, and the conversion of St.Paul. But 
once more a change came over the political fortunes of Judeza. Herod 
Agrippa was the friend of Caligula, as Herod the Great had been the 
friend of Augustus; and when Tiberius died, he received the grant of 
an independent principality in the north of Palestine.’ He was able to 
ingratiate himself with Claudius, the succeeding emperor. Juda was 
added to his dominion, which now embraced the whole circle of the 
territory ruled by his grandfather. By this time St. Paul was actively pur- 
suing his apostolic career. We need not, therefore, advance beyond this 


Mahomet Ali secured his by the agreement of 
the European powers. 

1 Joh. xviii. 28. 

2 Luke iii. 12, xix. 2. 

3 Matt. xxii. 19. 

* Most of the soldiers quartered in Syria 
were recruited in the province: but the Cohort, 
to which Cornelius belonged, probably consist- 
ed of Italian volunteers. The “Ztalian Band” 


(Acts x. 1) will come under our notice m 
Chap. IV., and the “Augustan Band” (Ibid. 
xxvii. 1) in Chap. XXII. 

5 Joh. xix. 15. 

® Acts xxv. Ll. 

7 He obtained under Caligula, first, the te 
trarchy of his uncle Philip, who died; and 
then that of his uncle Antipas, who followed 
his brother Archelaus into banishment. 


OHAP. 1. CONCLUSION. 27 


point, in a chapter which is only intended to be a general introduction 
to the Apostle’s history. : 

Our desire has been to give a picture of the condition of the world at 
this particular epoch: and we have thought that no grouping would be so 
successful as that which should consist of Jews, Greeks, and Romans. 
Nor is this an artificial or unnatural arrangement: for these three 
nations were the divisions of the civilized world. And in the view of a 
religious mind they were more than this. They were “the three peoples 
of God’s election; two for things temporal, and one for things eternal. 
Yet even in the things eternal they were allowed to minister. Greek 
cultivation and Roman polity prepared men for Christianity.”’ These 
three peoples stand in the closest relation to the whole human race. The 
Christian, when he imagines himself among those spectators who stood 
round the cross, and gazes in spirit upon that “superscription,” which 
the Jewish scribe, the Greek proselyte, and the Roman soldier could 
read, each in his own tongue, feels that he is among those who are 
the representatives of all humanity.? In the ages which precede the cru- 
cifixion, these three languages were like threads which guided us through 
the labyrinth of history. And they are still among the best guides of 
our thought, as we travel through the ages which succeed it. How great 
has been the honor of the Greek and Latin tongues! They followed the 
fortunes of a triumphant church. Instead of Heathen languages, they 
gradually became Christian. As before they had been employed to 
_ express the best thoughts of unassisted humanity, so afterwards they 
became the exponents of Christian doctrine and the channels of Chris- 
tian devotion. The words of Plato and Cicero fell from the lips and pen of 
Chrysostom and Augustine. And still those two languages are associated 
together in the work of Christian education, and made the instruments for 
training the minds of the young in the greatest nations of the earth. 
And how deep and pathetic is the interest which attaches to the Hebrew! 
Here the thread seems to be broken. ‘“JxEsus, King of the Jews,” in 
Hebrew characters. It is like the last word of the Jewish Scriptures, — 
the last warning of the chosen people. A cloud henceforth is upon the 


1 Dr. Arnold, in the journal of his Tour in 
1840 (Life, ii. 413, 24 edit.). The passage 
continues thus:—‘“ As Mahometanism can 
bear witness; for the Hast, when it abandoned 
Greece and Rome, could only reproduce Juda- 
ism. Mahometanism, six hundred years after 
Christ, proving that the Eastern man could 
hear nothing perfect, justifies the wisdom of 
God in Judaism.” 

2 This is true in another, and perhaps a 


higher sense. The Roman, powerful but not 
happy — the Greek, distracted with the inqui- 
ries of an unsatisfying philosophy — the Jew, 
bound hand and foot with the chain of a cere- 
monial law, all are together round the cross. 
Curist is crucified in the midst of them— 
crucified for all. The “superscription of His 
accusation ” speaks to all the same language 
of peace, pardon, and love. 


B THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. omar. L 


people and the language of Israel. “ Blindness in part is happened unto 
Israel, till the fulness of the Gentiles be come in.” Once again Jesus, 
after His ascension, spake openly from Heaven “in the Hebrew tongue ” 
(Acts xxvi. 14): but the words were addressed to that Apostle who was 
called to preach the Gospel to the philosophers of Greece, and in the 
emperor’s palace at Rome.! 


1 Ses inscription im the three languages oa a Christian tomb in the Roman Catacombs, ai the 
ond ef tho velume. 





Coin of Tarsus. Hadrian. (See p. 20, n. 2) 


CHAPTER IL 


Jewish Origin of the Church. — Sects and Parties of the Jews. — Pharisees and Saddueces. — 
8t. Raul a Phariscse. — Hellenists and Arammans. — St. Paul’s Family Hellenistic but net 
Hellenizing. — His Infancy at Tarsus. — The Tribe of Benjamin.— His Father’s Ciitizxen- 
ship. — Scenery of the Place.— His Childhood.— He is sent to Jerusalem. — State of 
Judea and Jerusalem.— Rabbinical Schools. — Gamaliel.— Mode of Teaching. — Syne 
gogues. — Student-Life of St. Panl. — His Early Manhood. — First Aspect of the Church 
—St. Stephen.— The Sanhedrin. — St. Stephen the Forerunner of St. Paul. — His Martyr 
dom and Prayer. 


HRISTIANITY has been represented by some of the modern Jews as 
a mere school of Judaism. Instead of opposing it as a system 
antagonistic and subversive of the Mosaic religion, they speak of it as a 
phase or development of that religion itself, — as simply one of the rich 
outgrowths from the fertile Jewish soil. They point out the causes which 
combined in the first century to produce this Christian development o* 
Judaism. It has even been hinted that Christianity has done a good 
work in preparing the world for receiving the pure Mosaic principles 
which will, at length, be universal. 

We are not unwilling to accept some of these phrases as expressing & 
great and important truth. Christianity ¢s a school of Judaism: but 
it is the school which absorbs and interprets the teaching of all others. 
It 4¢ a development; but it is that development which was divinely 
foreknown and predetermined. It is the grain of which mere Judaism is 
now the worthless husk. It is the image of Truth in its full propor 
tions; and the Jewish remnants are now as the shapeless fragments 
which remain of the block of marble when the statue is completed. 
When we look back at the Apostolic age, we see that growth proceed- 
ing which separated the husk from the grain. We see the image of 
Truth coming out in clear expressiveness, and the useless fragments 
falling off like scales, under the careful work of divinely-guided hands. 
If we are to realize the earliest appearance of the Church, such as it 


1 This notion, that the doctrine of Christ Judaism: but a more powerful spell than this 
wil be re-absorbed in that of Moses, isa curi- philosophy is needed to charm back the stately 
eas phase of the recent Jewish philosophy. river into the narrow, rugged, picturesque 
= We are sure,” it has been well said, ‘that ravine, out of which centuries ago it found its 
Christianity can never disown its seurce in way.” 

, 


30 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. car TL 


was when Paul first saw it, we must view it as arising in the midst of 
Judaism ; and if we are to comprehend all the feelings and principles 
of this Apostle, we must consider first the Jewish preparation of his 
own younger days. To these two subjects the present chapter will be 
devoted. 

We are very familiar with one division which ran through the Jewish 
nation in the first century. The Sadducees and Pharisees are frequently 
mentioned in the New Testament, and we are there informed of the 
tenets of these two prevailing parties. The belief in a future state may 
be said to have been an open question among the Jews, when our Lord 
appeared and “brought life and immortality to light.” We find the 
Sadducees established in the highest office of the priesthood, and pos- 
sessed of the greatest powers in the Sanhedrin: and yet they did not 
believe in any future state, nor in any spiritual existence independent 
of the body. The Sadducees said that there was “no resurrection, 
neither Angel nor Spirit.” They do not appear to have held doctrines 
which are commonly called licentious or immoral. On the contrary, 
they adhered strictly to the moral tenets of the Law, as opposed to its 
mere formal technicalities. They did not overload the Sacred Books 
with traditions, or encumber the duties of life with a multitude of 
minute observances. They were the disciples of reason without enthusi- 
asm, — they made few proselytes, — their numbers were not great, and 
they were confined principally to the richer members of the nation.? The 
Pharisees, on the other hand, were the enthusiasts of the later Judaism. 
They “‘ compassed sea and land to make one proselyte.” Their power 
and influence with the mass of the people was immense. The loss of 
the national independence of the Jews,— the gradual extinction of 
their political life, directly by the Romans, and indirectly by the family 
of Herod,— caused their feelings to rally round their Law and their 
Religion, as the only centre of unity which now remained to them. 
Those, therefore, who gave their energies to the interpretation and 
exposition of the Law, not curtailing any of the doctrines which were 
virtually contained in it and which had been revealed with more or less 
clearness, but rather accumulating articles of faith, and multiplying the 
requirements of devotion;—who themselves practised a severe and 
ostentatious religion, being liberal in alms-giving, fasting frequently, 
making Jong prayers, and carrying casuistical distinctions into the 
smallest details of conduct ;— who consecrated, moreover, their best 
zeal and exertions to the spread of the fame of Judaism, and to the in- 


1 Acts xxiii. 8. See Matt. xxii. 23-34. Ant. xiii. 10, 6; xviii. 1, 4, comparing tke 
4 See what Josephus says of theSadducees: question asked, John vil. 48. 


cHAP. ST. PAUL A PHARISEE. 31 


crease of the nation’s power in the only way which now was practicable, 
—could not fail to command the reverence of great numbers of the 
people. It was no longer possible to fortify Jerusalem against the 
Heathen: but the Law could be fortified like an impregnable city. 
The place of the brave is on the walls and in the front of the baitle: 
and the hopes of the nation rested on those who defended the sacred 
outworks, and made successful inroads on the territories of the Gen- 
tiles. 

Such were the Pharisees. And now, before proceeding to other 
features of Judaism and their relation to the Church, we can hardly 
help glancing at St. Paul. He was “a Pharisee, the son of a Phari- 
see,’* and he was educated by Gamaliel,’ “a Pharisee.”* Both his 
father and his teacher belonged to this sect. And on three distinct 
occasions he tells us that he himself was a member of it. Once when 
at his trial, before a mixed assembly of Pharisees and Sadducees, the 
words just quoted were spoken, and his connection with the Pharisees 
asserted with such effect, that the feelings of this popular party were 
immediately enlisted on his side. “And when he had so said, there 
- arose a dissension between the Pharisees and the Sadducees; and the 
multitude was divided. . . . And there arose a great cry; and the 
Scribes that were of the Pharisees’ part arose, and strove, saying, we 
find no evil in this man.” * The second time was, when, on a calmer 
occasion, he was pleading before Agrippa, and said to the king in the 
presence of Festus: ‘“‘ The Jews knew me from the beginning, if they 
would testify, that after the most straitest sect of our religion I liveda 
Pharisee.”° And once more, when writing from Rome to the Philip- 
plans, he gives force to his argument against the Judaizers, by telling 
them that if any other man thought he nad whereof he might trust in 
the flesh, he himself had more, —“ circumcised the eighth day, of the 
stock of Israel, of the tribe of Benjamin, a Hebrew of the Hebrews; as 
touching the Law, a Pharisee.’® And not only was he himself a 
Pharisee, but his father also. He was * a Pharisee, the son of a Phari- 
see.” This short sentence sums up nearly all we know of St. Paul’s 
parents. If we think of his earliest life, we are to conceive of him as 
born in a Pharisaic family, and as brought up from his infancy in the 
“straitest sect of the Jews’ religion.” His childhood was nurtured 
in the strictest belief. The stories of the Old Testament,— the angelic 
appearances,— the prophetic visions,—to him were literally true. 
They needed no Sadducean explanation. The world of spirits was a 


1 Acts xxiii. 6. 3 Acts v. 34 § Acts xxvi. 
2 Acts xxii. 3. § Acts xxiii, § Philip. iii. 4 


82 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8T. PAUL amar. m 


reality to him. The resurrection of the dead was an article of his faith. 
And to exhort him to the practices of religion, he had before him the 
example of his father, praying and walking with broad phylacteries, 
scrupulous and exact in his legal observances. He had, moreover, as 
it seems, the memory and tradition of ancestral piety; for he tells 
us in one of his latest letters, that he served God “ from his fore- 
fathers.” All influences combined to make him “ more exceedingly 
zealous of the traditions of his fathers,’”’? and “ touching the righteous 
ness which is in the Law, blameless.” * Every thing tended to prepare 
him to be an eminent member of that theological party, to which so 
many of the Jews were looking for the preservation of their national 
life, and the extension of their national creed. 

But in this mention of the Pharisees and Sadducees, we are far from ex- 
hausting the subject of Jewish divisions, and far from enumerating all those 
phases of opinion which must have had some connection with the growth 
of rising Christianity, and all those elements which may have contributed 
to form the character of the Apostle of the Heathen. There was a sect 
in Judea which is not mentioned in the Scriptures, but which must have 
acquired considerable influence in the time of the Apostles, as may be 
inferred from the space devoted to it by Josephus‘ and Philo. These 
were the Hssenes, who retired from the theological and political distrac 
tions of Jerusalem and the larger towns, and founded peaceful communi 
ties in the desert or in villages, where their life was spent in contemple- 
tion, and in the practices of ascetic piety. It has been suggested that John 
the Baptist was one of them. There is no proof that this was the case: 
but we need not doubt that they did represent religious cravings which 
Christianity satisfied. Another party was that of the Zealots,’ who were 
as politically fanatical as the Essenes were religiously contemplative, and 
whose zeal was kindled with the burning desire to throw off the Roman 
yoke from the neck of Israel. Very different from them were the Hero- 
dians, twice mentioned in the Gospels,’ who held that the hopes of Juda 
ism rested on the Herods, and who almost looked to that family for the 
fulfilment of the prophecies of the Messiah. And if we were simply 
enumerating the divisions and describing the sects of the Jews, it would 
be necessary to mention the Therapeute,' a widely-spread community in 
Egypt, who lived even in greater seclusion than the Essenes in Judea. 
The Samaritans also would require our attention. But we must turn 


12aTimis of the Gospel (Luke vi. 15), though the party 
8 Gal. i la was hardly then matured. 

® Phil. iti. 6. 6 Mark iii. 6; Matt. xxii. 16: sse Mark 
* War, ii. 8. xii. 13. 


% We have the werd in the “ Simon Zelotes ” 7 Described in great detail by Phile. 


wae, DL HELLENISTS aND ABRAM ALANS. Be 


from these sects and parties to a wider division, which arose from that 
dispersion of the Hebrew people, to which some space has been devoted 
in the preceding chapter. 

We have seen that early colonies of the Jews were settled in Babylonia 
and Mesopotamia. Their connection with their brethren in Judza was 
continually maintained: and they were bound to them by the link of a 
common language. The Jews of Palestine and Syria, with those who 
live: op the Tigris and Euphrates, iaterpreted ihe Scriptures through the 
Targums' or Chaldee paraphrases, and spoke kindred dialects of the lan- 
guage of Aram:? and hence they were called Aramean Jews. We have 
also had occasion to notice that other dispersion of the nation through 
those countries where Greek was spoken. Their settlements began with 
Alexander’s conquests, and were continued under the successors of those 
who partitioned his empire. Alexandria was their capital. They used 
the Septuagint translation of the Bible ;* and they were commonly called 
Hellenists, or Jews of the Grecian speech. 

The mere difference of language would account in some degree for the 
mutual dislike with which we know that these two sections of the Jewish 
race regarded one another. We were all aware how closely the use of an 
hereditary dialect is bound up with the warmest feelings of the heart. 
And in this case the Aramaan language was the sacred tongue of Palestine. 
It is true that the tradition of the language of the Jews had been broken, 
as the continuity of their political life had been rudely interrupted. 
The Hebrew of the time of Christ was not the oldest Hebrew of the 
Israelites; but it was a kindred dialect, and old enough to command a 
reverent affection. Though not the language of Moses and David, it was 
that of Ezra and Nehemiah. And it is not unnatural that the Aramawans 
should have revolted from the speech of the Greek idolaters and the 
tyrant Antiochus,‘—a speech which they associated moreover with 
innovating doctrines and dangerous speculations. 

For the division went deeper than a mere superficial diversity of speech. 
it was not only a division, like the modern one of German and Spanish 


1 It is uncertain when the written Targums 
earae inte use, but the practice of paraphrasing 
erally in Chaldee must have begun soon after 
the Captivity. 

2 Aram — the “ Highlands ” of the Semitic 
tribes — comprehended the tract of country 
which extended from Taurus and Lebanon to 
Wesopotamia and Arabia. There were two 
main dialects of the Aramman stock, the east- 
ern or Babylonian, ‘commonly called Chaldee 
{the “Syrian tongue” of 2 Kings xviii 26; 
Isai. zxxvi. 11; Hur. iv. 7; Dan. ii 4); end 

3 


the western, which is the parent of the Syriae, 
now, like the former, almost a dead langnaze. 
The first of these dialects began to supplant 
the older Hebrew of Judwa from the time of 
the Captivity, and was the “‘ Hebrew ” of the 
New Testament, Luke xxiii. 838; Jon xix. 
20; Acts xxi. 40, xxii. 2, xxvi. 14. Araixe, 
the most perfect of the Semitic languages, hax 
now generally overspread those regions. 

5 Seo p. 35, a 2. 

* Bee pp. 24, 25, and netes. 


ae 


84 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. car. 


Jews, where those who hold substantially the same doctrines have ace1- 
dentally been led to speak different languages. But there was a diversity 
of religious views and opinions. This is not the place for examining that 
system of mystic interpretation called the Cabala,' and for determining 
how far its origin might be due to Alexandria or to Babylon. It is enough 
to say, generally, that in the Aramwan theology, Oriental elements pre- 
vailed rather than Greek, and that the subject of Babylonian influences 
has more connection with the life of St. Peter than that of St. Paul. 
The Hellenists, on the other hand, or Jews who spoke Greek, who lived 
in Greek countries, and were influenced by Greek civilization, are asso- 
ciated in the closest manner with the Apostle of the Gentiles. They are 
more than once mentioned in the Acts, where our English translation 
names them “Grecians,” to distinguish them from the Heathen or prose- 
lyte ‘“‘ Greeks.” * Alexandria was the metropolis of their theology. Philo 
was their great representative. He was an old man when St. Paul was 
in his maturity: his writings were probably known to the Apostles; and 
they have descended with the inspired Epistles to our own day. The 
work of the learned Hellenists may be briefly described as this, — to ac- 
commodate Jewish doctrines to the mind of the Greeks, and to make the 
Greek language express the mind of the Jews. The Hebrew principles 
were “disengaged as much as possible from local and national conditions, 
and presented in a form adapted to the Hellenic world.” All this was 
hateful to the zealous Aramezans. The men of the East rose up against 
those of the West. The Greek learning was not more repugnant to the 
Roman Cato, than it was to the strict Hebrews. They had a saying, 
“ Cursed be he who teacheth his son the learning of the Greeks.”* We 
could imagine them using the words of the prophet Joel (iii. 6), “The 
children of Judah and the children of Jerusalem have ye sold unto the 
Grecians, that ye might remove them from their border:” and we cannot 
be surprised that, even in the deep peace and charity of the Church’s 
earliest days, this inveterate division re-appeared, and that, “ when the 


1 See Ch. XIII. 

2 See Chap. I. p. 10, note. 

8 This repugnance is illustrated by many 
passages in the Talmudic writings. Rabbi 
Levi Ben Chajathah, going down to Cesarea, 
heard them reciting their phylacteries in 
Greek, and would have forbidden them ; 
which when Rabbi Jose heard, he was very 
angry, and said, “If a man doth not know 
how to recite in the holy tongue, must 
he not recite them at allt Let him perform 


his duty in what language he can.” The fol- 
lowing saying is attributed to Rabban Simeon, 
the son of Gamaliel: “There were a thousand 
boys in my father’s school, of whom five hun- 
dred learned the law, and five hundred the 
wisdom of the Greeks; and there is not one 
of the latter now alive, excepting myself here, 
and my uncle’s son in Asia.” We learn also 
from Josephus that a knowledge of Greek wee 
lightly regarded by the Jews of Palestine. 


ouar. 0. HELLENISTS AND ARAMAIANS. 30 


number of the disciples was multiplied, there arose a murmuring of 
the Grecians against the Hebrews.’”! 

It would be an interesting subject of inquiry to ascertain in what 
proportions these two parties were distributed in the different countries 
where the Jews were dispersed, in what places they came into the 
strongest collision, and how far they were fused and united together. 
In the city of Alexandria, the emporium of Greek commerce from the 
time of its foundation, where, since the earliest Ptolemies, literature, 
philosophy, and criticism had never ceased to excite the utmost in. 
tellectual activity, where the Septuagint translation of the Scripture 
had been made,? and where a Jewish temple and ceremonial worship 
had been established in rivalry to that in Jerusalem,>— there is ne 
doubt that the Hellenistic element largely prevailed. But although 
(strictly speaking) the Alexandrian Jews were nearly all Hellenists, 
it does not follow that they were all Hellenizers. In other words, 
although their speech and their Scriptures were Greek, the theological 
views of many among them undoubtedly remained Hebrew. There 
must have been many who were attached to the traditions of Palestine, 
and who looked suspiciously on their more speculative brethren: and we 
have no difficulty in recognizing the picture presented in a pleasing 
German fiction,‘ which describes the debates and struggles of the two 
tendencies in this city, to be very correct. In Palestine itself, we have 
every reason to believe that the native population was entirely Aramzan, 
though there was uo lack of Hellenistic synagogues® in Jerusalem, 
which at the seasons of the festivals would be crowded with foreign 
pilgrims, and become the scene of animated discussions. Syria was 
connected by the link of language with Palestine and Babylonia; but 
Antioch, its metropolis, commercially and politically, resembled Alexan- 
dria: and it is probable that, when Barnabas and Saul were establish- 
ing the great Christian community in that city,® the majority of the 
Jews were “ Grecians” rather than “ Hebrews.” In Asia Minor we 
should at first sight be tempted to imagine that the Grecian tendency 


1 Acts vi. 1. 

2 Tt is useless here to enter into any of the 
Jegends connected with the number “ seventy.” 
This translation came into existence from 300 
to 150 B.c. Its theological importance cannot 
be exaggerated. The quotations in the N. T. 
from the O. T. are generally made from it. 
See p. 37. 

* This temple was not in the city of Alex- 
andria, but at Leontopolis. It was built (or 
rather it was an old Heathen temple repaired} 


by Onias, from whose family the high priest- 
hood had been transferred to the family of the 
Maccabees, and who had fled into Egypt in the 
time of Ptolemy Philopator. It remained in 
existence till destroyed by Vespasian. See 
Josephus, War, i. 1, 1, vii. 10,3; Ant. xiii. 3. 

* Helon’s Pilgrimage te Jerusalem, published 
in German in 1820, translated into English in 


1824. 


§ See Acts vi. 9. 
© Acts xi. 25, &. 


“Saran ion “=~ 


Bi) THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL omar. IL, 


would predominate; but when we find that Antiochus brought 
Babylonian Jews into Lydia and Phrygia, we must not make too con- 
fident a conclusion in this direction; and we have grounds for imagin- 
ing that many Israelitish families in the remote districts (possibly that 
of Timotheus at Lystra)’ may have cherished the forms of the tradition- 
ary faith of the Eastern Jews, and lived uninfluenced by Hellenistic 
novelties. The residents in maritime and commercial towns would not 
be strangers to the Western developments of religious doctrines: and 
when Apollos came from Alexandria to Ephesus,’ he would find himself 
in a theological atmosphere not very different from that of his native 
city. Tarsus in Cilicia will naturally be included under the same class 
of cities of the West, by those who remember Strabo’s assertion that, in 
literature and philosophy, its fame exceeded that of Athens and Alexan- 
dria. At the same time, we cannot be sure that the very célebrity of 
its Heathen schools might not induce the families of Jewish residents to 
retire all the more strictly into a religious Hebrew seclusion. 

That such a seclusion of their family from Gentile influences was 
maintained by the parents of St. Paul,is highly probable. We have no 
means of knowing how long they themselves, or their ancestors, had been 
Jews of the dispersion. A tradition is mentioned by Jerome that they 
came originally from Giscala, a town in Galilee, when it was stormed by 
the Romans. The story involves an anachronism, and contradicts the 
Acts of the Apostles.? Yet it need not be entirely disregarded ; espe- 
cially when we find St. Paul speaking of himself as “a Hebrew of the 
Hebrews,” ‘ and when we remember that the word “‘ Hebrew” is used 
for an Aramaic Jew, as opposed to a “ Grecian ” or “ Hellenist.”* Nor 
is it unlikely in itself that before they settled in Tarsus, the family had 
belonged to the Eastern dispersion, or to the Jews of Palestine. But, 
however this may be, St. Paul himself must be called an Hellenist ; 
because the language of his infancy was that idiom of the Grecian Jews 
in which all his letters were written. Though, in conformity with the 


1 Acts xvi. 1; 2 Tim. i. 6, iii. 15. 

® Acta xviii. 24. 

® Acts xxii. 3. 

* Phil: iii. 5. Cave sees nothing more in 
this phrase than that “his parents were Jews, 
and that of the ancient stock, not entering in 
by the gate of proselytism, but originally de- 
scended from the nation.” — Life of St. Paul, 
1 2. Benson, on the other hand, argues, from 
this passage and from 2 Cor. xi. 22, that 
there was a diSerence between a “ Hebrew” 
and an “ Israslite.”—“A person might be 
descended from Israel, and yet not be a Hebrew, 


but an Hellenist. . . . St. Paul appeareth to me 
to have plainly intimated, that a man might be 
of the stock of Israel and of the tribe of Ben- 
jamin, and yet not be a Hebrew of the He 
brews ; but that, as to himself, he was, both by 
father and mother, a Hebrew, or of the race 
of that sort of Jews which were generally most 
esteemed by their nation.” — History of the 
First Planting of the Christian Religien, vol i. 
p- 117. 

® Acts vi. 1, For the absurd Ebionite 
story that St. Paul was by birth not a Jew at 
all but a Greek. see the next chapter. 


. 


amar. 1. ST. PAUL’S INFANCY AT TARSUS. 37 


strong feeling of the Jews of all times, he might learn his earliest 
sentences from the Scripture in Hebrew, yet he was familiar with the 
Septuagint translation at an early age. For it is observed that, when 
he quotes from the Old Testament, his quotations are from that version ; 
and that, not only when he cites its very words, but when (as is often the 
case) he quotes it from memory.! Considering the accurate knowledge 
of the original Hebrew which he must have acquired under Gamaliel at 
Jerusalem, it has been inferred that this can only arise from his having 
been thoroughly imbued at an earlier period with the Hellenistic Scrip 
tures. The readiness, too, with which he expressed himself in Greek, 
even before such an audience as that upon the Areopagus at Athens, 
shows a command of the language which a Jew would not, in all proba- 
bility, have attained, had not Greek been the familiar speech of his 
childhood.’ 

But still the vernacular Hebrew of Palestine would not have been a 
foreign tongue to the infant Saul; on the contrary, he may have heard 
it spoken almost as often as the Greek. For no doubt his parents, 
proud of their Jewish origin, and living comparatively near to Palestine, 
would retain the power of conversing with their friends from thence in 
the ancient speech. Mercantile connections from the Syrian coast 
would be frequently arriving, whose discourse would be in Aramaic; 
and in all probability there were kinsfolk still settled in Judza, as we 
afterwards find the nephew of St. Paul in Jerusalem. We may com- 
pare the situation of such a family (so far as concerns their language) te 
that of the French Huguenots who settled in London after the revoca- 
tion of the Edict of Nantes. These French families, though they 
soon learned to use the English as the medium of their common inter 
course and the language of their household, yet, for several generations, 
spoke French with equal familiarity and greater affection.‘ 


1 See Tholuck’s Hesay on the early life of 
St. Paul, Eng. Trans. p. 9. Out of eighty- 
eight quotations from the Old Testament, 
Koppe gives grounds for thinking that forty- 
nine were cited from memory. And Bleek 
thinks that every one of his citations without 
exception is from memory. He adds, howev- 
ex, that the Apostle’s memory reverts occasion- 
ally to the Hebrew text, as well as to that of 
the Septuagint. See an article in the Christian 
Bemembrancer for April, 1848, on Grinfield’s 
Hellenistic Ed. of the N.T. 

2 We must not, however, press these con- 
siderations too far, especially when we take 
fnil. iii. 5 into consideration. Dr. Schaff 


presents the subject under a different view, as 
follows: “Certain it is that the groundwork 
of Paul’s intellectual and moral training wes 
Jewish: yethe had at least some knowledges 
of Greek literature, whether he acquired it in 
Tarsus, or in Jerusalem under Gamaliel, who 
himself was not altogether averse to the Hel- 
lenistic philosophy, or afterwards in his mis 
sionary journeyings and his continual inter 
course with Hellenists.”” — Hist. of the Christian 
Church. 

5 Acts xxiii. 16. 

* St. Paul’s ready use of the spoken Ars 
maic appears in his speech upon the stairs of 
the Castle of Antonia at Jerusalem. “im the 


Oe BEN Ee NER 


88 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8T. PAUL. onAP. IL. 


Moreover, it may be considered as certain that the family of St. Paul, 
though Hellenistic in speech, were no Hellenizers in theology; they were 
not at all inclined to adopt Greek habits or Greek opinions. The manner 
in which St. Paul speaks of himself, his father, and his ancestors, implies 
the most uncontaminated hereditary Judaism. ‘ Are they Hebrews? so 
aml. Are they Israelites? soam JI. Are they the seed of Abraham? so 
am I.” !—-“ A Pharisee ” and “the son of a Pharisee.” ?— Cireumcised 
the eighth day, of the stock of Israel, of the tribe of Benjamin, a Hebrew 
of the Hebrews.”’* 

There is therefore little doubt that, though the native of a city filled 
with a Greek population and incorporated with the Roman Empire, yet 
Saul was born and spent his earliest days in the shelter of a home which 
was Hebrew, not in name only but in spirit. The Roman power did not 
press upon his infancy: the Greek ideas did not haunt his childhood: but 
he grew up an Israelitish boy, nurtured in those histories of the chosen 
people which he was destined so often to repeat in the synagogues,‘ with 
the new and wonderful commentary supplied by the life and resurrection 
of a crucified Messiah. ‘ From a child he knew the Scriptures,” which 
ultimately made him “ wise unto salvation through faith which is in Christ 
Jesus,” as he says of Timothy in the second Hpistle Gii. 15). And the 
groups around his childhood were such as that which he beautifully 
describes in another part of the same letter to that disciple, where he 
speaks of “ his grandmother Lois, and his mother Eunice ” (i. 5). 

We should be glad to know something of the mother of St. Paul. But 
though he alludes to his father, he does not mention her. He speaks of 
himself as set apart by God “ from his mother’s womb,” that the Son of 
God should in due time be revealed in him, and by him preached to the 
Heathen.’ But this is all. We find notices of his sister and his sister’s 
son,* and of some more distant relatives: 7 but we know nothing of her who 
was nearer to him than all of them. He tells us of his instructor 
Gamaliel; but of her, who, if she lived, was his earliest and best teacher, 
he tells us nothing. Did she die like Rachel, the mother of Benjamin, 
the great ancestor of his tribe; leaving his father to mourn and set a 
monument on her grave, like Jacob, by the way of Bethlehem?* Or did 
she live to grieve over her son’s apostasy from the faith of the Pharisees, 


Hebrew tongue.” This familiarity, however, ® Phil. iii. 5. 

he would necessarily have acquired during his * Acts xiii. 16-41; see xvii. 2, 3, 10, 12, 
student-life at Jerusalem, if he had not pos- xxviii. 23. 

sessed it before. The difficult question of the & Gal. i. 15. 


“ Gift of Tongues”’ will be discussed in Chap. © Acts xxiii. 16. 
On. 7 Rom. xvi. 7, 11, 21. 
1 2 Cor. xi, 22. ® Gen. xxxv. 16-20, xlviii. 7. 


° Acts xxiii. 6. 


CHAP. U, ST. PAUL’S LNFANCY AT TARSUS. 39 


and die herself unreconciled to the obedience of Christ? Or did she 
believe and obey the Saviour of her son? These are questions which we 
cannot answer. If we wish to realize the earliest infancy of the Apostle, 
we must be content with a simple picture of a Jewish mother and her child. 
Such a picture is presented to us in the short history of Elizabeth and 
John the Baptist, and what is wanting in one of the inspired Books of 
St. Luke may be supplied, in some degree, by the other. 

The same feelings which welcomed the birth and celebrated the naming 
of a son in the “hill country” of Judea,’ prevailed also among the Jews 
of the dispersion. As the “ neighbors and cousins” of Elizabeth “ heard 
how the Lord had showed great mercy upon her, and rejoiced with her,’’ — 
so it would be in the household at Tarsus, when Saul was born. In a 
nation to which the birth of a Messiah was promised, and at a period 
when the aspirations after the fulfilment of the promise were continually 
becoming more conscious and more urgent, the birth of a son was the 
fulfilment of a mother’s highest happiness: and to the father also Gif we 
may thus invert the words of Jeremiah) ‘blessed was the man who 
brought tidings, saying, A man child is born unto thee; making him 
glad.”’? On the eighth day the child was circumcised and named. In 
the case of John the Baptist, “‘ they sought to call him Zacharias, after 
the name of his father. But his mother answered, and said, Not so; but 
he shall be called John.” And when the appeal was made to his father, 
he signified his assent, in obedience to the vision. It was not unusual, on 
the one hand, to call a Jewish child after the name of his father ; and, on 
the other hand, it was a common practice, in all ages of Jewish history, 
even without a prophetic intimation, to adopt a name expressive of reli- 
gious feelings. When the infant at Tarsus received the name of Saul, it 
might be “after the name of his father;” and it was a name of tradi- 
tional celebrity in the tribe of Benjamin, for it was that of the first king 
anointed by Samuel.? Or, when his father said “‘ his name is Saul,” it 
may have been intended to denote (in conformity with the Hebrew deriva- 
tion of the word) that he was a son who had long been desired, the first 
born of his parents, the child of prayer, who was thenceforth, like Samuel, 
to be consecrated to God.‘ “For this child I prayed,” said the wife of 
filkanah ; “and the Lord hath given me my petition which I asked of 
Him: therefore also I have lent him to the Lord ; as long as he liveth he 
shal] be lent unto the Lord.’”’® 

1 Luke i. 39. were wont to give their children this name 

2 Jer. xx. 15. at their circumcision.” — Cave, i. 3; but he 

5 “A name frequent and common in the gives no proof. 
ibe of Benjamin ever since the first King * This is suggested by Neander. 


f Israel who was of that name, was chosen 5 1 Sam. i. 27, 28. 
‘out of that tribe; im memory whereof they 


# THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. cmar mt. 


Admitted into covenant with God by circumcision, the Jewish child had 
thenceforward a full claim to all the privileges of the chosen people. His 
was the benediction of the 128th Psalm : —“‘ The Lord shall bless thee out 
of Zion: thou shalt see the good of Jerusalem all the days of thy life.” 
From that time, whoever it might be who watched over Saul’s infancy, 
whether, like king Lemuel,’ he learnt “ the prophecy that his mother 
taught him,” or whether he was under the care of others, like those whe 
were with the sons of king David and king Ahab,?— we are at no loss to 
learn what the first ideas were, with which his early thought was made 
familiar. The rules respecting the diligent education of children, which 
were laid down by Moses in the 6th and 11th chapters of Deuteronomy, 
were doubtless carefully observed : and he was trained in that peculiarly 
kistorical instruction, spoken of in the 78th Psalm, which implies the 
eontinuance of a chosen people, with glorious recollections of the past, and 
great anticipations for the future: “‘ The Lord made a covenant with 
Jacob, and gave Israel a law, which He commanded our forefathers to 
teach their children ; that their posterity might know it, and the children 
which were yet unborn ; to the intent that when they came up, they might 
show their children the same: that they might put their trust in God, and 
wot to forget the works of the Lord, but to keep his commandments.” 
(ver. 5-7.) The histories of Abraham and Isaac, of Jacob and his 
twelve sons, of Moses among the bulrushes, of Joshua and Samuel, Elijah, 
Daniel, and the Maccabees, were the stories of his childhood. The de 
struction of Pharaoh in the Red Sea, the thunders of Mount Sinai, the 
dreary journeys in the wilderness, the land that flowed with milk and 
honey, — this was the earliest imagery presented to his opening mind. 
The triumphant hymns of Zion, the lamentations by the waters of Babylon, 
the prophetic praises of the Messiah, were the songs around his cradle. 

Above all, he would be familiar with the destinies of his own illustrious 
tribe. The life of the timid Patriarch, the father of the twelve; the sad 
death of Rachel near the city where the Messiah was to be born; the 
loneliness of Jacob, who sought to comfort himself in Benoni “ the son of 


1 Prov. xxxi.1l. Cf. Susanna, 3; 2 Tim. which the genealogies were kept, and when we 


fi. 15, with 1 Tim. i. 5. 

2 1 Chron. xxvii. 32; 2 Kingsx 1,5. Cf. 
Joseph. Life, 76; Ant. xvi. 8, 3. 

5 It may be thought that here, and below, 
p- 50, teo much prominence has been given to 
the attachment of a Jew in the Apostolic age 
te his own particular tribe. It is difficult to 
ascertain how far the tribe-feeling of early 
@iracs lingered on in combination with the 
Rational feeling, which grew up after the Cap- 
dvity. Bus whea we consider the care with 


find the tribe of Barnabas specified (Acts iv. 
36), and also of Anna the prophetess (Luke ii 
36), and when we find St. Paul alluding in a 
pointed manner to his tribe (see Rom. xi. 1 

Phil. iii. 5, and compare Acts xiii. 21, and alse 
Xxxvi. 7), it does not seem unnatural to believe 
that pious families of so famous @ stock as that 
of Benjamin should retain the hereditary en 

thusiasm of their sacred clanship. Sce, more 
over, Matt. xix. 28; Rev. v. 5, vii. 4—%. 


ear, TL THE TRIBE OF BENJAMIN. 4y 


her sorrow,” by calling him Benjamin! “ the son of his right hand ;”’ and 
then the youthful days of this youngest of the twelve brethren, the famine, 
and the journeys into Egypt, the severity of Joseph, and the wonderful 
story of the silver cup in the mouth of the sack ; — these are the narratives 
to which he listened with intense and eager interest. How little was it 
imagined that, as Benjamin was the youngest and most honored of the 
Patriarchs, so this listening child of Benjamin should be associated with 
the twelve servants of the Messiah of God, the last and most illustrious of 
the Apostles! But many years of ignorance were yet to pass away, befors 
that mysterious Providence, which brought Benjamin to Joseph in Egypt, 
should bring his descendant to the knowledge and love of Jxsus, the Son 
of Mary. Some of the early Christian writers? see in the dying benediction 
of Jacob, when he said that “‘ Benjamin should raven as a wolf, in the 
morning devour the prey, and at night divide the spoil,” a prophetic inti- 
mation of him who, in the morning of his life, should tear the sheep of 
God, and in its evening feed them, as the teacher of the nations.’ When 
St. Paul was a child and learnt the words of this saying, no Christian 
thoughts were associated with it, or with that other more peaceful prophecy 
of Moses, when he said of Benjamin, “ The beloved of the Lord shall dwell 
in safety by Him: and the Lord shall cover him all the day long, and he 
shall dwell between His shoulders.”‘ But he was familiar with the 
prophetical words, and could follow in imagination the fortunes of the 
sons of Benjamin, and knew how they went through the wilderness with 
Rachel’s other children, the tribes of Ephraim and Manasseh, forming 
with them the third of the four companies on the march, and reposing with 
them at night on the west of the encampment.’ He heard how their lands 
were assigned to them in the promised country along the borders of 
Judah :* and how Saul, whose name he bore, was chosen from the tribe 
which was the smallest,’ when “ little Benjamin ” * became the “ ruler ” of 
Israel. He knew that when the ten tribes revolted, Benjamin was faith- 
ful:* and he learnt to follow its honorable history even into the dismal 
years of the Babylonian Captivity, when Mordecai, ‘a Benjamite who had 
been carried away,” saved the nation: and when, instead of destruction, 
“the Jews,” through him, “had light, and gladness, and joy, and honor: 
and in every province, and in every city, whithersoever the king’s com- 
mandment and his decree came, the Jews had joy and gladness, a feast 
and a good day. And many of the people of the land became Jews; for 
the fear of the Jews fell upon them.” 


1 Gen. xxxyv. 18. T 1 Sam. ix. 21. 

2 Gen. xlix. 27. ® Ps. ixviii. 27. 

8 e.g. Tertullian. ® 2 Chron. xi.: see 1 Kings xii. 
* Deut. xxxiii. 12. 10 Hsther ii. 5, 6. 

§ Numb. il. 18-24; x. 29-~84. 1 Kether viii. 16, 17. 


* Joshua xviii. 11. 


42 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST, PAUL, car, U. 

Such were the influences which cradled the infancy of St. Paul; and 
such was the early teaching under which his mind gradually rose to the 
realization of his position as a Hebrew child in a city of Gentiles. Of 
the exact period of his birth we possess no authentic information.' From 
a passage in a sermon attributed to St. Chrysostom, it has been inferred? 
that he was born in the year 2 B.c. of our era. The date is not improba- 
ble; but the genuineness of the sermon is suspected; and if it was the 
undoubted work of the eloquent Father, we have no reason to believe 
that he possessed any certain means of ascertaining the fact. Nor need 
we be anxious to possess the information. We have a better chronology 
than that which reckons by years and months. We know that St. Paul 
was a young man at the time of St. Stephen’s martyrdom,’ and therefore 
we know what were the features of the period, and what the circumstan- 
ses of the world, at the beginning of his eventful life. He must have 
been born in the later years of Herod, or the earlier of his son Archelaus. 
It was the strongest and most flourishing time of the reign of Augustus. 
The world was at peace; the pirates of the Levant were dispersed ; and 
Cilicia was lying at rest, or in stupor, with other provinces, under the 
wide shadow of the Roman power. Many governors had ruled there 
since the days of Cicero. Athenodorus, the emperor’s tutor, had been 
one of them. It was about the time when Horace and Mezcenas died, 
with others whose names will never be forgotten ; and it was about the 
time when Caligula was born, with others who were destined to make 
the world miserable. Thus is the epoch fixed in the manner in which 
the imagination most easily apprehends it. During this pause in the 
world’s history St. Paul was born. 

It was a pause, too, in the history of the sufferings of the Jews. That 
lenient treatment which had been begun by Julius Cesar was continued 
by Augustus;* and the days of severity were not yet come, when Tibe- 
rius and Claudius drove them into banishment, and Caligula oppressed 
them with every mark of contumely and scorn. We have good reason 
to believe that at the period of the Apostle’s birth the Jews were unmo- 
lested at Tarsus, where his father lived and enjoyed the rights of a Roman 
citizen. It is a mistake to suppose that this citizenship was a privilege 
which belonged to the members of the family, as being natives of this 
city. Tarsus was not a municipium, nor was it a colonia, like Philippi in 


1 As regards the chronology of St. Paul’s 
life, it is enough to refer to Ch. IV. and es- 
pecially to Appendix III. 

2 This is on the supposition that he died 
A.D. 66, at the age of 68. 

8 Acts vii. 58. It must be remembered, 
however, that the term vraviag was applied to 
oJ} men under 40. 


* Cesar, like Alexander, treated the Jews 
with much consideration. Suetonius speaks m 
strong terms of their grief at his death. An- 
gustus permitted the largess, when it fell on a 
Sabbath, to be put off till the next day. 

& Some of the older biographers of St. 
Paul assume this without any hesitation ; aud 


CHAR, Ly CITIZENSHIP OF ST. PAUL’S FATHER. 43 


Macedonia,' or Antioch in Pisidia ; but it was a“ free city’? (urbs libera), 
like the Syrian Antioch and its neighbor-city, Seleucia on the sea. Such 
a city had the privilege of being governed by its own magistrates, and 
was exempted from the occupation of a Roman garrison, but its citizens 
did not necessarily possess the cevitas of Rome. Tarsus had received 
great benefits both from Julius Cesar and from Augustus, but the father 
of St. Paul was not on that account a Roman citizen. This privilege had 
been granted to him, or had descended to him, as an individual right; he 
might have purchased it for a “large sum” of money ;* but it is more 
probable that it came to him as a reward of services rendered, during the 
civil wars, to some influential Roman.‘ We should not be in serious 
error, if we were to say, in language suggested by the narrative of St. 
Stephen’s martyrdom (Acts vi. 9), that St. Paul’s father was a Ciliczan 
Libertinus© That Jews were not unfrequently Roman citizens, we learn 
from Josephus, who mentions in the “ Jewish War” ® some even of the 
equestrian order who were illegally scourged and crucified by Florus at 
Jerusalem ; and (what is more to our present point) enumerates cer- 
tain of his countrymen who possessed the Roman franchise at Hphesus, in 
that important series of decrees relating to the Jes, which were issued 
in the time of Julius Cesar, and are preserved in the second book of the 
 Antiquities.”" The family of St. Paul were in the same position at 
Tarsus as those who were Jews of Asia Minor and yet citizens of Rome 
at Ephesus; and thus it came to pass, that, while many of his contempo- 
raries were willing to expend ‘“‘a large sum” in the purchase of “ this 
freedom,” the Apostle himself was “ free-born.” 

The question of the double name of “ Saul” and “ Paul” will require 
our attention hereafter, when we come in the course of our narrative to 
that interview with Sergius Paulus in Cyprus, coincidently with which 
the appellation in the Acts of the Apostles is suddenly changed. Many 
opinions have been held on this subject, both by ancient and modern 


the mistake is very frequent still. It is enough 
to notice that the Tribune (Acts xxi. 39, xxii. 
24) knew that St. Paul was a Tarsian, without 
being aware that he was a citizen. 

1 Acts xvi. 12. 

2 Tt appears that Antony gave Tarsus the 
privileges of an Urbs libera, though it had pre- 
viously taken the side of Augustus, and been 
named Juliopolis. 

5 Acts xxii. 28. 

* Great numbers of Jews were made slaves 
in the Civil Wars, and then manumitted. A 
slave manumitted with due formalities became 
a Roman citizen. Thus it is natural to sup- 


pose that the Apostle, with other Cilician Jews, 
may have been, like Horace, libertino patre natus. 
(Sat. 1. vi. 45.) 

5 This suggestion is due to Wieseler, who 
translates the verse which describes Stephen’s 
great opponents, so as to mean “ Libertines ” 
from “ Cyrene, Alexandria, Cilicia, and Asia.” 
We think, as is observed below (p. 56, note), 
that another view is more natural: but at 
least we should observe that we find Saul, a 
Roman citizen, actively co-operating in persecus 
tion with those who are called Libertini. 

& War, ii. 14, 6. 

7 Ant. xiv. 10, 13. 


- 


44 THE LIVE AND EPISTLES OF 8ST. PAUL czar. I 


theologians.’ At present it will be enough to say, that, though we can- 
not overlook the coincidence, or believe it accidental, yet it is most prob- 
able that both names were borne by him in his childhood, that “‘ Saul ” 
was the name of his Hebrew home, and “ Paul” that by which he waz 
known among the Gentiles. It will be observed that “Paulus,” the 
name by which he is always mentioned after his departure from Cyprus, 
and by which he always designates himself in his Epistles, is a Roman, 
not a Greek, word. And it will be remembered, that, among those 
whom he calls his ““kinsmen” in the Epistle to the Romans, two of the 
number, Junia and Lucius, have Roman names, while the others are 
Greek.? All this may point to a strong Roman connection. These 
names may have something to do with that honorable citizenship 
which was an heirloom in the household; and the appellation “ Paulus” 
may be due to some such feelings as those which induced the historian 
Josephus to call himself “ Flavius,” in honor of Vespasian and the Fla- 
vian family. ' 
If we turn now to consider the social position of the Apostle’s fathe 
and family, we cannot on the one hand confidently argue, from the pos 
session of the citizenship, that they were in the enjoyment of affluence 
and outward distinction. The civitas of Rome, though at that time it 
could not be purchased without heavy expense, did not depend upon any 
conditions of wealth, where it was bestowed by authority. On the other 
hand, it is certain that the manual trade, which we know that St. Paul 
exercised, cannot be adduced as an argument to prove that his circum- 
stances were narrow and mean ; still less, as some have imagined, that he 
lived in absolute poverty. It was a custom among the Jews that all boys 
__ should _le; a trade. “ What is commanded of a father towards his 
son?” asks a Talmadi writer. “To circumcise him, to teach him the 
law, to teach him a trade.” Rabbi Judah saith, “ He that teacheth not 
his son a trade, doth the same as if he taught him to be a thief;” and 
Rabban Gamaliel saith, “He that hath a trade in his hand, to what is he 
like? he is like a vineyard that is fenced.” And if, in compliance with 
this good and useful custom of the Jews, the father of the young Cilician 
sought to make choice of a trade, which might fortify his son against idle- 
ness or against adversity, none would occur to him more naturally than 
the profitable occupation of the making of tents, the material of which 
was hair-cloth, supplied by the goats of his native province, and sold in 


1 Ongen says that he had both names from Peter, at his ordination in Antioch Bade, 
the firet; that he used one among the Jews, that he did not receive it till the Proconsul was 
and the other afterwards. Augustine, that he converted; and Jerome, that it was meant ™ 
took the mame when he began to preach commemorate that victory. 

Chrysostom, that he received a new title, like 3 Rom. xvi. 7, 11, 21. 


amar, i, SCENERY OF TARSUS. 45 


the markets of the Levant by the well-known name of cilicium.' The 
most reasonable conjecture is that his father’s business was concerned with 
these markets, and that, like many of his scattered countrymen, he was 
actively occupied in the traffic of the Mediterranean coasts: and the 
remote dispersion of those relations, whom he mentions in his letter from 
Corinth to Rome, is favorable to this opinion. But whatever might be 
the station and employment of his father or his kinsmen, whether they 
were elevated by wealth above, or depressed by poverty below, the aver- 
age of the Jews of Asia Minor and Italy, we are disposed to believe that 
this family were possessed of that highest respectability which is worthy 
of deliberate esteem. The words of Scripture seem to claim for them 
the tradition of a good and religious reputation. The strict piety of 
St. Paul’s ancestors has already been remarked; some of his kinsmen 
embraced Christianity before the Apostle himself,? and the excellent 
discretion of his nephew will be the subject of our admiration, when we 
come to consider the dangerous circumstances which led to the nocturnal 
journey from Jerusalem to Casarea.’ 

But, though a cloud rests on the actual year of St. Paul’s birth, and 
the circumstances of his father’s household must be left to imagination, 
we have the great satisfaction of knowing the exact features of the 
scenery in the midst of which his childhood was spent. The plain, the 
mountains, the river, and the sea still remain to us. The rich har. 
vests of corn still grow luxuriantly after rains in spring. The same 
tents of goat’s hair are still seen covering the plains in the busy harvest.‘ 
There is the same solitude and silence in the intolerable heat and dust of 
the summer. Then, as now, the mothers and children of Tarsus went 
out in the cool evenings, and looked from the gardens round the city, or 
from their terraced roofs, upon the heights of Taurus. The same sunset 
lingered on the pointed summits. The same shadows gathered in the 
deep ravines. The river Cydnus has suffered some changes in the course 
of 1800 years. Instead of rushing, as in the time of Xenophon, like the 
Rhone at Geneva, in a stream of two hundred feet broad through the 
city, it now flows idly past it on the east. The Channel, which floated 
the ships of Antony and Cleopatra, is now filled up; and wide unhealthy 
lagoons occupy the place of the ancient docks.’ But its upper waters 


1 Hair-cloth of this kind is manufactured at * “The plain presented the appearance of 


the present day in Asia Minor, and the word 
is still retained in French, Spanish, and Italian. 
2 “Salute Andronicus and Junias, my 
kinsmen, and my fellow-prisoners, who are of 
note among the Apostles, whe also were in 
Christ before me.” — Rom. xvi. 7. 
5 Acts xxiii. 


an immense sheet of corn-stubble, dotted with 
small camps of tents: these tents are made of 
hair-cloth, and the peasantry reside in them at 
this season, while the harvest is reaping and 
the corn treading out.” — Beaufort’s Karama 
nia, p. 2738. 

5 In Strabo’s day there was an inconvenient 


46 THE LIVE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. CHAP, 1). 


still flow, as formerly, cold and clear from the snows of Taurus: and its 
waterfalls still break over the same rocks, when the snows are melting, 
like the Rhine at Schaffhausen. We find a pleasure in thinking that the 
footsteps of the young Apostle often wandered by the side of this stream, 
and that his eyes often looked on these falls. We can hardly believe that 
he who spoke to the Lystrians of the “‘ rain from heaven,” and the “ fruit- 
ful seasons,” and of the “living God who made heaven and earth and the 
sea,” could have looked with indifference on beautiful and impressive 
scenery. Gamaliel was celebrated for his love of nature: and the young 
Jew, who was destined to be his most famous pupil, spent his early days 
in the close neighborhood of much that was well adapted to foster such 
a taste. Or if it be thought that in attributing such feelings to him we 
are writing in the spirit of modern times; and if it be contended that he 
would be more influenced by the realities of human life than by the im- 
pressions of nature,—then let the youthful Saul be imagined on the banks 
of the Cydnus, where it flowed through the city in a stream less clear 
and fresh, where the wharves were covered with merchandise, in the 
midst of groups of men in various costumes, speaking various dialects. 
St. Basil says, that in his day Tarsus was a point of union for Syrians, 
Cilicians, Isaurians, and Cappadocians. To these we must add the Greek 
merchant, and the agent of Roman luxury. And one more must be 
added, — the Jew, — even then the pilgrim of Commerce, trading with 
every nation, and blending with none. In this mixed company Saul, at 
an early age, might become familiar with the activities of life and the 
diversities of human character, and even in his childhood make some 
acquaintance with those various races, which in his manhood he was 
destined to influence. 

We have seen what his infancy was; we must now glance at his boy- 
hood. It is usually the case that the features of a strong character 
display themselves early. His impetuous fiery disposition would some- 
times need control. Flashes of indignation would reveal his impatience 
and his honesty.? The affectionate tenderness of his nature would not 
be without an object of attachment, if that sister, who was afterwards 
married,’ was his playmate at Tarsus. The work of tent-making, rather 
an amusement than a trade, might sometimes occupy those young 
hands, which were marked with the toil of years when he held them to 


“bar” at the mouth of the Cydnus. Here(as edition of this book, which contains views of 
in the case of the Pyramus and otherriverson Tarsus and of the falls of the Cydnus. 

that coast) the land has since that time en- 1 Acts xiv. 17, 15. 

croached on the sea. The unhealthiness of the 2 See Acts ix. 1, 2, xxiii. 1-5; and com- 
sea-coast near the Gulf of Scanderoon is noto- pare Acts xiii. 18, xv. 38, with 2 Tim. iv. 
rious, as can be testified by more than one of 11. 

those who contributed drawings to the quarto % Acts xxiii. 16, 


ear! xt ‘st. PAUL’S BOYHOOD. 4] 


the view of the Elders at Miletus... His education was conducted at 
home rather than at school: for, though Tarsus was celebrated for its 
learning, the Hebrew boy would not lightly be exposed to the intiuence 
uf Gentile teaching. Or, if he went to a school, it was not a Greek 
school, but rather to some room connected with the synagogue, where a 
avisy class of Jewish children received the rudiments of instruction, 
stated on the ground with their teacher, after the manner of Mohamme- 
dan children in the East, who may be seen or heard at their lessons near 
the mosque.? At such a school, it may be, he learnt to read and to 
wiite, going and returning under the care of some attendant, according 
to that custom which he afterwards used as an illustration in the Epistle 
to the Galatians* (and perhaps he remembered his own early days while 
he wrote the passage) when he spoke of the Law as the Slave who 
coaducts us to the School of Christ. His religious knowledge, as his 
years advanced, was obtained from hearing the Law read in the syna- 
gogue, from listening to the arguments and discussions of learned 
doctors, and from that habit of questioning and answering, which was 
permitted even to the children among the Jews. Familiar with the 
pathetic history of the Jewish sufferings, he would feel his heart filled 
with that love to his own people which breaks out in the Epistle to the 
Romans (ix. 4, 5) — to that people “ whose were the adoption and the 
glory and the covenants, and of whom, as concerning the flesh, Christ 
was to come,” —a love not then, as it was afterwards, blended with 
love towards all mankind, “ to the Jew first, and also to the Gentile,” 
—but rather united with a bitter hatred to the Gentile children whom 
he saw around him. His idea of the Messiah, so far as it was distinct, 
would be the carnal notion of a temporal prince—a “Christ known 
after the flesh,’ *—-and he looked forward with the hope of a Hebrew 
to the restoration of “the kingdom to Israel.”*> He would be known 


1 Acts xx. $4. “Ye yourselves know that sound of voices was unceasing. For pictures 


(hese hands have ministered to my necessities, 
ind to them that were with me.” Compare 
xviii. 3; 1 Cor. iv. 12; 1 Thess. ii. 9; 2 
Thess. iii. 8. 

2 This is written from the recollection of a 
Mohammedan school at Bildah in Algeria, 
where the mosques can now be entered with im- 
punity. The children, with the teacher, were 


on a kind of upper story like a shelf, within - 


the mosque. All were seated on this floor, in 
the way described by Maimonides below (p. 
57). The children wrote cv boards, and re- 
cited what they wrote; the master addressed 
them in rapid succession; and the confused 


of an Egyptian and a Turkish school, see the 
Bible Cyclopedia, 1841; and the Cyclopedia 
of Biblical Literature, 1847. 

3 Gal. iii. 24, where the word inaccurately 
rendered “ Schoolmaster ” denotes the attend 
ant slave who accompanied the child to the 
school. A Jewish illustration of a custom 
well known among the Greeks and Romans is 
given by Buxtorf. He describes the child as 
taken to the preceptor under the skirt of a 
Rabbi’s cloak, and as provided with honey and 
honey-cakes, symbolizing such passages ss 
Deut. xxxii. 13, Cant. iv. 11, Ps. xix. 10. 

* 2 Cor. v. 16. 5 Acts i. 6. 


eo) * 
48 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8ST. PAUL. CaP. y 


at Tarsus as a child of promise, and as one likely to uphold the honor 
of the Law against the half-infidel teaching of the day. But the time 
wes drawing near, when his training was to become more exact and 
systematic. He was destined for the school of Jerusalem. The educa 
tional maxim of the Jews, at a later period, was as follows: —‘“‘ At five 
years of age, let children begin the Scripture; at ten, the Mishna; at 
thirteen, let them be subjects of the Law.”' There is no reasou & 
suppose that the general practice was very different before the floating 
maxims of the great doctcrs were brought together in the Mishna 
It may therefore be concluded, with a strong degree of probability, thas 
Saul was sent to the Holy City? between the ages of ten and thirteen. 
Had it been later than the age of thirteen, he could hardly have said 
that he had been “ brought up” in Jerusalem. 

The first time any one leaves the land of his birth to visit a foreign 
and distant country, is an important epoch in his life. In the case of 
one who has taken this first journey at an early age, and whose character 
is enthusiastic and susceptible of lively impressions from without, this 
epoch is usually remembered with peculiar distinctness. But when the 
country which is thus visited has furnished the imagery for the creams 
of childhood, and is felt to be more truly the young traveller’s home 
than the land he is leaving, then the journey assumes the sacrec charac 
ter of a pilgrimage. The nearest parallel which can be found to the 
visits of the scattered Jews to Jerusalem, is in the periodical expedition 
of the Mohammedan pilgrims to the sanctuary at Mecca. Ner is there 
any thing which ought to shock the mind in such a comparison ; for that 
localizing spirit was the same thing to the Jews under the hig sest sano- 
tion, which it is to the Mohammedans through the memory o/ a prophet 
who was the enemy and not the forerunner of Christ. As the disciples 
of Islam may be seen, at stated seasons, flocking towards Cairo or Da 
mascus, the meeting-places of the African and Asiatic caravans, — so 
Saul had often seen the Hebrew pilgrims from the interior of Asia Minor 
come down through the passes of the mountains, and join others at 
Tarsus who were bound for Jerusalem. They returned when the 
festivals were over; and he heard them talk of the Holy City, of Herod 
sud the New Temple, and of the great teachers and doctors of the Law. 
And at length Saul himself was to go,—- to see the land of promise and 


1 We learn from Buxtorf that at 13 there 2 That he came from Tarsus at an early 
was a ceremony something like Christian con- age is implied in Acts xxvi. 4.— “ My manner 
Grmation. The boy was then called a “Child of life frm my youth, which was at the jirst 
ef the Law;” and the father declared in the among mine own nation at Jerusalem, know 
presence of the Jews that his son fully under all the Jews, which knew me from the bogie 
steod the Law, and was fully responsible for ning.” 
bis sins. 


GRAP, II, Hw IM SENT TO JERUSALEM, 48 


the City ef David, and grow up a learned Rabbi “at the feet of 
Gamaliel.” 

With his father, or under the care of some other friend older thas 
himself, he left Tarsus and went to Jerusalem. It is not probable that 
they travelled by the long and laborious land-journey which leads frora 
the Cilician plain through the defiles of Mount Amauus to Antioch, and 
thence along the rugged Pheenician shore through Tyre and Sidon to 
Judea. The Jews, when they went to the festivals, or to carry contri- 
butions, like the Mohammedans of modern days, would follow the lines of 
natural traffic:! and now that the Hastern Sea had been cleared of its 
pirates, the obvious course would be to travel by water. The Jews, 
though merchants, were not seamen. We may imagine Saul, therefore, 
setting sail from the Cydnus on his first voyage, in a Phoenician trader, 
under the patronage of the gods of Tyre; or in company with Greek 
mariners in a vessel adorned with some mythological emblem, like that 
Alexandrian corn-ship which subsequently brought him to Italy, “ whose 
sign was Castor and Pollux.”* Gradually they lost sight of Taurus, and 
the heights of Lebanon came into view. The one had sheltered his 
early home, but the other had been a familiar form to his Jewish fore- 
fathers. How histories would crowd into his mind as the vessel moved 
on over the waves, and he gazed upon the furrowed flanks of the great 
Hebrew mountain! Had the voyage been taken fifty years earlier, the 
vessel would probably have been bound for Ptolemais, which still bore 
the name of the Greek kings of Egypt;* but in the reign of Augustus 
or Tiberius, it is more likely that she sailed round the headland of 
Carmel, and came to anchor in the new harbor of Cw#sarea, — the hand- 
some city which Herod had rebuilt, and named in honor of the Emperor. 

To imagine incidents when none are recorded, and confidently to lay 
down a route without any authority, would be inexcusable in writing on 
this subject. But to imagine the feelings of a Hebrew boy on his first 
visit to the Holy Land, is neither difficult nor blamable. During this 
journey Saul had around him a different scenery and different cultiva- 
tion from what he had been accustomed to, — not a river and a wide 
plain covered with harvests of corn, but a succession of hills and valleys, 
with terraced vineyards watered by artificial irrigation. If it was the 
time of a festival, many pilgrims were moving in the same direction, 
with music and the songs of Zion. The ordinary road would probably 


\ In 1820, Abd-el-Kader went with hisfather Ptolemais was still a busy seaport in St. Paul’s 
on board a French brig to Alexandria, on their day, though Cassarea had become the most is- 
way to Mecca. portant harbor, and indeed (politically) the 

2 Acts xxviii. 11. most important city, in Palestine. See Acts 

5 Bee, for instance 1 Maceab y.15,x.1. xxi. 7. 

4 


Daas ye 3. 
60 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. CHAP. Ir 


be that mentioned in the Acts, which led from Casarea through the 
town of Antipatris' (Acts xxiii. 31). But neither of these places would 
possess much interest for a “ Hebrew of the Hebrews.” The one was 
associated with the thoughts of the Romans and of modern times; the 
other had been built by Herod in memory of Antipater, his Idum@an 
father. “But objects were not wanting of the deepest interest to a child 
of Benjamin. Those far hill-tops on the left were close upon Mount 
Gilboa, even if the very place could not be seen where “ the Philistines 
fought against Israel . . . and the battle went sore against Saul... 
and he fell on his sword ... and died, and his three sons, and his 
armor-bearer, and all his men, that same day together.”? After passing 
through the lots of the tribes of Manasseh and Ephraim, the traveller 
from Czsarea came to the borders of Benjamin. The children of 
Rachel were together in Canaan as they had been in the desert. The 
lot of Benjamin was entered near Bethel, memorable for the piety of 
Jacob, the songs of Deborah, the sin of Jeroboam, and the zeal of 
Josiah. Onward a short distance was Gibeah, the home of Saul when 
he was anointed King,* and the scene of the crime and desolation of the 
tribe, which made it the smallest of the tribes of Israel.’ Might it not 
be too truly said concerning the Israelites even of that period: “ They 
have deeply corrupted themselves, as in the days of Gibeah: therefore 
the Lord will remember their iniquity, He will visit their sins” ?* Ata 
later stage of his life, such thoughts of the unbelief and iniquity of 
Israel accompanied St. Paul wherever he went. At the early age of 
twelve years, all his enthusiasm could find an adequate object in the 
earthly Jerusalem ; the first view of which would be descried about this 
part of the journey. From the time when the line of the city wall was 
seen, all else was forgotten. The further border of Benjamin was almost 
reached. The Rabbis said that the boundary-line of Benjamin and 
Judah, the two faithful tribes, passed through the Temple. And this 
City and Temple was the common sanctuary of all Israelites. ‘ Thither 
the tribes go up, even the tribes of the Lord: to testify unto Israel, to 
give thanks unto the name of the Lord. There is little Benjamin their 
ruler, and the princes of Judah their council, the princes of Zebulon 
and the princes of Naphtali: for there is the seat of judgment, even 
the seat of the house of David.” And now the Temple’s glittering 
roof was seen, with the buildings of Zion crowning the eminence 
above it, and the ridge of the Mount of Olives rising high over all. 
And now the city gate was passed, with that thrill of the heart which 


1 See p. 25,n.3. 7? 1 Sam. xxxi. 1-6. * 1 Sam. x. 26, xv. 34 
3 Gen. xxviii. 19; Judg. iv. 5; 1 Kings xii. ® Judges xx. 43, & 
39; 2 Kings xxiii. 15. © Hosea ix. 9. 


ae 
ee 
aero. 


onAP, STATE OF JUDAA. 51 


none but a Jew could know. “Our feet stand within thy gates, O Jeru- 
salem. Oh, pray for the peace of Jerusalem: they shall prosper that 


love thee. Peace be within thy walls, and plenteousness within thy 
palaces. O God, wonderful art thou in thy holy places: even the God 
of Israel. He will give strength and power unto His people. Blessed 
be God.”! 


And now that this young enthusiastic Jew is come into the land of his 
forefathers, and is about to receive his education in the schools of the 
Holy City, we may pause to give some description of the state of Judza 
and Jerusalem. We have seen that it is impossible to fix the exact date 
of his arrival, but we know the general features of the period; and we 
can easily form to ourselves some idea of the political and religious con- 
dition of Palestine. 

Herod was now dead. The tyrant had been called to his last account , 
and that eventful reign, which had destroyed the nationality of the Jews, 
while it maintained their apparent independence, was over. It is most 
likely that Archelaus also had ceased to govern, and was already in exile. 
His accession to power had been attended with dreadful fighting in the 
streets, with bloodshed at sacred festivals, and with wholesale crucifix- 
ions; his reign of ten years was one continued season of disorder and dis- 
content ; and, at last, he was banished to Vienna on the Rhone, that Judea 
might be formally constituted into a Roman province.2 We suppose Saul 
to have come from Tarsus to Jerusalem when one of the four governors, 
who preceded Pontius Pilate, was in power,— either Coponius, or Marcus 
_ Ambivius, or Annius Rufus, or Valerius Gratus. The governor resided 
in the town of Casarea. Soldiers were quartered there and at Jerusalem, © 
and throughout Judea, wherever the turbulence of the people made gar- 
risons necessary. Centurions were in the country towns;* soldiers on 
the banks of the Jordan.t There was no longer even the show of inde- 
pendence. The revolution, of which Herod had sown the seeds, now 
came to maturity. The only change since his death in the appearance 
of the country was that every thing became more Roman than before. 
Roman money was current in the markets. Roman words were incorpo- 
rated in the popular language. Roman buildings were conspicuous in all 
the towns. Even those two independent principalities which two sons of 
Herod governed, between the provinces of Judea and Syria, exhibited 


1 See Ps. lxviii. and cxxii. The Herodian family, after their father’s death, 


2 While the question of succession was 
pending, the Roman soldiers under Sabinus 
bad a desperate conflict with the Jews. Fight- 
ing and sacrificing went on together. Varus, 
the governor of Syria, marched from Antioch 
to Jerusalem, and 2,000 Jews were crucified. 


had gone to Rome, where Augustus received 
them in the Temple of Apollo. Archelaus had 
never the title of king, though his father had 
desired it. 

8 Luke vii. 1-10. 

* Luke iii. 14. 


RES i)? oe eel 
. 7s! 
~ 


52 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. CHAP nL 


all the general character of the epoch. Philip, the tetrarch of Gaulonitis, 
called Bethsaida, on the north of the lake of Genesareth, by the name 
of Julias, in honor of the family who reigned at Rome. Antipas, the 
tetrarch of Galilee, built Tiberias on the south of the same lake, in honor 
of the emperor who about this time (4.p. 14) succeeded his illustrious 
step-father. 

These political changes had been attended with a gradual alteration 
in the national feelings of the Jews with regard to their religion. That 
the sentiment of political nationality was not extinguished was proved 
too well by all the horrors of Vespasian’s and Hadrian’s reigns; but 
there was a growing tendency to cling rather to their Law and Religion 
as the centre of their unity. The great conquests of the Heathen pow- 
ers may have been intended by Divine Providence to prepare this change 
in the Jewish mind. Even under the Maccabees, the idea of the state 
began to give place, in some degree, to the idea of religious life. Under 
Herod, the old unity was utterly broken to pieces. The high priests were 
set up and put down at his caprice; and the jurisdiction of the Sanhedrin 
was invaded by the most arbitrary interference. Under the governors, the 
power of the Sanhedrin was still more abridged ; and high priests were 
raised and deposed, as the Christian patriarchs of Constantinople have for 
some ages been raised and deposed by the Sultan: so that it is often 
a matter of great difficulty to ascertain who was high priest at Jerusalem 
in any given year at this period.! Thus the hearts of the Jews turned 
more and more towards the fulfilment of Prophecy, —to the practice of 
Religion, — to the interpretation of the Law. All else was now hopeless. 
The Pharisees, the Scribes, and the Lawyers were growing into a more 
important body even than the Priests and the Levites;*? and that system 

of “ Rabbinism ” was beginning, “ which, supplanting the original religion 
~ of the Jews, became, after the ruin of the Temple and the extinction of 
the public worship, a new bond of national union, the great distinctive 
feature in the character of modern Judaism.” * 

The Apostolic age was remarkable for the growth of learned Rabbinical 
schools; but of these the most eminent were the rival schools of Hillel 
and Schammai. These sages of the law were spoken of by the Jews, 
and their proverbs quoted, as the seven wise men were quoted by the 
Greeks. Their traditional systems run through all the Talmudical writ- 
ings, as the doctrines of the Scotists and Thomists run through the Mid- 


1 See Acts xxiii. 5. these schools, some were Levites, as Samuel ; 
% In earlier periods of Jewish history, the some belonged to the other tribes, 2s Saul and 
prophets seem often to have been a more influ- David. 
mtial body than the priests. It is remarkable ® Milman’s History of the Jews, vol. il 
that we de not read of “Schools of the p. 100. 
Prophets” in any of the Levitical cities In 


omar. IL GAMALTEL §3 


dle Ages.' Both were Pharisaic schools: but the former upheld the honer 
of tradition as even superior to the law; the latter despised the tradition- 
ists when they clashed with Moses. The antagonism between them was 
so great, that it was said that even “ Elijah the Tishbite would never be 
able to reconcile the disciples of Hillel and Schammai.” 

Of these two schools, that of Hillel was by far the most influential in 
its own day, and its decisions have been held authoritative by the greater 
number of later Rabbis. The most eminent ornament of this school was 
Gamaliel, whose fame is celebrated in the Talmud. Hillel was the father 
of Simeon, and Simeon the father of Gamaliel. It has been imagined 
by some that Simeon was the same old man who took the infant Saviour 
in his arms, and pronounced the Vune Dimittis.* Ié is difficult to give a 
conclusive proof of this; but there is no doubt that this Gamaliel was the 
same who wisely pleaded the cause of St. Peter and the other Apostles,’ 
and who had previously educated the future Apostle St. Paul‘ His 
learning was so eminent, and his character so revered, that he is one of 
the seven who alone among Jewish doctors have been honored with the 
title of “ Rabban.”* As Aquinas, among the schoolmen, was called Doctor 
Angelicus, and Bonaventura Doctor Seraphicus, so Gamaliel was called 
the “ Beauty of the Law;” and it is a saying of the Talmud, that “since 
Rabban Gamaliel died, the glory of the Law has ceased.” He was a 
Pharisee ; but anecdotes* are told of him, which show that he was not 
trammelled by the narrow bigotry of the sect. He had no antipathy to 
the Greek learning. He rose above the prejudices of his party. Our 
impulse is to class him with the best of the Pharisees, like Nicodemus and 
Joseph of Arimatheza. Candor and wisdom seem to have been features 
of his character; and this agrees with what we read of him in the Acts 
‘of the Apostles,’ that he was “had in reputation of all the people,” and 
with his honest and intelligent argument when Peter was brought before 
the Council. It has been imagined by some that he became a Christian: 
and why he did not become so is known only to Him who understands 
the secrets of the human heart. But he lived and died a Jew; and a 
well-known prayer against Christian heretics was composed or sanctioned 


See ee ae cile this with the Jewish law, he replied, thas 


p. 12, and beginning of book the bath was there before the statue ; that the 
3 Luke ii. 25-35. bath wan not made for the poddem, but the 
5 Acts v. 34-40. statue for the bath. Tholuck, Eng. transl. p. 17. 
* Acts xxii 3. 7 Acts v.34. Yes Nicodemus and Joseph 
§ This title is the same as “Rabboni” ad- declared themselves the friends of Christ, 
ézeased to oar Lord by Mary Magdalene. which Gamaliel never did And we should 


* He bathed once at Ptoiemais im am apart hardly expect to fied a violent persecute 
sasmt where a statue was emcted to a Heathen among the pupils of 2 really candid aed =p 
goddess ; and being asked how bs could recom- prejudiced man 


5+ THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. CHAF. II. 


by him.’ He died eighteen years before the destruction of Jerusalem, 
about the time of St. Paul’s shipwreck at Malta, and was buried with 
great honor. Another of his pupils, Onkelos, the author of the cele- 
brated Targum, raised to him such a funeral-pile of rich materials as had 
never before been known, except at the burial of a king. 

If we were briefly to specify the three effects which the teaching and 
example of Gamaliel may be supposed to have produced on the mind of 
St. Paul, they would be as follows: — candor and honesty of judgment, 
—a willingness to study and make use of Greek authors, — and a keen 
and watchful enthusiasm for the Jewish law. We shall see these traits 
of character soon exemplified in his life. But it is time that we should 
inquire into the manner of communicating instruction, and learn some- 
thing concerning the places where instruction was communicated, in the 
schools of Jerusalem. 

Until the formation of the later Rabbinical colleges, which flourished 
after the Jews were driven from Jerusalem, the instruction in the divinity 
schools seems to have been chiefly oral. There was a prejudice against 
the use of any book except the Sacred Writings. The system was one of 
Scriptural Exegesis. Josephus remarks, at the close of his “ Antiqui- 
ties,”* that the one thing most prized by his countrymen was power in 
the exposition of Scripture. ‘“ They give to that man,” he says, “ the 
testimony of being a wise man, who is fully acquainted with our laws, 
and is able to interpret their meaning.” So far as we are able to learn 
from our sources of information, the method of instruction was some- 
thing of this kind.‘ At the meetings of learned men, some passage of the 
Old Testament was taken as a text, or some topic for discussion pro- 
pounded in Hebrew, translated into the vernacular tongue by means of a 
Chaldee paraphrase, and made the subject of commentary: various inter- 
pretations were given: aphorisms were propounded: allegories suggested: 
and the opinions of ancient doctors quoted and discussed. At these dis- 
cussions the younger students were present, to listen or to inquire, — or, 
in the sacred words of St. Luke, “‘ both hearing them and asking them 
questions :” for it was a peculiarity of the Jewish schools, that the pupil 
was encouraged to catechise the teacher. Contradictory opinions were 
expressed with the utmost freedom. This is evident from a cursory ex- 


1 The prayer is given in Mr. Horne’s Jntro- 
duction to the Scriptures, 8th ed. vol. iii. p. 261, 
as follows: ‘‘ Let there be no hope to them 
who apostatize from the true religion; and let 
heretics, how many soever they be, ull perish 
as in a momert. «ind let the kingdom of 
pride be speedily roeted out and broken in our 
aays. Blessed art thou. O Lord our God who 


destroyest the wicked, and bringest down ths 
proud.” 

2 His son Simeon, who succeeded him as 
president of the Council, perished in the ruins 
of the city. 

S\ Anti xeiye: 

* See Dr. Kitto’s Cyclopedia of Bibieas 
Literature. art. “ Schools and Synagogues.’’ 


cuaP, I, BABBINICAL SCHOOLS. 55 


amination of the Talmud, which gives us the best notions of the scholastic 
disputes of the Jews. This remarkable body of Rabbinical jurisprudence 
has been compared to the Roman body of civil law: but in one respect 
it might suggest a better comparison with our own English common law, 
in that it is a vast accumulation of various and often inconsistent prece- 
dents. The arguments and opinions which it contains, show very plainly 
that the Jewish doctors must often have been occupied with the most 
frivolous questions ; — that the “ mint, anise, and cumin’”’ were eagerly 
discussed, while the “ weightier matters of the law” were neglected : — 
but we should not be justified in passing a hasty judgment on ancient 
volumes, which are full of acknowledged difficulties. What we read of 
the system of the Cabala has often the appearance of an unintelligible 
jargon: but in all ages it has been true that “the words of the wise are 
as goads, and as nails fastened by the masters of assemblies.”' If we 
could look back upon the assemblies of the Rabbis of Jerusalem, with 
Gamaliel in the midst, and Saul among the younger speakers, it is pos- 
sible that the scene would be as strange and as different from a place 
of modern education, as the schools now seen by travellers in the East 
differ from contemporary schools in England. But the same might be 
said of the walks of Plato in the Academy, or the lectures of Aristotle 
in the Lyceum. It is certain that these free and public discussions of 
the Jews tended to create a high degree of general intelligence among the 
people; that the students were trained there in a system of excellent 
dialectics ; that they learnt to express themselves in a rapid and senten- 
tious style, often with much poetic feeling; and acquired an admirable 
acquaintance with the words of the ancient Scriptures.” 

These “ Assemblies of the Wise” were possibly a continuation of the 
“ Schools of the Prophets,’ which are mentioned in the historical books 
of the Old Testament.* Wherever the earlier meetings were held, whether 
at the gate of the city, or in some more secluded place, we read of no 
buildings for purposes of worship or instruction before the Captivity. 
During that melancholy period, when the Jews mourned over their sep- 
aration from the Temple, the necessity of assemblies must have been 
deeply felt, for united prayer and mutual exhortation, for the singing of 
the “Songs of Zion,” and for remembering the ‘‘ Word of the Lord.” 
When they returned, the public reading of the law became a practice of 
universal interest: and from this period we must date the erection of 


1 Kecles, xii. 11. the punishments were, confinement, floggme, 
2 Tt seems that half-yearly examinations and excommunication. 
were held on four sabbaths of the months Adar 3 1 Sam. x. 5, 6, xix. 20; 2 Kings ii. 3, §, 


and Elul (February and August), when the iv. 38. 
scholars made recitations and were promoted: 


ie Sy 


56 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. omar. 


Synagogues ' in the different towns of Palestine. So that St. James could 
say, in the council at Jerusalem: “ Moses of old time hath in every city 
them that preach him, being read in the synagogues every Sabbath day.” * 
To this later period the 74th Psalm may be referred, which laments over 
“the burning of all the synagogues of God in the land.” — These build- 
ings are not mentioned by Josephus in any of the earlier passages of his 
history. But in the time of the Apostles we have the fullest evidence 
that they existed in all the small towns in Judza, and in all the principal 
cities where the Jews were dispersed abroad. It seems that the synagogues 
often consisted of two apartments, one for prayer, preaching, and the 
efiices of public worship; the other for the meetings of learned men, for 
discussions concerning questions of religion and discipline, and for purposes 
ef education. Thus the Synagogues and the Schools cannot be con- 
sidered as two separate subjects. No doubt a distinction must be drawn 
between the smaller schools of the country villages, and the great divinity 
schools of Jerusalem. The synagogue which was built by the Centurion 
at Capernaum* was unquestionably a far less important place than those 
synagogues in the Holy City, where “ the Libertines, and Cyrenians,*® and 
Alexandrians, with those of Asia and Cilicia,’ rose up as one man, and 
lisputed against St. Stephen.”. We have here five groups of foreign Jews, 
—two from Africa, two from Western Asia, and one from Europe; and 
there is no doubt that the Israelites of Syria, Babylonia, and the Hast were 
mmilarly represented. The Rabbinical writers say that there were 480 
synagogues in Jerusalem ; and though this must be an exaggeration, yet 
no doubt all shades of Hellenistic and Aramaic opinions found a home in 
the common metropolis. It is easy to see that an eager and enthusiastic 
student could have had no lack of excitements to stimulate his religious 


1 Basmage assigns the erection of synagogues 7 Acts vi. 9. It is difficult to classify with 


to the time of the Maccabees. Meuschen says 
that schools were established by Ezra; but he 
gives no proof. Itis probable that they were 
mearly contemporaneous. 

7 Acta xv. 21. 

5 Ps. xxiv. 8. 

* The place where the Jews met for wor- 
hip was called Bet-ha-Cneset, as opposed 
te the Bet-ha-Midrash, where lectures were 
given. The latter term is still said to be 
used in Poland and Germany for the place 
where Jewish lectures are given on the Law 

§ Luke vii 5. 

* The beautiful coins of Cyrene show how 
sutirely it was a Greek city, and therefore im- 
ply that ite Jews were Hellenistic, like those 
of Absxandria. See above, p. 16, note. 


confidence the synagogues mentioned in this 
passage. According to Wieseler’s view, men- 
tioned above, only one synagogue is intended, 
belonging to libertini of certain districts in 
Northern Africa and Western Asia. Others 
conceive that five synagogues are intended, viz 
the Asian, Cilician, Alexandrian, Cyrenian, and 
that of Jewish freedmen from Italy. We think 
the most natural view is to resolve the five 
groups into three, and to suppose three syna 
gogues, one Asiatic, one African, and one 
European. An “ Alexandrian synagogue,” 
built by Alexandrian artisans who were ere 
ployed about the Temple, is mentioned in the 
Talmud. We have ventured below to use the 
phrase “Cilician Synagogue,” which canmo» 
involve any serious inaccuracy. 


mar. Mh. MODE OF TEACHING. 87 


and intellectual activity, if he spent the years of his youth in that city “ at 
the feet of Gamaliel.” 

It has been contended, that when St. Paul said he was “ brought up’ 
in Jerusalem “ at the feet of Gamaliel,”’ he meant that he had lived at the 
Rabban’s house, and eaten at his table. But the words evidently point to 
the customary posture of Jewish students at a school. There is a curious 
passage in the Talmud, where it is said, that “ from the days of Moses te 
Rabban Gamaliel, they stood up to learn the law; but when Rabban 
Gamaliel died, sickness came into the world, and they sat down to learn 
the Law.” We need not stop to criticise this sentence, and it is not easy 
to reconcile it with other authorities on the same subject. ‘ To sit at the 
feet of a teacher ” was a proverbial expression ; as when Mary is said to 
have “sat at Jesus’ feet and heard His word.”! But the proverbial ex- 
pression must have arisen from a well-known custom. The teacher was 
seated*on an elevated platform, or on the ground, and the pupils around 
him on low seats or on the floor. Maimonides says:—‘* How do the 
masters teach? The doctor sits at the head, and the disciples surround 
him like a crown, that they may all see the doctor and hear his words. 
Nor is the doctor seated on a seat, and the disciples on the ground; but 
all are on seats, or all on the floor.” St. Ambrose says, in his Commen- 
tary on the 1st Epistle to the Corinthians (xiv.), that “ it is the tradition 
of the synagogue that they sit while they dispute; the elders in dignity on 
high chairs, those beneath them on low seats, and the last of all on mats 
upon the pavement.” And again Philo says, that the children of the 
Essenes sat at the feet of the masters, who interpreted the law, and ex- 
plained its figurative sense. And the same thing is expressed in that 
maxim of the Jews — “ Place thyself in the dust at the feet of the wise.” 

In this posture the Apostle of the Gentiles spent his schoolboy days, an 
eager and indefatigable student. ‘‘ He that giveth his mind to the law of 
the Most High, and is occupied in the meditation thereof, will seek out the 
wisdom of all the ancient, and be occupied in prophecies. He will keep 
the sayings of the renowned men ; and where subtle parables are, he wiil 
be there also. He will seek out the secrets of grave sentences, and be con- 
versant in dark parables. He shall serve among great men, and appear 
among princes: he will travel through strange countries; for he hath 
tried the good and the evil among men.””? Such was the pattern proposed 
to himself by an ardent follower of the Rabbis; and we cannot wonder 
that Saul, with such a standard before him, and with so ardent a tempera- 
ment, “ outran in Judaism many of his own age and nation, being more 
exceedingly zealous of the traditions of his Fathers.”? Intellectually, hie 


s 


t Lake x 89; see vill. 35. 2 Ecclus. xxxix. 14. 5 Gal.i 84 


rere sy ee ee 
, ; 
¥ Ne 5 


58 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. CHAY, II, 


mind was trained to logical acuteness, his memory became well stored 
with “ hard sentences of old,” and he acquired the facility of quick and 
apt quotation of Scripture. Morally, he was a strict observer of the re- 
quirements of the Law ; and, while he led a careful conscientious life, 
after the example of his ancestors,’ he gradually imbibed the spirit of a 
fervent persecuting zeal. Among his fellow-students, who flocked to 
Jerusalem from Egypt and Babylonia, from the coasts of Greece and his 
native Cilicia, he was known and held in high estimation as a rising light 
in Israel. Andif we may draw a natural inference from another sentence 
of the letter which has just been quoted, he was far from indifferent to 
the praise of men.? Students of the Law were called “ the holy people ;” 
and we know one occasion when it was said, “‘ This people who knoweth 
not the Law are cursed.” * And we can imagine him saying to himself, 
with all the rising pride of a successful Pharisee, in the language of the 
Book of Wisdom: “TI shall have estimation among the multitude, and 
honor with the elders, though I be young. I shall be found of a quick 
conceit in judgment, and shall be admired in the sight of great men. 
When I hold my tongue, they shall bide my leisure; and when I speak, 
_ they shall give good ear unto me.” ‘ 

While thus he was passing through the busy years of his student-life, 
nursing his religious enthusiasm and growing in self-righteousness, others 
- were advancing towards their manhood, not far from Jerusalem, of whom 
then he knew nothing, but for whose cause he was destined to count that 
loss which now was his highest gain.» There was one at Hebron, the 
son of a priest “ of the course of Abia,” who was soon to make his voice 
heard throughout Israel as the preacher of repentance ; there were boys by 
the Lake of Galilee, mending their fathers’ nets, who were hereafter to be 
the teachers of the World; and there was onr, at Nazareth, for the sake 
of whose love, they, and Saul himself, and thousands of faithful hearts 
throughout all future ages, should unite in saying : — ‘‘ He must increase, 
but I must decrease.” It is possible that Gamaliel may have been one of 
those doctors with whom JEsus was found conversing in the Temple. It 
is probable that Saul may have been within the precincts of the Temple at 
some festival, when Mary and Joseph camé up from Galilee. It is certain 
that the eyes of the Saviour and of His future disciple must often have 
rested on the same objects, — the same crowd of pilgrims and worshippers, 
— the same walls of the Holy City, — the same olives on the other side of 
the valley of Jehoshaphat. But at present they were strangers. The 
mysterious human life of Jesus was silently advancing towards its great 


1 2 Tim.i. 8. once I did) to please men, I should not be the 
2 Gal. i. 10. “Am I now seeking to con- servant of Christ.” 8 John vii. 49. 
ciliate men? ... Nay, if J still strove (as * Wisdom viii. 10-12. © See PL&. iii. 5-7, 


CHAP, I. STUDENT LIFE OF ST. PAUL. 5§ 


consummation. Saul was growing more and more familiar with the out- 
ward observances of the Law, and gaining that experience of the “ spirit 
of bondage” which should enable him to understand himself, and to teach 
to others, the blessings of the “spirit of adoption.” He was feeling the 
pressure of that yoke, whicn, in the words of St. Peter, “ neither his fathers 
nor he were able to bear.”” He was learning (in proportion as his consci 
entiousness increased) to tremble at the slightest deviation from the Law 
as jeopardizing salvation: ‘“ whence arose that tormenting scrupulosity 
which invented a number of limitations, in order (by such self-imposed 
restraint) to guard against every possible transgression of the Law.’’! 
The struggles of this period of his life he has himself described in the 
seventh chapter of Romans. Meanwhile, year after year passed away. 
John the Baptist appeared by the waters of the Jordan. The greatest 
event of the world’s history was finished on Calvary. The sacrifice for 
sin was offered at a time when sin appeared to be the most triumphant. 
At the period of the Crucifixion, three of the principal persons who de- 
mand the historian’s attention are—the Emperor Tiberius, spending his 
life of shameless lust on the island of Caprez, — his vile minister, Sejanus, 
revelling in cruelty at Rome,— and Pontius Pilate at Jerusalem, min- 
gling with the sacrifices the blood of the Galileans.2, How refreshing is it 
to turn from these characters to such scenes as that where St. Jolin re- 
ceives his Lerd’s dying words from the cross, or where St. Thomas meets 
Him after the resurrection, to have his doubts turned into faith, or where 
St. Stephen sheds the first blood of martyrdom, praying for his murderers ! 

This first martyrdom has the deepest interest for us; since it is the first 
occasion when Saul comes before us in his early manhood. Where had 
he been during these years which we have rapidly passed over in a few 
lines, —the years in which the foundations of Christianity were laid ? 
We cannot assume that he had remained continuously in Jerusalem. 
Many years had elapsed since he came, a boy, from his home at Tarsus. 
- He must have attained the age of twenty-five or thirty years when our 
Lord’s public ministry began. His education was completed; and we 
may conjecture, with much probability, that he returned to Tarsus. 
When he says, in the first letter to the Corinthians (ix. 1), — “ Have I not 
seen the Lord?” and when he speaks in the second (v. 16) of having 
“known Christ after the flesh,” he seems only to allude, in the first case, 
to his vision on the road to Damascus ; and, in the second, to his carnal 
opinions concerning the Messiah. It is hardly conceivable, that if he had 
been at Jerusalem during our Lord’s public ministration there, he should 
never allude to the fact.’ In this case, he would surely have been among 


1 Neander. 2 Luke xiii. 1. _ difficult to write with confidence concerning 
* In the absence of more information, it is this part of St. Paul’s life. Benson thinks he 


1 


6) THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL emer. 


the persecutors of Jesus, and have referred to this as the ground of his 
remorse, instead of expressing his repentance for his opposition merely to 
the Saviour’s followers.’ 

If he returned to the banks of the Cydnus, he would find that many 
changes had taken place among his friends in the interval which had 
brought him from boyhood to manhood. But the only change in himself 
was that he brought back with him, to gratify the pride of his parents, if 
they still were living, a mature knowledge of the Law, a stricter life, a 
more fervent zeal. And here, in the schools of Tarsus, he had abundant 
opportunity for becoming acquainted with that Greek literature, the taste 
for which he had caught from Gamaliel, and for studying the writings of 
Philo and the Hellenistic Jews. Supposing him to be thus employed, we 
will describe in a few words the first beginnings of the Apostolic Church, 
and the appearance presented by it to that Judaism in the midst of which 
it rose, and follow its short history to the point where the “ young man, 
whose name was Saul,” re-appears at Jerusalem, in connection with his 
friends of the Cilician Synagogue, “ disputing with Stephen.” 

Before our Saviour ascended into heaven, He said to His disciples: 
“Ye shall be witnesses unto me both in Jerusalem, and in all Judawa, 
and in Samaria, and unto the uttermost parts of the earth.”? And 
when Matthias had been chosen, and the promised blessing had been re 
ceived on the day of Pentecost, this order was strictly followed. First 
the Gospel was proclaimed in the City of Jerusalem, and the numbers 
of those who believed gradually rose from 120 to 5,000.4 Until the 
disciples were “ scattered,” ‘ “upon the persecution that arose. about 
Stephen,” *® Jerusalem was the scene of all that took place in the 
Church of Christ. We read as yet of no communication of the truth to 
the Gentiles, nor to the Samaritans; no hint even of any Apostolic 

preaching in the country parts of Judea. It providentially happened, 
indeed, that the first outburst of the new doctrine, with all its miraculous 


evidence, was witnessed by “‘ Jews and proselytes”’ from all parts of the ~ 


world. They had come up to the Festival of Pentecost from the banks 
of the Tigris and Euphrates, of the Nile and of the Tiber, froma the prov- 
inces of Asia Minor, from the desert of Arabia, and from the islands of 
the Greek Sea; and when they returned to their homes, they carried 
with them news which prepared the way for the Glad Tidings about te 
issue from Mount Zion to “ the uttermost parts of the earth.” But e« yet 


was a young student during our Lord’s minis. 1 1 Cor. xv. 9; Acts xxii. 28. 
try, and places a considerable interval between 2 Acts i. 8. 

the Ascension of Christ and the persecution of 5 Acts i. 15; ti. 41; iv. a 
Stephen. Lardner thinks that the restraint and * Acts viii. 1. 

retirement of a student might have kept him in ® Acts xi 19. 


ignorance of what was going on in the world. § Acts ii 9-11. 


ar. Be FIRST ASPECT OF THE CHURCH 6) 


“the Gospel lingered on the Holy Hill. The first acts of the Apostles 
were “prayer and supplication” in the “upper room;” breaking of 
bread “from house to house ;’’! miracles in the Temple; gatherings of 
the people in Solomon’s cloister; and the bearing of testimony in the 
council chamber of the Sanhedrin. 

One of the chief characteristics of the Apostolic Church was tie 
bountiful charity of its members one towards another. Many of the 
Jews of Palestine, and therefore many of the earliest Christian converts, 
were extremely poor. The odium incurred by adopting the new doctrine 
might undermine the livelihood of some who depended on their trade for 
support, and this would make almsgiving necessary. But the Jews of 
Palestine were relatively poor, compared with those of the dispersion. 
We see this exemplified on later occasions, in the contributions which St. 
Paul more than once anxiously promoted.? And in the very first days 
of the Church, we find its wealthier members placing their entire posses- 
sions at the disposal of the Apostles. Not that there was any abolition 
of the rights of property, as the words of St. Peter to Ananias very well 
shew. But those who were rich gave up what God had given them, in 
the spirit of generous self-sacrifice, and according to the true principles 
of Christian communism, which regards property as intrusted to the 
possessor, not for himself, but for the good of the whole community, — to 
be distributed according to such methods as his charitable feeling and 
conscientious judgment may approve. The Apostolic Church was, in 
this respect, in a healthier condition than the Church of modern days. 
But even then we find ungenerous and suspicious sentiments growing up 
in the midst of the general benevolence. That old jealousy between the 
Aramaic and Hellenistic Jews re-appeared. Their party feeling was 
excited by some real or apparent unfairness in the distribution of the 
fund set apart for the poor. ‘“ A murmuring of the Grecians against the 
Hebrews,” ‘ or of the Hebrews against the Grecians, had been a com- 
mon occurrence for at least two centuries; and, notwithstanding the 
power of the Divine Spirit, none will wonder that it broke out again 
even among those who had become obedient to the doctrine of Christ. 
That the widows’ fund might be carefully distributed, seven almoners or 
deacons * were appointed, of whom the most eminent was St. Stephen, 
described as a man “ full of faith, and of the Holy Ghost,” and as one 


’ Or rather “at home,” Acts ii. 46, — i.e. ® Acts v. 4. 
m their meetings at the private houses of * Acts vi. 1. 
Christians, as opposed to the public devotions 5 The general question of the Diaconate im 
in the Temple. the primitive Church is considered in Chap. 


1 Acts xi. 29,30; and again Rum. xv. 25, XIII. 
25, compared with Acts xxiv. 17; 1 Cor. xvi 
twa; @ Cor. viii. I~ 


pa as ns 1A 
62 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST, PAUL. onar. a, 


who, “ full of faith and power, did great wonders and miracles among 
the people.” It will be observed that these seven men have Greek 
names, and that one was a proselyte from the Greco-Syrian city of 
Antioch. It was natural, from the peculiar character of the quarrel, 
that Hellenistic Jews should have been appointed to this office. And 
this circumstance must be looked on as divinely arranged. For the 
introduction of that party, which was most free from local and national 
prejudices, into the very ministry of the Church, must have had an 
important influence in preparing the way for the admission of the Gen- 
tiles. 

Looking back, from our point of view, upon the community at Jerusa- 
lem, we see in it the beginning of that great society, the Church, which 
has continued to our own time, distinct both from Jews and Heathens, 
and which will continue till it absorbs both the Heathen and the Jews. 
But to the contemporary Jews themselves it wore a very different appear- 
ance. From the Hebrew point of view, the disciples of Christ would be 
regarded as a Jewish sect or synagogue. The synagogues, as we have 
seen, were very numerous at Jerusalem.! There were already the Cilician 
Synagogue, the Alexandrian Synagogue, the Synagogue of the Liber- 
tines,” — and to these was now added (if we may use so bold an ex- 
pression) the Nazarene Synagogue, or the Synagogue of the Galileans. 
Not that any separate building was erected for the devotions of the Chris- 
tians; for they met from house to house for prayer and the breaking of 
bread. But they were by no means separated from the nation:* they 
attended the festivals; they worshipped in the Temple. They were a 
new and singular party in the nation, holding peculiar opinions, and 
interpreting the Scriptures in a peculiar way. This is the aspect under 
which the Church would first present itself to the Jews, and among 
others to Saul himself. Many different opinions were expressed in the 
synagogues concerning the nature and office of the Messiah. These 
Galileans would be distinguished as holding the strange opinion that 
the true Messiah was that notorious “ malefactor,” who had been crucified 
at the last Passover. All parties in the nation united to oppose, and if 
possible to crush, the monstrous heresy. 

The first attempts to put down the new faith came from the Sadducees. 
The high priest and his immediate adherents‘ belonged to this party. 


1 See p. 56. The fulfilment of the ancient law was the as- 

? See pp. 17, 43, 56. pect of Christianity to which the attention of 

3 “The worship of the Temple and the the Church was most directed.” — Prof. Stan: 

synagogue still went side by side with the  ley’s Sermon on St. Peter, p. 92; see James i. 

prayers, and the breaking of bread from house 2, where the word “synagogue” is applied te 
to house. . . . The Jewish family life was the Christian assemblies. 
ghest expression of Christian wiity. . . ¢ Acis iv. 1, v. 17. 


onaP, 0, THE SANHEDRIN. | 62 


They hated the doctrine of the resurrection; and the resurrection of 
Jesus Christ was the corner-stone of all St. Peter’s teaching. He and 
the other Apostles were brought before the Sanhedrin, who in the first 
instance were content to enjoin silence on them. The order was dis- 
obeyed, and they were summoned again. The consequences might have 
been fatal: but that the jealousy between the Sadducees and Pharisees 
was overruled, and the instrumentality of one man’s wisdom was used, 
by Almighty God, for the protection of His servants. Gamaliel, the 
eminent Pharisee, argued, that if this cause were not of God, it would 
come to nothing, like the work of other impostors; but, if it were of 
God, they could not safely resist what must certainly prevail; and the 
Apostles of Jesus Christ were scourged, and allowed to “ depart from 
the presence of the council, rejoicing that they were counted worthy to 
suffer shame for His name.”! But it was impossible that those Phari- 
sees, whom Christ had always rebuked, should long continue to be protect- 
ors of the Christians. On this occasion we find the teacher, Gamaliel, 
taking St. Peter’s part: at the next persecution, Saul, the pupil, is 
actively concerned in the murder of St. Stephen. It was the same alter- 
nation of the two prevailing parties, first opposing each other, and then 
uniting to oppose the Gospel, of which Saul himself had such intimate 
experience when he became St. Paul.? 

In many particulars St. Stephen was the forerunner of St. Paul. Up 
to this time the conflict had been chiefly maintained with the Aramaic 
Jews; but Stephen carried the war of the Gospel into the territory of the 
Hellenists. ‘The learned members of the foreign synagogues endeavored 
to refute him by argument or by clamor. The Cilician Synagogue is 


particularly mentioned (Acts vi. 9, 10) as having furnished some con- | 


spicuous opponents to Stephen, who “ were not able to resist the wisdom 
and the spirit with which he spake.” We cannot doubt, from what fol- 
lows, that Saul of Tarsus, already distinguished by his zeal and talents 
among the younger champions of Pharisaism, bore a leading part in the 
discussions which here took place. He was now, though still “a young 
man” (Acts vii. 58), yet no longer in the first opening of youth. This 
is evident from: the fact that he was appointed to an important ecclesiasti 
cal and political office immediately afterwerds. Such an appointment he 
could hardly have received from the Sanhedrin before the age of thirty, 
and probably not so early; for we must remember that a peculiar respect 
for seniority distinguished the Rabbinical authorities. We can imagine 
Saul, then, the foremost in the Cilician Synagogue, “disputing” against 
the new doctrines of the Hellenistic Deacon, in all the energy of vigorous 


1 Acts v. 41. 2 See Acts xxiii. 6, 9, 14, 20. 


64 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL Guar. & 


manhood, and with all the vehement logic of the Rabbis. How often 
must these scenes have been recalled to his mind, when he himself took 
the place of Stephen in many a Synagogue, and bore the brunt of the 
like furious assault; surrounded by “‘ Jews filled with envy, who spake 
against those things which were spoken by Paul, contradicting and 
blaspheming.”! But this clamor and these arguments were not sufficient 
to convince or intimidate St. Stephen. False witnesses were then sub- 
orned to accuse him of blasphemy against Moses and against God, — who 
asserted, when he was dragged before the Sanhedrin, that they had heard 
him say that Jesus of Nazareth should destroy the Temple, and change the 
Mosaic customs. It is evident, from the nature of this accusation, how 
remarkably his doctrine was an anticipation of St. Paul’s. As a Helle 
nistic Jew, he was less entangled in the prejudices of Hebrew nationality 
than his Aramaic brethren; and he seems to have had a fuller understand- 
ing of the final intention of the Gospel than St. Peter and the Apostles had 
yet attained to. Not doubting the divinity of the Mosaic economy, and 
not faithless to the God of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, he yet saw that 
the time was coming, yea, then was, when the “true worshippers ” should 
worship Him, not in the Temple only or in any one sacred spot, but 
everywhere throughout the earth, “in spirit and in truth:” and for this 
doctrine he was doomed to die. 

When we speak of the Sanhedrin, we are brought into contact with an 
important controversy. It is much disputed whether it had at this period 
the power of inflicting death.? On the one hand, we apparently find the 
existence of this power denied by the Jews themselves at the trial of our 
Lord ;* and, on the other, we apparently find it assumed and acted on in 
the case of St. Stephen. The Sanhedrin at Jerusalem, like the Areopa- 
gus at Athens, was the highest and most awful court of judicature, es 
pecially in matters that pertained to religion; but, like that Athenian 
tribunal, its real power gradually shrunk, though the reverence attached 
to its decisions remained. It probably assumed its systematic form under 
the second Hyrcanus ;‘ and it became a fixed institution in the Common- 
wealth under his sons, who would be glad to have their authority nomi- 
nally limited, but really supported, by such a council. Under the Herods, 


1 Acts xiii. 45. 

* Most of the modern German critics are of 
spinion that they had not at this time the 
power of life and death. A very careful and 
elaborate argument for the opposite view will 
ce found in Biscoe’s History of the Acts con- 
Armed, ch. vi. Dean Milman says that in his 
“opinion, formed upon the study of the con- 
temporary Jewish history, the power of the 


Sanhedrin, at this period of political change 
and confusion, on this, as well as on other 
points, was altogether undefined. — History of 
Christianity, vol. i. p. $40. Compare the nar 
rative of the death of St. James. Joseph. Ant 
xx. 9. 

® John xvii. $1, xix. 6. 

* See p. 24. 

§ The word from which “Sanhedrin” ie 


mar. G. THE TRIAL OF ST. STEPHEN. € 


and under the Romans, its jurisdiction was curtailed ;' and we are im 
fcrmed, on Talmudical authority, that, forty years before the destruction 
of Jerusalem, it was formally deprived of the power of inflicting death. 
if this is true, we must consider the proceedings at the death of St. 
Stephen as tumultuous and irregular. And nothing is more probable 
than that Pontius Pilate (if indeed he was not absent at that time) would 
willingly connive, in the spirit of Gallio at Corinth, at an act of unauthor 
ized cruelty in “ a question of words and names and of the Jewish law,’”? 
and unat the Jews would willingly assume as much power as they dared, 
when the honor of Moses and the Temple was in jeopardy. 

The council assembled in solemn dnd formal state to try the blas 
phemer. There was great and general excitement in Jerusalem. “The 
people, the scribes, and the elders”’ had been “ stirred up” by the mem- 
bers of the Hellenistic Synagogues.’ It is evident, from that vivid ex- 
pression which is quoted from the accusers’ mouths, — “‘ this place” — 
this holy place,’ — that the meeting of the Sanhedrin took place in the 
close neighborhood of the Temple. Their ancient and solemn room of 
assembly was the hall Gazith,‘ or the “‘ Stone-Chamber,” partly within the 
Temple Court and partly without it. The president sat in the less sacred 
portion, and around him, in a semicircle, were the rest of the seventy 
judges.’ 

Before these judges Stephen was made to stand, confronted by his 
accusers. The eyes of all were fixed upon his countenance, which grew 
bright, as they gazed on it, with a supernatural radiance and serenity. In 
the beautiful Jewish expression of the Scripture, “‘ They saw his face as 
it had been that of an angel.” The judges, when they saw his glorified 
countenance, might have remembered the shining on the face of Moses,‘ 
and trembled lest Stephen’s voice should be about to speak the will of 
Jehovah, like that of the great lawgiver. Instead of being occupied with 
the faded glories of the Second Temple, they might have recognized 
in the spectacle before them the Shechinah of the Christian soul, which 


® Selden describes the form in which the 
Sanhedrin sat, and gives a diagram with the 
“President of the Council” in the middle, 
the “ Father of the Council” by his side, and 
“Seribes”’ at the extremities of the semi- 


derived being Greek, makes it prebable that its 
systematic organization dates from the Greco- 
Macedonian (i.e. the Maccabsan) period. 

1 We see the beginning of this in the first 
passage where the council is mentioned by Jo- 


sephus, Antig. xiv. 9. 

2 Acts xviii. 15. 

3 Acts vi. 12. 

* It appears that the Talmudical authorities 
differ as to whether it was on the south or 
north side of the Temple. But they agree 
m placing it to the east of the Most Holy 
Place. 


5 


circle. ; 

® Exodus xxxiv. 29-35; see 2 Cor. iii. 7, 
18. Chrysostom imagines that the angelie 
brightness on Stephen’s face might be intended 
to alarm the judges ; for, as he says, it is pos 
sible for a countenance full of spiritual grace 
to be awful and terrible te those who are full 
of hate. 


| 


| 


66 THE LIE AND HEPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. char. 1, 


is the living Sanctuary of God. But the trial proceeded. The judicial 
question, to which the accused was required to plead, was put by the 
president: “Are these things so?”, And then Stephen answered ; and 
his clear voice was heard in the silent council-hall, as he went through 
the history of the chosen people, proving his own deep faith in the 
sacredness of the Jewish economy, but suggesting, here and there, that 
spiritual interpretation of it which had always been the true one, and 
the truth of which was now to be made manifest to all. He began, with 
a wise discretion, from the call of Abraham, and travelled historically in 
his argument through all the great stages of their national existence, — 
from Abraham to Joseph,— from Joseph to Moses,—from Moses to 
David and Solomon. And as he went on he selected and glanced at 
those points which made for his own cause. He showed that God’s bless- 
ing rested on the faith of Abraham, though he had “ not so much as to 
set his foot on” in the land of promise (v. 5), on the piety of Joseph, 
though he was an exile in Egypt (v. 9), and on the holiness of the Burn- 
ing Bush, though in the desert of Sinai (v. 30). He dwelt in detail on 
the Lawgiver, in such a way as to show his own unquestionable ortho- 
doxy; but he quoted the promise concerning ‘“ the prophet like unto 
Moses”’ (v. 37), and reminded his hearers that the Law, in which they 
trusted, had not kept their forefathers from idolatry (v. 39, &c.). And 
so he passed on to the Temple, which had so prominent a reference to 
the charge against him: and while he spoke of it, he alluded to the 
words of Solomon himself,' and of the prophet Isaiah,? who denied 
that any temple “made with hands” could be the place of God’s 
highest worship. And thus far they listened to him. It was the story 
of the chosen people, to which every Jew listened with interest and 
pride. 

It is remarkable, as we have said before, how completely St. Stephen is 


_ the forerunner of St. Paul, both in the form and the matter of this defence. 


, J 


His securing the attention of the Jews by adopting the historical method, 
is exactly what the Apostle did in the synagogue at Antioch in Pisidia.* 
His assertion of his attachment to the true principles of the Mosaic re- 
ligion is exactly what was said to Agrippa: “‘I continue unto this day, 
witnessing both to small and great, saying none other things than those 
which the prophets and Moses did say should come.” ‘ It is deeply inter- 
esting to think of Saul as listening to the martyr’s voice, as he anticipated 
those very arguments which he himself was destined to reiterate in syna- 
gogues and before kings. There is no reason to doubt that he was pres 


1 | Kings viii. 27 ; 2 Chron. ii. 6, vi. 18. 8 Acts xiii. 16-22. 
5 Ts. Levi. 1, 2. * Acta xxvi. 2e 


ok 


CHaP. MARTYRDOM OF ST. STEPHEN, € 


ent,' although he may not have been qualified to vote’ in the Sanhedrin. 
And it is evident, from the thoughts which occurred to him in his subse- 
quent vision within the precincts of the Temple,’ how deep an impression 
St. Stephen’s death had left on his memory. And there are even verba! 
coincidences which may be traced between this address and St. Paul’s 
speeches or writings. The words used by Stephen of the Temple call to 
mind those which were used at Athens. When he speaks of the Law 
as received “‘ by the disposition of angels,” he anticipates a phrase in the 
Epistle to the Galatians (iii. 19). His exclamation at the end, “ Ye 
stiffmecked and uncircumcised in heart . . . who have received the law 
. .. and have not kept it,’ is only an indignant condensation of the 
argument in the Hpistle to the Romans: “ Behold, thou callest thyself 
a Jew, and restest in the law, and makest thy boast in God, and knowesi 
His will. . . . Thou, therefore, that makest thy boast of the law, through 
breaking the law dishonorest thou God? . . . He is not a Jew which is 
one outwardly; neither is that circumcision which is outward in the 
flesh: but he is a Jew which is one inwardly ; and circumcision is that of 
the heart, in the spirit, and not in the letter; whose praise is not of man, 
but of God.” (ii. 17-29.) 

The rebuke which Stephen, full of the Divine Spirit, suddenly broke 
away from the course of his narrative to pronounce, was the signal for 
a general outburst of furious rage on the part of his judges.° They 
“ gnashed on him with their teeth’ in the same spirit in which they had 
said, not long before, to the blind man who was healed — “Thou wast 
altogether born in sins, and dost thou teach us?” * But, in contrast with 
the malignant hatred which had blinded their eyes, Stephen’s serene faith 
was supernaturally exalted into a direct vision of the blessedness of the 


1 Mr. Humphry, in his accurate and useful 
Commentary on the Acts, remarks, that it is not 
improbable we owe to him the defence of St. 
Stephen as given in the Acts. Besides the re- 
semblances mentioned in the text, he points 
out the similarity between Acts vii. 44, and 
Heb. viii. 5, between Acts vii. 5-8, and Rom. 
iv. 10-19, and between Acts vii. 60, and 2 
Tim. iv. 16. And if the Epistle to the He 
brews was written by St. Paul, may we not 
suppose that this scene was present to his mind 
when he wrote, ‘Jesus suffered without the 
gate: let us go forth therefore unto Him with- 
out the camp, bearing His reproach ”’? (xiii, 12, 
18.) 

2 One of the necessary qualifications of 
>yembers of the Sanhedrin was, that they 
& Bald be the fathers of children, because such 


were suppesed more likely to lean towards 
mercy. If this was the rule when Stephen 
was tried, and if Saul was one of the judges, 
he must have been married at the time. See 
p- 75, n. 8. 

® He said in bis trance, ‘‘ Lord, they know 
that I imprisoned aud beat in every synagogue 
them that believed on thee; and when the 
blood of thy martyr Stephen was shed, I also 
was standing by, and consenting unto hie 
death, and kept the raiment of them that slew 
him.” Acts xxii. 19, 20. 

4 Acts xvii. 24. 

5 It is evident that the speech was interrupt- 
ed. We may infer what the conclusion would 
have been from the analogy ef Si. Paul’s 
speech at Antioch in Pisidia, Acts xiii. 

© John ix. 34. 


s . i Pel AS 


63 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8T. PAUL. omar. 


Redeemed. He, whose face had been like that of an angel on earth, was 
made like one of those angels themselves, “‘ who do always behold the face 
of our Father which is in Heaven.”! ‘“ He being full of the Holy Ghost, 
looked up steadfastly into Heaven, and saw the glory of God, and Jesus 
standing on the right hand of God.” The scene before his eyes was no 
longer the council-hall at Jerusalem and the circle of his infuriated 
judges; but he gazed up into the endless courts of the celestial Jerusa- 
lem, with its “innumerable company of angels,” and saw Jesus, in whose 
righteous cause he was about to die. In other places, where our Saviour 
is spoken of in His glorified state, He is said to be, not standing, but 
seated, at the right hand of the Father. Here alone He is said to be 
standing. It is as if (according to Chrysostom’s beautiful thought) He 
had risen from His throne, to succor His persecuted servant, and to 
receive him to Himself. And when Stephen saw his Lord — perhaps 
with the memories of what he had seen on earth crowding into his mind, 
—he suddenly exclaimed, in the ecstasy of his vision: “‘ Behold! I see 
the Heavens opened and the Son of Man standing on the right hand of 
God 1?” 

This was too much for the Jews to bear. The blasphemy of Jesus had 
been repeated. The follower of Jesus was hurried to destruction. ‘They 
cried out with a loud voice, and stopped their ears, and ran upon him 
with one accord.” It is evident that it was a savage and disorderly con- 
demnation.? They dragged him out of the council-hall, and, making a 
sudden rush and tumult through the streets, hurried him to one of the 
gates of the city,—-and somewhere about the rocky edges of the ravine 
of Jehoshaphat, where the Mount of Olives looks down upon Gethsemane 
and Siloam, or on the open ground to the north, which travellers cross 
when they go towards Samaria or Damascus, —with stones that lay with- 
out the walls of the Holy City, this heavenly-minded martyr was mur 
dered. The exact place of his death is not known. There are two tra 
ditions,*—-an ancient one, which places it on the north, beyond the 
Damascus gate; and a modern one, which leads travellers through what 
is now called the gate of St. Stephen, to a spot near the brook Kedron, 
over against the garden of Gethsemane. But those who look upon 


1 Matt. xviii. 10. 

® As in Eph. i. 20; Col. iii. 1; Heb. i. 3, 
viii. 1, x. 12, xii. 2; compsre Rom. viii. 34, 
ead 1 Pet. iii. 22. 

® As to whether it was a judicial sentence 
at all, sce above, p. 64, n. 2. 

* It is well known that the tradition which 
identifies St. Stephen’s gate with the Damas- 


@us gate, and places the scene of martyrdom 


on the North, can be traced from an early 
period to the fifteenth century; and that the 
modern tradition, which places both the gate 
and the martyrdom on the Kast, can be 
traced back to the same century. It is prob 
able that the popular opinion regarding these 
sacred gites was suddenly changed by some 
monks from interested motives 


CHAR W. PRAYER OF ST. STEPHEN. 69 


Jerusalem from an elevated point on the north-east, have both these 
positions in view; and any one who stood there on that day might have 
seen the crowd rush forth from the gate, and the witnesses (who accord- 
ing to the law were required to throw the first stenes') cast off their outer 
garments, and lay them down at the feet of Saul. 

The contrast is striking between the indignant zeal which the martyr? 
had just expressed against the sin of his judges, and the forgiving love 
which he showed to themselves, when they became his murderers. He 
first uttered a prayer for himself in the words of Jesus Christ, which 
he knew were spoken from the cross, and which he may himself have 
heard from those holy lips. And then, deliberately kneeling down, in 
that posture of humility in which the body most naturally expresses the 
supplication of the mind, and which has been consecrated as the attitude 
of Christian devotion by Stephen and by Paul himself,?— he gave the 
last few moments of his consciousness to a prayer for the forgiveness of 
his enemies ; and the words were scarcely spoken when death seized upon 
him, or rather, in the words of Scripture, “he fell asleep.” 

“ And Saul was consenting‘ to his death.” A Spanish painter,’ in a 
picture of Stephen conducted to the place of execution, has represented 
Saul as walking by the martyr’s side with melancholy calmness. He con- 
sents to his death from a sincere, though mistaken, conviction of duty; 
and the expression of his countenance is strongly contrasted with the 
rage of the baffled Jewish doctors and the ferocity of the crowd who flock 
to the scene of bloodshed. Literally considered, such a representation is 
scarcely consistent either with Saul’s conduct immediately afterwards, or 
with his own expressions concerning himself at the later periods of his 
life. But the picture, though historically incorrect, is poetically true. 
The painter has worked according to the true idea of his art in throwing 
upon the persecutor’s countenance the shadow of his coming repentance. 


1 See Deut. xvii. 5-7. The stoning was above (p. 67) that this scene made a deep 


always outside the city, Levit. xxiv. 14; I 
Kings xxi. 10, 13. 

8 The Christian use of the word martyr 
begins with St. Stephen. See Mr. Hum- 
pkry’s note on Acts xxii. 20. See also what 
lie says on the Christian use of the word ceme- 
wry, in allusion to Acis vii. 60. 

® At Miletus (Acts xx. 86) and at Tyre 
(Acts xxii. 5). See Acts ix. 40. 

* The word in Acts viii. 1 expresses far 
more than mere passive consent. St. Paul 
himself uses the same expression (Ibid. xxii. 
80) when referring to the occurrence. Com- 
pare ix. 1, and xxvi. 11. Wa have said 


impression on St. Paul’s mind; but the power 
of the impression was unfelt or resisted till 
after his conversion. 

5 Vicente Joannes, the founder of the Va- 
lencian school, one of the most austere of the 
grave and serious painters of Spain. The pie- 
ture is one of a series on St. Stephen; it wae 
ence in the church of St. Stephen at Valen- 
cia, and is now in the Royal Gallery at Madrid. 
See Stirling’s Annals of the Artists of Spain, 
i. 363. 

§ See Acts xxil 4, xxvi. 10; Phil. ii @; 
1 Tim. i. 13. 


70 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. CHAP. & 


We cannot dissociate the martyrdom of Stephen from the conversion of 
Paul. The spectacle of so much constancy, so much faith, so much love, 
could not be lost. It is hardly too much to say with Augustine, that 
“the Church owes Paul to the prayer of Stephen.” 


SI STEPHANUS NON ORASSET 
EOCCLESIA PAULUM NON HABERET. 


CHAPTER Iii 


Faneral of St. Stephen. — Saul’s continued Persecution. — Flight of the Christians. — Philip 
and the Samaritans. — Saul’s Journey to Damascus. — Aretas, King of Petra. — Roads 
from Jerusalem to Damascus. — Neapolis. — History and Description of Damascus. — The 
Narratives of the Miracle. —It was « real Vision of Jesus Christ. — Three Days in Damas- 
cus. — Ananias. — Baptism and first Preaching of Saul. — He retires into Arabia. — Mean- 
ing of the Term Arabia. — Petra and the Desert. — Motives to Conversion. — Conspiracy at 
Damascus.— Escape to Jerusalem. — Barnabas. — Fortnight with St. Peter. — Conspiracy. 
— Vision in the Temple.— Saul withdraws to Syria and Cilicia. 


HE death of St. Stephen is a bright passage in the earliest history 
of the Church. Where, in the annals of the world, can we find so 
perfect an image of a pure and blessed saint as that which is drawn in 
the concluding verses of the seventh chapter of the Acts of the Apostles? 
And the brightness which invests the scene of the martyr’s last moments 
is the more impressive from its contrast with all that has preceded it since 
the Crucifixion of Christ. The first Apostle who died was a traitor. Tha 
first disciples of the Christian Apostles whose deaths are recorded were 
liars and hypocrites. The kingdom of the Son of Man was founded in 
darkness and gloom. But a heavenly light re-appeared with the martyr- 
dom of St. Stephen. The revelation of such a character at the moment 
of death was the strongest of all evidences, and the highest of all encour- 
agements. Nothing could more confidently assert the Divine power of 
the new religion ; nothing could prophesy more mnie the certainty of its 
final victory. 

To us who have the experience of many centuries of Christian history, 
and who can look back, through a long series of martyrdoms, to this, 
which was the beginning and example of the rest, these thoughts are 
easy and obvious; but to the friends and associates of the murdered 
Saint, such feelings of cheerful and confident assurance were perhaps 
more difficult. Though Christ was indeed risen from the dead, His dis- 
ciples could hardly yet be able to realize the full triumph of the Cross 
over death. Even many years afterwards, Paul the Apostle wrote to the 
Thessalonians, concerning those who had “ fallen asleep”?! more peace- 
ably than Stephen, that they ought not to sorrow for them as those 
without hope; and now, at the very beginning of the Gospel, the grief 


1 1 Thess. iv. 18. See Acts vii. 60. 
71 


73 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8ST. PAUL omar. rm : 
of the Christians must have been great indeed, when the corpse of their 
champion and their brother lay at the feet of Saul the murderer. Yet, 
amidst the consternation of some and the fury of others, friends of the 
martyr were found,’ who gave him all the melancholy honors of a Jewish. 
funeral, and carefully buried him, as Joseph buried his father, “ with 
great and sore lamentation.” ? 

After the death and burial of Stephen the persecution still raged in 
Jerusalem. That temporary protection which had been extended to the 
rising sect by such men as Gamaliel was now at an end. Pharisees and 
Sadducees — priests and people —alike indulged the most violent and 
ungovernable fury. It does not seem that any check was laid upon 
them by the Roman authorities. | Hither the procurator was absent 
from the city, or he was willing to connive at what seemed to him an 
ordinary religious quarrel. 

The eminent and active agent in this persecution was Saul. There 
are strong grounds for believing that, if he “ae not a member of the 
Sanhedrin at the time of St. Stephen’s death, he was elected into that 
powerful senate soon after; possibly as a reward for the zeal he had 
shown against the heretic. He himself says that in Jerusalem he not 
only exercised the power of imprisonment by commission from the High 
Priests, but also, when the Christians were put to death, gave his vote 
against them.’ From this expression it is natural to infer that he was a 
member of that supreme court of judicature. However this might be, 
his zeal in conducting the persecution was unbounded. We cannot help 
observing how frequently strong expressions concerning his share in the 
injustice and cruelty now perpetrated are multiplied in the Scriptures. 
In St. Luke’s narrative, in St. Paul’s own speeches, in his earlier and 
later epistles, the subject recurs again and again. He “‘ made havoc of 
the Church,” invading the sanctuaries of domestic life, “ entering into 
every house:”* and those whom he thus tore from their homes he 
“committed to prison ;” or, in his own words at a later period, when 


1 Acts viii. 2. Probably they were Helle- 
pistic Jews impressed in favor of Christian- 
ity. It seems hardly likely that they were 
avowed Christians. There is nothing in the 
expression itself to determine the point. 

2 See Gen. |. 10. 

8 The word “voice” in the Auth. Vers. 
should be “vote.” Acts xxvi. 10. If this 
inference is well founded, and if the qualifica- 
tien for a member of the Sanhedrin mentioned 
iw the last chapter (p. 67, n. 2), was a necessa- 
ry qualification, Saul must have beem a mar- 
Tied man, and the father of a family. If so, 


it is probable that his wife and children did 
not long survive; for otherwise, some notice 
of them would have occurred in the subsequent 
Rarrative, or some allusion to them in the 
Epistles. And we know that, if ever he had 
a wife, she was not living when he wrote his 
first letter to the Corinthians. (1 Cor. vii.) 
It was customary among the Jews to marry ai 
a very early age. Baron Bunsen has expreseed 
his belief in the tradition that St. Paul was = 
widower. Hippol. ii. 344. 
* Acts viii. 3. Ses ix. 2. 


eMLap. WZ. BAUL’S CONTINUED PERSECUTION. 72 


he had recognized as God’s people those whom he now imagined to be 
His enemies, “ thinking that he ought to do many things contrary to the 
name of Jesus of Nazareth ... in Jerusalem. . . he shut up many 
of the saints in prison.”! And not only did men thus suffer at his 
hands, but women also, — a fact three times repeated as a great aggrava 
tion of his cruelty.2 These persecuted people were scourged — “ often’ 
scourged—‘“‘in many synagogues.” * Nor was Stephen the only one 


who suffered death, as we may infer from the Apostle’s own confession.‘ | 


And, what was worse than scourging or than death itself, he used every 
effort to make them “ blaspheme ” that Holy Name whereby they were 
called.’ His fame as an inquisitor was notorious far and wide. Even at 
Damascus Ananias had heard® “ how much evil he had done to Christ’s 
saints at Jerusalem.” He was known there’ as “he that destroyed 
them which call on this Name in Jerusalem.” It was not without 
reason that, in the deep repentance of his later years, he remembered 
how he had “ persecuted the Church of God and wasted it,” *— how 
he had been “a blasphemer, a persecutor, and injurious ;”” *— and that 
he felt he was “ not meet to be called an Apostle,” because he had “ per- 
secuted the Church of God.” 

From such cruelty, and such efforts to make them deny that Nam 
which they honored above all names, the disciples naturally fled. In 
consequence of “ the persecution against the Church at Jerusalem, they 
‘were all scattered abroad throughout the regions of Judza and Samaria.” 
The Apostles only remained." But this dispersion led to great results. 
The moment of lowest depression was the very time of the Church’s first 
missionary triumph. ‘ They that were scattered abroad went everywhere 
preaching the Word.”™ First the Samaritans, and then the Gentiles, 
received that Gospel, which the Jews attempted to destroy. Thus did 
the providence of God begin to accomplish, by unconscious instruments, 
the prophecy and command which had been given: —‘ Ye shall be 
witnesses upon Me, both in Jerusalem, and in all Judea, and in Samaria, 
and unto the uttermost part of the earth.” | 


' Acts xxvi. 9,10. See xxii. 3. 

4 Acts viii. 8, ix. 2, xxii. 4. 

8 Acts xxvi. 10. 

4 <T persecuted this way unto the death, 
binding and delivering into prisons both men 
and women ” (xxii. 4); “and when they were 
pat to death.I gave my vote against them” 
(xxvi. 10). 

6 (Acts xxvi.11.) It is not said that he 
succeeded in causing any to blaspheme. It 
may be necessary to. explain to some readers 
that the Greek imperfect merely denotes that 


the attempt was made; so in Gal. i. 23, alluded 
to at the end of this chapter. 

© Acts ix. 18. 

7 Acts ix. 21. 
8 Gal. i. 13; see also Phil. iii. 6. 
® 1 Tim. i. 18. 

10) Cor. xv. 9. It should be observed that 
in all these passages from the Epistles the cams 
word for “ persecution ” is used. 

Acts viii. 1. 

1% Acts viii. 4. 

B Acts i. 8. 


Ses xi. 19-31. 


74 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. CHAP, 11, 


The Jew looked upon the Samaritan as he looked upon the Gentile. 
His hostility to the Samaritan was probably the greater, in propor- 
tion as he was nearer. In conformity with the economy which was 
observed before the resurrection, Jesus Christ had said to His disciples, 
“Go not into the way of the Gentiles, and into any city of the Samaritans 
mter ye not: but go rather to the lost sheep of the house of Israel.”! 
Yet did the Saviour give anticipative hints of His favor to Gentiles and 
Samaritans, in His mercy to the Syrophenician woman, and His interview 
with the woman at the well of Sychar. And now the time was come for 
both the ‘* middle walls of partition” to be destroyed. The dispersion 
brought Philip, the companion of Stephen, the second of the seven, to a 
city of Samaria.? He came with the power of miracles and with the 
message of salvation. The Samaritans were convinced by what they saw ; 
they listened to what he said ; “‘ and there was great joy in that city.” 
When the news came to Jerusalem, Peter and John were sent by the 
Apostles, and the same miraculous testimony attended their presence, 
which had been given on the day of Pentecost. The Divine Power in 
Peter rebuked the powers of evil, which were working * among the Samar- 
itans in the person of Simon Magus, as Paul afterwards, on his first 
preaching to the Gentiles, rebuked in Cyprus Elymas the Sorcerer. The 
two Apostles returned to Jerusalem, preaching as they went “in many 
villages of the Samaritans” the Gospel which had been welcomed in the 
city. 

Once more we are permitted to see Philip on his labor of love. We 
obtain a glimpse of him on the road which leads down by Gaza‘ to Egypt. 
The chamberlain of Queen Candace® is passing southwards on his return 
from Jerusalem, and reading in his chariot the prophecies of Isaiah. 
AMthiopia is “ stretching out her hands unto God,’’*® and the suppliant is 
not unheard. A teacher is provided at the moment of anxious inquiry. 
The stranger goes “on his way rejoicing ;”’ a proselyte who had found 
the Messiah ; a Christian baptized “‘ with water and the Holy Ghost.” 
The Evangelist, having finished the work for which he had been sent, is 


1 Matt. x. 5, 6. 

7 (Acts viii. 5.) This was probably the 
ancient capital, at that time called “ Sebaste.” 
The city of Sychar (John iv. 5) had also re- 
ceived a Greek name. It was then “ Neapo- 
lis,” and is still “ Nablous.” 

8 The original word shows that Simon was 
in Samaria before Philip came, as Elymas 
was with Sergius Paulus before the arrival of 
St. Paul. Compare viii. 9-24 with xiii. 6-12. 
There is good reason for believing that Simon 
Magus is the person mentioned by Josephus 


(Ant. xx. 7, 2), as connected with Felix and 
Drusilla. See Acts xxiv. 24. 

* For Gaza and the phrase “ which is des- 
ert” we may refer to the article in Smith’s 
Dict. of the Bible. 

5 Candace is the name, not of an individual, 
but of a dynasty, like Aretas in Arabia, or like 
Pharaoh and Ptolemy. By thiopia is meant 
Meroé on the Upper Nile. Queens of Meroe 
with the title of Candace are mentioned by 
Greek and Roman writers. Probably this 
chamberlain was a Jew. § Ps, lxviii. 31. 


cHar, of, ARETAS, KING OF PETRA. 75 


called elsewhere by the Spirit of God. He proceeds to Cesarea, and we 
hear of him no more, till, after the lapse of more than twenty years, he 
received under his roof in that city one who, like himself, had travelled in 
obedience to the Divine command “ preaching in all the cities.” 1 

Our attention is now called to that other traveller. We turn from the 
“desert road’ on the south of Palestine to the desert road on the north 
from the border of Arabia near Gaza, to its border near Damascus. 
‘*¢ From Dan to Beersheba ”’ the Gospel is rapidly spreading. The dispersion 
of the Christians had not been confined to Judza and Samaria. ‘On the 
persecution that arose about Stephen ” they had “ travelled as far as Phe- 
nicia and Syria.”? ‘Saul, yet breathing out threatenings and slaughter 
against the disciples of the Lord,’’* determined to follow them. ‘“ Being 
exceedingly mad against them, he persecuted them even to strange cities.” * 
He went of his own accord to the high priest, and desired of him let- 
ters to the synagogues in Damascus, where he had reason to believe that 
Christians were to be found. And armed with this “ authority and com- 
mission,”’ * intending “ if he found any of this way, whether they were men 
or wuimen,” ® to “ bring them bound unto Jerusalem to be punished,’’’ he 
journeyed to Damascus. 

The great Sanhedrin claimed over the Jews in foreign cities the same 
power, in religious questions, which they exercised at Jerusalem. The 
Jews in Damascus were very numerous ; and there were peculiar circum- 
stances in the political condition of Damascus at this time, which may have 
given facilities to conspiracies or deeds of violence conducted by the Jews. 
There was war between Aretas, who reigned at Petra, the desert-metropolis 
of Stony Arabia,* and Herod Antipas, his son-in-law, the Tetrarch of 


1 “But Philip was found at Azotus; and, 
passing through, he preached in all the cities, 
till he came to Cwsarea.”’ (Acts viii. 40.) 
“And the next day we that were of Paul’s 
company departed, and came to Cxsarea; and 
we entered into the house of Philip the Evan- 
gelist, which was one of the seven, and abode 


with him.” (Ibid. xxi. 8.) 
2 Acts xi. 19. 8 Acts ix. 1. 
* Acts xxvi. 11. 5 Acts xxvi. 12. 
6 Acts ix. 2. 


7 Acts xxii. 5. 

5 In this mountainous district of Arabia, 
which had been the scene of the wander- 
ings of the Israelites, and which contained the 
graves both of Moses and Aaron, the Naba- 
than Arabs after the time of the Babylonian 
captivity (or, possibly, the Edomites before 
them. See Robinson, Bib. Res. vol. ii. pp. 
557, 573) grew into a civilized nation, built a 


great mercantile city at Petra, and were ruled 
by a line of kings, who bore the title of “ Are- 
tas.” The Aretas dynasty ceased in the 
second century, when Arabia Petra became 
a Roman province under Trajan. In the 
Roman period, a great road united Ailah 
on the Red Sea with Petra, and thence di 
verged to the left towards Jerusalem and the 
ports of the Mediterranean; and to the right 
towards Damascus, in a direction not very 
different from that of the modern caravan-road 
from Damascus to Mecca. This state of things 
did not last very long. The Arabs of this 
district fell back into their old nomadic state. 
Petra was long undiscovered. Burckhardt 
was the first to see it, and Laborde the first to 
visit it. Now it is well known to Orienta 
travellers. Its Rock-theatre and other remains 
still exist, to show its ancient character of a 
city of the Roman Empire. 


76 THE LIVE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL omaP, mn. 


Galilee. A misunderstanding concerning the boundaries of the twe 
principalities had been aggravated into an inveterate quarrel by Herod’s 
unfaithfulness to the daughter of the Arabian king, and his shameful 
attachment to “his brother Philip’s wife.” The Jews generally sym- 
pathized with the cause of Aretas, rejoiced when Herod’s army was 
cut off, and declared that this disaster was a judgment for the murder of 
John the Baptist. Herod wrote to Rome and obtained an order for assist- 
ance from Vitellius, the Governor of Syria. But when Vitellius was on 
his march through Judea, from Antioch towards Petra, he suddenly heard 
of the death of Tiberius (4.D. 37) ; and the Boman army was withdrawn, 
before the war was brought toa conclusion. It is evident that the relations 
of the neighboring powers must have been for some years in a very un- 
settled condition along the frontiers of Arabia, Judwa, and Syria; and the 
falling of a rich border-town like Damascus from the hands of the Romans 
into those of Aretas would be a natural occurrence of the war. [If it 
could be proved that the city was placed in the power of the Arabian 
Ethnarch' under these particular circumstances, and at the time of St. 
Paul’s journey, good reason would be assigned for believing it probable 
that the ends for which he went were assisted by the political relations of 
Damascus. And it would indeed be a singular coincidence, if his zeal in 
persecuting the Christians were promoted by the sympathy of the Jews 
for the fate of John the Baptist. 

But there are grave objections to this view of the occupation of Damas- 
eus by Aretas. Such a liberty taken by a petty chieftain with the Roman 
power would have been an act of great audacity ; and it is difficult to 
believe that Vitellius would have closed the campaign, if such a city were 
in the hands of an enemy. It is more likely that Caligula, who in 
many ways contradicted the policy of his predecessor, — who banished 
‘Herod Antipas. and patronized Herod Agrippa,— assigned the city of 
Damascus as a free gift to Aretas.? This supposition, as well as the 
former, will perfectly explain the remarkable passage in St. Paul’s letter, 
where he distinctly says that it was garrisoned by the Ethnarch of Aretas, 
at the time of his escape. Many such changes of territorial occupation 
took place under the Emperors,’ which would have been lost to history, 


1 2 Cor. xi. 32. On the title “Ethnarch” corded. The strength of Wieseler’s argument 


see note at the end of this Chapter. 

2 This is argued with great force by Wiese- 
ler, who, so far as we know, is the first to sug- 
gest this explanation. His argument is not 
quite conclusive; because it is seldom easy to 
give a confident opinion on the details of a 
eampaign, unless its history is minutely re- 


consists in this, that his different lines of rea 
soning converge to the same result. 

8 See, forinstance, what is said by Josephus 
(Ant. xviii. 5, 4), of various arrangemense in 
the East at this very crisis. Similar changes 
in Asia Minor have been alluded te beiore, 
Ch. L p. 22. 


emae, 35, JOURNEY FROM JERUSALEM ITO DAMASCOS. 77 


were it not for the information derived from a coin,’ an inscription, ar 
the incidental remark of a writer who had different ends in view. Any 
attempt to make this escape from Damascus a fixed point of absolute 
chronology will be unsuccessful; but, from what has been said, it may 
fairly be collected, that Saul’s journey from Jerusalem to Damascus took 
place not far from that year which saw the death of Tiberius and the 
accession of Caligula. 

No journey was ever taken, on which so much interest is concentrated, 
as this of St. Paul from Jerusalem to Damascus. It is so critical a pas- 
sage in the history of God’s dealings with man, and we feel it to be se 


closely bound up with all our best knowledge and best happiness in this . 


life, and with all our hopes for the world to come, that the mind is de- 
lighted to dwell upon it, and we are eager to learn or imagine all its 
details. The conversion of Saul was like the call of a second Abraham. 
But we know almost more of the Patriarch’s journey through this same 
district, from the north to the south, than we do of the Apostle’s in an 
opposite direction. It is easy to conceive of Abraham travelling with his 
flocks and herds and camels. The primitive features of the East con- 
tinue still unaltered in the desert; and the Arabian Sheik still remains 
to us a living picture of the Patriarch of Genesis. But before the first 
century of the Christian era, the patriarchal life in Palestine had been 
modified, not only by the invasions and settlements of Babylonia and Per 
sia, but by large influxes of Greek and Roman civilization. It is difficult 
to guess what was the appearance of Saul’s company on that memorable 
occasion.2 We neither know how he travelled, nor who his associates 
were, nor where he rested on his way, nor what road he followed from the 
Judzan to the Syrian capital. 

His journey must have brought him somewhere into the vicinity of 
the Sea of Tiberias. But where he approached the nearest to the 
shores of this sacred lake, — whether he crossed the Jordan where, in its 
lower course, it flows southwards to the Dead Sea, or where its upper 
windings enrich the valley at the base of Mount Hermon,—we do not 
know. And there is one thought which makes us glad that it should be 
so. It is remarkable that Galilee, where Jesus worked so many of His 
miracles, is the scene of none of those transactions which are related in 
the Acts. The blue waters of Tiberias, with their fishing-boats and 


1 Wieseler justly lays some stress on the the reason why Lord Lyttelton, in his obser- 
circumstance that there are coins of Augustus vations on St. Paul’s conversion, uses the 
and Tiberius, and, again, of Nero and his phrase— “Those in company with him fell 
successors, but none of Caligula and Claudius, down from their horses, together with Saul,” 
which imply that Damascus was Roman. p- 318. (Works, 1774.) There is no proof that 

2 Ta pictures, St. Paul is represented as on this was the case, though it is very proba- 
horeeback on this journey. Probably this is ble 


4 


78 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. CHAP. 10 





towns on the brink of the shore, are consecrated to the Gospels. A 
greater than Paul was here. When we come to the travels of the 
Apostles, the scenery is no longer limited and Jewish, but Catholic and 
widely-extended, like the Gospel which they preached: and the Sea, 
which will be so often spread before us in the life of St. Paul, is not the 
little Lake of Genesareth, but the great Mediterranean, which washed 
the shores and carried the ships of the historical nations of antiquity.’ 

Two principal roads can be mentioned, one of which probably con 
ducted the travellers from Jerusalem to Damascus. The track of the 
caravans, in ancient and modern times, from Egypt to the Syrian capital, 
has always led through Gaza and Ramleh, and then, turning eastwards 
about the borders of Galilee and Samaria, has descended near Mount 
Tabor towards the Sea of Tiberias; and so, crossing the Jordan a little 
to the north of the Lake by Jacob’s Bridge, proceeds through the desert 
country which stretches to the base of Antilibanus. A similar track 
from Jerusalem falls into this Egyptian road in the neighborhood of 
Djenin, at the entrance of Galilee; and Saul and his company may have 
travelled by this route, performing the journey of one hundred and 
_ thirty-six miles, like the modern caravans, in about six days. But at 
this period, that great work of Roman road-making, which was actively 
going on in all parts of the empire, must have extended, in some degree, 
to Syria and Judea; and, if the Roman roads were already constructed 
here, there is little doubt that they followed the direction indicated by 
the later Itineraries. This direction is from Jerusalem to Neapolis (the 
ancient Shechem), and thence over the Jordan to the south of the Lake, 
near Scythopolis, where the soldiers of Pompey crossed the river, and 
where the Galilean pilgrims used to cross it, at the time of the festivals, 
to avoid Samaria. From Scythopolis it led to Gadara, a Roman city, 
_ the ruins of which are still remaining, and so to Damascus.’ 

Whatever road was followed in Saul’s journey to Damascus, it is 
almost certain that the earlier portion of it brought him to Neapolis, 
the Shechem of the Old Testament, and the Nablous of the modern 
Samaritans. This city was one of the stages in the Itineraries. Dr. 
Robinson followed a Roman pavement for some considerable distance 


1 The next historical notice of the Sea of 
Tiberias or Lake of Genesareth after that 
which occurs in the Gospels is in Josephus. 

2 It is very conceivable that he travelled by 
Cexsarea Philippi, the city which Herod Philip 
had built at the fountains of the Jordan, on 
the natural line of communication between 
Tyre and Damascus, and likely to have been 
ons of the “foreign cities” (Acts xxvi. 11) 


which harbored Christian fugitives. Here, 
too, he would be in the footsteps of St. Peter ; 
for here the great confession (Matt. xvi. 16) 
seems to have been made; and this road also 
would probably have brought him past Neapolis. 
It is hardly likely that he would have taken 
the Petra road (above, p. 75, n. 8), for both 
the modern caravans and the ancient itinera. 
ries cross the Jordan more to the north. 


C&aP, Di, DAMASCUS. 79 


in the neighborhvod of Bethel.! This northern road went over the 
elevated ridges which intervene between the valley of the Jordan and 
the plain on the Mediterranean coast. As the travellers gained the high 
ground, the young Pharisee may have looked back, — and, when he saw 
the city in the midst of its hills, with the mountains of Moab in the 
distance, — confident in the righteousness of his cause,—he may have 
thought proudly of the 125th Psalm: “ The hills stand about Jerusalem : 
even so standeth the Lord round about his people, from this time forth 
forevermore.” His present enterprise was undertaken for the honor of 
Zion. He was blindly fulfilling the words of One who said: ‘ Whoso- 
ever killeth you, will think that he doeth God service.”? Passing 
through the hills of Samaria, from which he might occasionally obtain a 
glimpse of the Mediterranean on the left, he would come to Jacob’s Well, 
at the opening of that beautiful valley which lies between Ebal and 
Gerizim. This, too, is the scene of a Gospel history. The same woman, 
with whom JEsus spoke, might be again at the well as the Inquisitor 
passed. But as yet he knew nothing of the breaking-down of the 
“middle wall of partition.”* He could, indeed, have said to the 
Samaritans: “‘ Ye worship ye know not what: we know what we wor- 
ship: for salvation is of the Jews.” * But he could not have understood 
the meaning of those other words: “The hour cometh, when ye shall 
neither in Jerusalem, nor yet in this mountain, worship the Father: the 
true worshippers shall worship Him in spirit and in truth.”* His was 
not yet the Spirit of Curist. The zeal which burnt in him was that 
of James and John, before their illumination, when they wished (in this 
same district) to call down fire from heaven, even as Elias did, on the 
inhospitable Samaritan village. Philip had already been preaching to 
the poor Samaritans, and John had revisited them, in company with 
Peter, with feelings wonderfully changed.’ But Saul knew nothing of 
the little Church of Samaritan Christians; or, if he heard of them and 
delayed among them, he delayed only to injure and oppress. The 
Syrian city was still the great object before him. And now, when he 
had passed through Samaria and was entering Galilee, the snowy peak 
of Mount Hermon, the highest point of Antilibanus, almost as far to the 
north as Damascus, would come into view. This is that tower of ‘‘ Leba- 
non which looketh towards Damascus.”* It is already the great land. 
mark of his journey, as he passes through Galilee towards the sea of 
Tiberias, and the valley of the Jordan. 


1 Bib. Res. iti. 77. More will be said on * John iv. 22. 
this subject, when we come to Acts xxiii. 23- § John iy. 21, 23. 
81. See p. 25. ® Luke ix. 51-56. 
* John xvi. 2. 3 Eph. ii. 14. 7 See above, p. 74. ® Song of Sol. vii. + 





80 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. cuar. 


Leaving now the “Sea of Galilee,” deep among its hills, as a 
sanctuary of the holiest thoughts, and imagining the Jordan to be passed, 
we follow the company of travellers over the barren uplands, which 
stretch in dreary succession along the base of Antilibanus. All around 
are stony hills and thirsty plains, through which the withered stems of 
the scanty vegetation hardly penetrate. Over this desert, under the 
burning sky, the impetuous Saul holds his course, full of the fiery zeal 
with which Elijah travelled of yore, on his mysterious errand, through 
the same “ wilderness of Damascus.”! ‘“ The earth in its length and its 
breadth, and all the deep universe of sky, is steeped in light and heat.” 
When some eminence is gained, the vast horizon is seen stretching on 
all sides, like the ocean, without a boundary ; except where the steep 
sides of Lebanon interrupt it, as the promontories of a mountainous 
coast stretch out into a motionless sea. The fiery sun is overhead; and 
that refreshing view is anxiously looked for, — Damascus seen from afar, 
within the desert circumference, resting, like an island of Paradise, in 
the green enclosure of its beautiful gardens. 

This view is so celebrated, and the history of the place is so illustrious, 
that we may well be excused if we linger a moment, that we may de- 
scribe them both. Damascus is the oldest city in the world.? Its fame 
begins with the earliest patriarchs, and continues to modern times. While 
other cities of the Hast have risen and decayed, Damascus is still what it 
was. It was founded before Baalbec and Palmyra, and it has outlived 
them both. While Babylon is a heap in the desert, and Tyre a ruin 
on the shore, it remains what it is called in the prophecies of Isaiah, 
“ the head of Syria.”’* Abraham’s steward was “‘ Eliezer of Damascus,” ‘ 
and the limit of his warlike expedition in the rescue of Lot was “ Hobah, 
which is on the left hand of Damascus.” * How important a place it 
was in the flourishing period of the Jewish monarchy, we know from 
the garrisons which David placed there,‘ and from the opposition it pre- 
sented to Solomon.’ The history of Naaman and the Hebrew captive, 
Elisha and Gehazi, and of the proud preference of its fresh rivers to the 
thirsty waters of Israel, are familiar to every one. And how close its 
relations continued to be with the Jews, we know from the chronicles of 
Jeroboam and Ahaz, and the prophecies of Isaiah and Amos.° Its 


1 1 Kings xix. 15. 8 Isai. vii. 8. 

* Josephus makes it even older than Abra- * Gen. xv. 2. 
ham. (Ant.i.6,3.) For the traditions of the 5 Gen. xiv. 15. 
events in the infancy of the human race, which ® 2 Sam. viii. 6; 1 Chron. xviii. 6. 
are supposed to have happened in its vicinity, T | Kings xi. 24. 
see Pococke, ii. 115,116. The story that the ® See 2 Kings xiv. 28, xvi. 9,10; 9 Ch. 
murder of Abel took place here is alluded to xxiv. 23, xxviii. 5, 23; Isai. vii. 8; Ames i 
by Shakspeare, 1 K. Hen. VI. i. 3. a. 5. 


SLAP, XIX. DESCRIPTION OF DAMASCUS. 81 


mercantile greatness is indicated by Ezekiel in the remarkable words 
addressed to Tyre:'—“ Syria was thy merchant by reason of the 
multitude of the wares of thy making: they occupied in thy fairs with 
emeralds, purple, and broidered work, and fine linen, and coral, snd 
agate. Damascus was thy merchant in the multitude of the wares of 
thy making, for the multitude of all riches; in the wine of Helbon, and 
white wool.”? Leaving the Jewish annals, we might follow its history 
through continuous centuries, from the time when Alexander sent Par- 
monio to take it, while the conqueror himself was marching from Tarsus 
to Tyre — to its occupation by Pompey,*>—-to the letters of Julian the 
Apostate, who describes it as “the eye of the Hast,’— and onward 
through its golden days, when it was the residence of the Ommiad 
Caliphs, and the metropolis of the Mohammedan world,—and through 
the period when its fame was mingled with that of Saladin and Tamer- 
lane, — to our own days, when the praise of its beauty is celebrated hy 
every traveller from Europe. It is evident, to use the words of Lamar- 
tine, that, like Constantinople, it was a “‘ predestinated capital.” Nor is 
it difficult to explain why its freshness has never faded through all this 
series of vicissitudes and wars. 

Among the rocks and brushwood at the base of Antilibanus are the 
fountains of a copious and perennial stream, which, after running a 
course of no great distance to the south-east, loses itself in a desert 
lake. But before it reaches this dreary boundary, it has distributed its 
channels over the intermediate space, and left a wide area behind it, 
rich with prolific vegetation. These are the “streams from Lebanon,” 
which are known to us in the imagery of Scripture ;‘— the “ rivers 
of Damascus,”’ which Naaman not unnaturally preferred to all the 
“waters of Israel.””> By Greek writers the stream is called Chrysor- 
rhoas,® or “the river of gold.” And this stream is the inestimable 
unexhausted treasure of Damascus. The habitations of men must 
always have been gathered round it, as the Nile has inevitably attracted 
an immemorial population to its banks. The desert is a fortification 
round Damascus. The river is its life. It is drawn out into water- 
courses, and spread in all directions. For miles around it is a wilder- 
ness of gardens,— gardens with roses among the tangled shrubberies, 
end with fruit on the branches overhead. Everywhere among the trees 


1 The port of Beyroot is now to Damascus the Romans; hence we find it less frequently 


what Tyre was of old. mentioned than we might expect in Greek and 
3 Ezek. xxvii. 16, 18. Roman writers. This arose from the building 
5 See above, Ch. I. p. 24. Its relative im- of Antioch and other cities in Northern Syria. 
portance was not so great when it was under * Song of Sol. iv. 15. 


a Western power like that of the Seleucids or 5 2Kingsv.12. * Strabo and Ptolemy. 
a 


—— 


82 THE LI¥E AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


the murmur of unseen rivulets is heard. Even in the city, which is in 
the midst of the garden, the clear rushing of the current is a perpetual 
refreshment. Every dwelling has its fountain: and at night, when the 
sun has set behind Mount mesons: the lights of the city are seen flash- 
ing on the waters. 

It is not to be wondered at that the view of Damascus, when the dim 
outline of the gardens has become distinct, and the city is seen gleaming 
white in the midst of them, should be universally famous. All travellers 


in all ages have paused to feast their eyes with the prospect: and the 


prospect has been always the same. It is true that in the Apostle’s day 
there were no cupolas and no minarets: Justinian had not built St. 
Sophia, and the caliphs had erected no mosques. But the white build- 
ings of the city gleamed then, as they do now, in the centre of a verdant 
inexhaustible paradise. The Syrian gardens, with their low walls and 
waterwheels, and careless mixture of fruits and flowers, were the same 
then as they are now. The same figures would be seen in the green 
approaches to the town, camels and mules, horses and asses, with Syrian 
peasants, and Arabs from beyond Palmyra. We know the very time of 
the day when Saul was entering these shady avenues. It was at mid- 
jay.1 The birds were silent in the trees. The hush of noon was in the 
city. The sun was burning fiercely in the sky. The persecutor’s 
companions were enjoying the cool refreshment of the shade after their 
journey: and his eyes rested with satisfaction on those walls which 
were the end of his mission, and contained the victims of his righteous 
zeal. 

We have been tempted into some prolixity in describing Damascus. 
But, in describing the solemn and miraculous event which took place in 
its neighborhood, we hesitate to enlarge upon the: words of Scripture. 
_ And Scripture relates its circumstances in minute detail. If the impor- 
tance we are intended to attach to particular events in early Christianity 
is to be measured by the prominence assigned to them in the Sacred 
Records, we must confess that, next after the Passion of our blessed 
Lord, the event to which our serious attention is especially called is the 


1 Acts xxii. 6, xxvi. 18. Notices of the 
traditionary place where the vision was seen 
are variously given both by earlier and later 
travellers. The old writer, Quaresmius, men- 
tions four theoretical sites: (1) twelve miles 
south of Damascus, where there is a stream 
on the right of the road, with the ruins of a 
church on a rising ground; (2) six miles south 
on the left of the road, where there are traces 
ef a church and stones marked with crosses; 


(3) two miles south on the same road ; (4) half 
a mile from the city : and this he prefers on the 
strength of earlier authorities, and because it 
harmonizes best with what is said of the Apos- 
tle being led in by the hand. In one of these 
cases there is an evident blending of the scene 
of the Conversion and the Escape: and it 

/ would appear from Mr. Stanley’s letter (quot- 
ed below, p. 93) that this spot is on the eas? 
and not the south of the city. 









OHAP, II. THE NARRATIVES OF THE MIRACLE. $3 


Conversion of St. Paul. Besides various allusions to it in his own 
Epistles, three detailed narratives of the occurrence are found in the 
Acts. Once it is related by St. Luke (ix.),— twice by the Apostle him- 
self, —in his address to his countrymen at Jerusalem (xxii.),— in his 
defence before Agrippa at Cesarea (xxvi.). And as, when the same 
thing is told in more than one of the Holy Gospels, the accounts do uot - 
verbally agree, so itis here. St. Luke is more brief than St. Paul. And 
each of St. Paul’s statements supplies something not found in the other. 
The peculiar difference of these two statements, in their relation to the 
circumstances under which they were given, and as they illustrate the 
Apostle’s wisdom in pleading the cause of the Gospel and reasoning with 
his opponents, will be made the subject of some remarks in the later 
chapters of this book. At present it is our natural course simply to 
gather the facts from the Apostle’s own words, with a careful reference 
to the shorter narrative given by St. Luke. 

In the twenty-second and twenty-sixth chapters of the Acts we are 
told that it was “about noon”’— “at mid-day ’’— when the “ great 
light” shone “ suddenly ” from heaven (xxii. 6, xxvi. 13). And those 
who have had experience of the glare of a mid-day sun in the East, will 
best understand the description of that light, which is said to have been 
“ a light above the brightness of the sun, shining round about Paul and 
them that journeyed with him.” All fell to the ground in terror (xxvi. 
14), or stood dumb with amazement (ix. 7). Suddenly surrounded by 
a light so terrible and incomprehensible, “they were afraid.” ‘They 
heard not the voice of Him that spake to Paul” (xxii. 9), or, if they 
heard a voice, “they saw no man” (ix. 7).! The whole scene wes 
evidently one of the utmost confusion: and the accounts are such as to 
express, in the most striking manner, the bewilderment and alarm of the 
travellers. 

But while the others were stunned, stupefied and confused, a clear light 
broke in terribly on the soul of one of those who were prostrated on the 
ground.? A voice spoke articulately to him, which to the rest was a 
sound mysterious and indistinct. He heard what they did not hear. He 


1 It has been thought both more prudent 
and more honest to leave these well-known 
discrepancies exactly as they are found in the 
Bible. They will be differently explained by 
different readers, according to their views of 
the inspiration of Scripture. Those who do 
not reeeive the doctrine of Verbal Inspiration 
will find in these discrepancies a confirmation 
of the general truth of the narrative. Those 
who lay stress on this doctrine may fairly be 


permitted to suppose that the stupefied com 
panions of Saul fell to the ground and then 
rose, and that they heard the voice but did not 
understand it. Dr. Wordsworth and Prof. 
Hackett point out that the word “stood” in 
ix. 7, need only mean that their progress was 
arrested. 

3 It is evident from Acts ix. 6, 8, xxvi. 16, 
that Saul was prostrate on the ground wher 
Jesus spoke to him. 


84 ' THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. Omar. = 


saw what they did not see. To them the awful sound was without s 
meaning: he heard the voice of the Son of God. To them it was 
a bright light which suddenly surrounded them: he saw Jesus, whom 
he was persecuting. The awful dialogue can only be given in the lan- 
guage of Scripture. Yet we may reverentially observe that the words 
‘which Jesus spoke were “in the Hebrew tongue.” The same language, 
in which, during His earthly life, He spoke to Peter and to John, to the 
blind man by the walls of Jericho, to the woman who washed His feet 
with her tears— the same sacred language was used when He spoke 
from heaven to His persecutor on earth. And as on earth He had always 
spoken in parables, so it was now. That voice which had drawn lessons 
from the lilies that grew in Galilee, and from the birds that flew over the 
mountain slopes near the Sea of Tiberias, was now pleased to call His 
last Apostle with a figure of the like significance: “ Saul, Saul, why per- 
secutest thou me? It is hard for thee to kick against the goad.” As the 
ox rebels in vain against the goad? of its master, and as all its struggles 
do nought but increase its distress—so is thy rebellion vain against the 
power of my grace. I have admonished thee by the word of my truth, 
by the death of my saints, by the voice of thy conscience. Struggle no 
more against conviction, “ lest a worse thing come unto thee.” 

It is evident that this revelation was not merely an inward impression 
made on the mind of Saul during a trance or ecstasy. It was the direct 
perception of the visible presence of Jesus Christ. This is asserted in 
various passages, both positively and incidentally. In St. Paul’s first let 
ter to the Corinthians, when he contends for the validity of his own apos- 
tleship, his argument is, “ Am I not an Apostle? Have I not seen Jesus 
Christ, the Lord ?” (1 Cor. ix. 1.) And when he adduces the evidence 
for the truth of the Resurrection, his argument is again, “ He was seen 
. . . by Cephas . . . by James . . . by all the Apostles . . . last of all 
by me... as one born out of due time” (xv. 8). By Cepbas and by 
James at Jerusalem the reality of Saul’s conversion was doubted (Acts 
ix. 27); but “ Barnabas brought him to the Apostles, and related to them — 
how he had seen the Lord in the way, and had spoken with Him.” And — 
similarly Ananias had said to him at their first meeting in Damascus: 
‘The Lord hath sent me, even Jesus who appeared to thee in the way as 


1 It is only said in one account (xxvi. 14) Amnanias (whose name is Aramaic) seems te 
that Jesus Christ spoke in Hebrew. But this have addressed Saul in Hebrew, not in Greek 
sppears incidentally in the other accounts from (ix. 17, xxii. 13). 
the Hebrew form of the name “Saul” being 2 The “ prick ” of Acts xxvi. 14 is the goaé 
used where our Lord’s own words are given or sharp-pointed pole, which in southern Ew 
‘ix. 4, xxii. 8). In the narrative portion (ix. repe and in the Levant is seen in the hands of 
i, 8, &e.) it is the Greek, a difference which is those who are ploughing or driving cattle. 


: 
| 
i 
: 
| 
a 
not noticed in the Authorized Version. Se | 


emaP, OM, REAL VISION OF JESUS CHRIST. 88 


thou camest” (ix. 17). “The God of our fathers hath chosen thee that 
thou shouldest see that Just One, and shouldest hear the voice of His 
mouth” (xxii. 14). The very words which were spoken by the Saviour, 
imply the same important truth. He does not say,’ “I am the Son of 
God — the Eternal Word— the Lord of men and of angels: ”— but, “I 
am Jesus” (ix. 5, xxvi. 15), “ Jesus of Nazareth” (xxii. 8). “Iam that 
man, whom not having seen thou hatest, the despised prophet of Naza- 
reth, who was mocked and crucified at Jerusalem, who died and was 
buried. But now I appear to thee, that thou mayest know the truth of 
my Resurrection, that I may convince thee of thy sin, and call thee to be 
my Apostle.” 

The direct and immediate character of this call, without the interven- 
tion of any human agency, is another point on which St. Paul himself, in 
the course of his apostolic life, laid the utmost stress; and one, therefore, 
which it is incumbent on us to notice here. “A called Apostle,” “an 
Apostle by the will of God,”? “an Apostle sent not from men, nor by 
man, but by Jesus Christ, and God the Father, who raised Him from the 
dead ;”* — these are the phrases under which he describes himself, in the 
cases where his authority was in danger of being questioned. No human 
instrumentality intervened, to throw the slightest doubt upon the reality 

of the communication between Christ Himself and the Apostle of the 
Heathen. And, as he was directly and miraculously called, so was the 
work immediately indicated, to which he was set apart, and in which in 
after years he always gloried, — the work of “ preaching among the Gen- 
tiles the unsearchable riches of Christ.” Unless indeed we are to con- 
sider the words which he used before Agrippa‘ as a condensed statement ® 
of all that was revealed to him, both in his vision on the way, and after- 
wards by Ananias in the city: “I am Jesus, whom thou persecutest: but 
rise, and stand upon thy feet; for to this end I have appeared unto thee, 
to ordain thee a minister and a witness both of these things which thou 
hast seen, and of those things wherein I will appear unto thee. And thee 


1 Chrysostom. 

2 See Rom. i.1; 1 Cor.i.1; 2 Cor. i. 1; 
Bph.i.l; Col. i. 1. These expressions are 
got used by St. Peter, St. James, St. Jude, or 
St. John. And it is remarkable that they are 
Rot used by St. Paul himself in the Epistles 
addressed to those who were most firmly at- 
tached tohim. They are found in the letters 
to the Christians of Achaia, but not in those 
to the Christians or Macedonia. (See 1 Thess. 
U1; 2 Thess.i.1; Phil. i. 1). And though 
im the letters to the Ephesians and Colossians, 
_aot ie that to Philemon, which is known to 


have been sent at the same time. See Phile- 
mon, l. 

3 Galil. 

* Eph. iii. 8. See Rom. xi. 18, xv. 16; 
Gal. ii. 8; 1 Tim. ii. 7; 2 Tim. & 11, &e. 

5. Acts xxvi. 15-18. 

6 It did not fall in with Panl’s plan in his 
speech before Agrippa (xxvi.) to mention An- 
anias, as, in his speech to the Jews at Jerasa- 
lem (xxii.), he avoided any explicit meuticn 

‘of the Gentiles, while giving the narrative of 
his conversion. 





86 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


CHAP, III, 


have I chosen from the House of Israel, and from among the Gentiles, 
unto whom now I send thee, to open their eyes, that they may turn from 
darkness to light, and from the power of Satan unto God; that they may 
receive forgiveness of sins, and inheritance among the sanctified, by faith 
in Me.”! 

But the full intimation of all the labors and sufferings that were before 
him was still reserved. He was told to arise and go into the city, and 
there it should be told him what it had been ordained? that he should 
do. He arose humbled and subdued, and ready to obey whatever might 
be the will of Him who had spoken to him from heaven. But when he 
opened his eyes, all was dark around him. The brilliancy of the vision 
had made him blind. Those who were with him saw, as before, the trees 
and the sky, and the road leading into Damascus. But he was in dark- 
ness, and they led him by the hand into the city. Thus came Saul into 
Damascus ;— not as he had expected, to triumph in an enterprise on 
which his soul was set, to brave all difficulties and dangers, to enter into 
houses and carry off prisoners to Jerusalem;— but he passed himself 
like a prisoner beneath the gateway; and through the colonnades® of the 
street called “Straight,” where he saw not the crowd of those who gazed 
on him, he was led by the hands of others, trembling and helpless, to the 
house of Judas,‘ his dark and solitary lodging. 

Three days the blindness continued. Only one other space of three 
days’ duration can be mentioned of equal importance in the history of the 
world. The conflict of Saul’s feelings was so great, and his remorse so 
piercing and so deep, that during this time he neither ate nor drank.® 
He could have no communion with the Christians, for they had been terri- 
fied by the news of his approach. And the unconverted Jews could have 
no true sympathy with his present state of mind. He fasted and prayed 
in silence. The recollections of his early years,— the passages of the 
ancient Scriptures which he had never understood, — the thoughts of his 
own cruelty and violence, — the memory of the last looks of Stephen, — 
all these crowded into his mind, and made the three days equal to long 
years of repentance. Andif we may imagine one feeling above all others 
to have kept possession of his heart, it would be the feeling suggested by 
Christ’s expostulation: ‘“‘ Why persecutest thou Me?”® This feeling 


1 See notes on the passage in Chap. XXII. 

2 This is the expression in his own speech. 
(xxii. 10.) See ix. 6, and compare xxvi. 16. 

3 See Mr. Porter’s Five Years in Damascus 
(1856). Recent excavations show that a mag- 
nificent street with a threefold colonnade ex- 
tended from the Western gate to the Eastern 


(where a triple Roman archway remains). 
Mr. Porter ovserves that this arrangement of 
the street is a counterpart of those of Palmyra 
and Jerash. We may perhaps add Antioch. 
See below, p. 115. 

* Acts ix. 11. 


§ Acts ix 9. § See Matt. xxy. 40, 45. 


Se 


ANANIAS. 87 


OMAP, ID, 


would be attended with thoughts of peace, with hope, and with faith. He 
waited on God: and in his blindness a vision was granted to him. He 
seemed to behold one who came in to him,—and he knew by revelation 
that his name was Ananias, — and it appeared to him that the stranger 
laid his hand on him, that he might receive his sight.' 

The economy of visions, by which God revealed and accomplished His 
will, is remarkably similar in the case of Ananias and Saul at Damascus, 
and in that of Peter and Cornelius at Joppa and Cesarea. The simul- 
taneous preparation of the hearts of Ananias and Saul, and the simultaneous 
preparation of those of Peter and Cornelius, — the questioning and hesita- 
tion of Peter, and the questioning and hesitation of Ananias,— the one 
doubting whether he might make friendship with the Gentiles, the other 
doubting whether he might approach the enemy of the Church, — the un- 
hesitating obedience of each, when the Divine will was made clearly known, 
—the state of mind in which both the Pharisees and the Centurion were 
found, — each waiting to see what the Lord would say unto him,—this close 
analogy will not be forgotten by those who reverently read the two con- 
secutive chapters, in which the baptism of Saul and the baptism of 
Cornelius are narrated in the Acts of the Apostles.? 

And in another respect there is a close parallelism between the two 
histories. The same exact topography characterizes them both. In the one 
case we have the lodging with ‘‘ Simon the Tanner,” and the house “ by the 
seaside ”’ (x. 6),— in the other we have “ the house of Judas,” and “ the 
street called Straight (ix. 11).” And as the shore, where “the saint 
beside the ocean prayed,” is an unchanging feature of Joppa, which will 
ever be dear to the Christian heart ;* so are we allowed to bear in mind 
that the thoroughfares of Hastern cities do not change,‘ and to believe that 
the “ Straight Street,” which still extends through Damascus in long per- 
spective from the Hastern Gate, is the street where Ananias spoke to 
Saul. More than this we do not venture to say. In the first days of the 
Church, and for some time afterwards, the local knowledge of the Chris- 
tians at Damascus might be cherished and vividly retained. But now 
that through long ages Christianity in the East has been weak and de- 


1 Acts ix. 12. 

2 Acts ix. and x. Compare also xi. 5-18 
with xxii. 12-16. 

8 See The Christian Year ; Monday in/Has- 
ter week. 

* See Lord Nugent’s remarks on the Jeru- 
salem Bazaar, in his Sacred and Classical Lands, 
vol. ii. pp. 40, 41. Quaresmius says that the 
Straight Street at Damascus is the bazaar, 
which he describes as a street darkened and 


covered over, a mile long and as straight as an 
arrow. He adds that there the house of Judas 
4s shown, a commodious dwelling, with traces 
of having been once a church, and then a 
mosque. The place of Baptism, he says, isa 
fountain not far off, near the beginning of the 
street, where a handsome church has been 
turned into a mosque. He enters also very 
fully into the description of the traditionary 
house of Ananias, and gives a ground plan of it. 


8s THE LIFE AND £PISTLES OF 8ST. PAUL. 


graded, and Mohammedanism strong and tyrannical, we can only say 
that the spots still shown to travellers as the sites of the house of Ananias, 
and the house of Judas, and the place of baptism, may possibly be true.' 
We know nothing concerning Ananias, except what we learn from St. 
Luke or from St. Paul. He wasa Jew who had become a “ disciple ” of 
Christ (ix. 10), and he was well reputed and held to be “ devout accord- 
ing to the Law,” among “ all the Jews who dwelt at Damascus” (xxii. 12). 
He is never mentioned by St Paul in -his Epistles; and the later stories 
respecting his history are unsupported by proof.? Though he was not 
ignorant of the new convert’s previous character, it seems evident that he 
had no personal acquaintance with him; or he would hardly have been 
described as “ one called Saul, of Tarsus,” lodging in the house of Judas. 
He was not an Apostle, nor one of the conspicuous members of the Church. 
And it was not without a deep significance,’ that he, who was called to be 
an Apostle, should be baptized by one of whom the Church knows nothing, 
except that he was a Christian “ disciple,” and had been a “ devout” Jew. 
Ananias came into the house where Saul, faint and exhausted‘ with 
three days’ abstinence, still remained in darkness. When he laid his 
hands on his head, as the vision had foretold, immediately he would be 
yecognized as the messenger of God, even before the words were spoken, 
© Brother Saul, the Lord, even Jesus, that appeared unto thee in the way 
as thou camest, hath sent me, that thou mightest receive thy sight, and 
be filled with the Holy Ghost.’ These words were followed, as were the 
words of Jesus Himself when He spoke to the blind, with an instantaneous 
dissipation of darkness: “ There fell from his eyes as it had been scales :* 
and he received sight forthwith (ix. 18):” or, in his own more vivid ex- 
pression, ‘“ the same hour he looked up on the face of Ananias (xxii. 13).” 


1 Compare, among the older travellers, 
Thevenot, parts i. and ii.; Maundrell (1714), 
p- 36; Pococke, ii. 119. Mr. Stanley says, in 
a letter to the writer, that there is no street 
new called Straight except by the Christians, 
and that the street so called by them does not 
eontain the traditional house of Judas or of 
Ananias, which are both shown elsewhere. 
gee below, p. 93, n. 8. 

2 Tradition says that he was one of the 
seventy disciples, that he was afterwards 
Bishop of Damascus, and stoned after many 
tortures under Licinius (or Lucianus) the 
Gerernor. 

® Ananias, as Chrysostom says, was not 
eme of the leading Apostles, because Paul was 
eet tw be taught of men. On the other hand, 
aus very circemstance shows the importance 


attached by God to baptism. Olshausen, after 
remarking that Paul was made a member of 
the Church not by his Divine Call, but by 
simple baptism, adds that this baptism of Pau! 
by Ananias did not imply any inferiority or 
dependence, more than in the case of our Lord 
and John the Baptist. Observe the strong 
expression in Acts xxii. 16. 

* See Acts ix. 19. 

5 It is difficult to see why the words “‘ there 
fell from his eyes as it had been scales,” should 
be considered merely descriptive by Olshauser 
and others. One of the arguments for taking 
them literally is the peculiar exactness of 5) 
Luke in speaking on such subjects. See + 
paper on the medical style of St. Luke im the 
Gentleman’s Magazine for June, 1841 





omar, TE. BAPTISM AND FIRST PREACHING OF SAUL. 8S 


It was a face he had never seen before. But the expression of Christian 
love assured him of reconciliation with God. He learnt that “ the God of 
his fathers”’ had chosen him ‘“‘to know His will,’ —‘“ to see that Just 
One,” —“ to hear the voice of His mouth,’—to be “ His witness unto 
eil men.”! He was baptized, and “the rivers of Damascus” became 
more to him than “all the waters of Judah”? had been. His body was 
strengthened with food ; and his soul was made strong to “suffer great 
things ” for the name of Jesus, and to bear that Name “ before the Gen- 
tiles, and kings, and the children of Israel.” * 

He began by proclaiming the honor of that name to the children of 
Israel in Damascus. He was “not disobedient to the heavenly vision ” 
(xxvi. 19), but “ straightway preached in the synagogues that Jesus was the 
Son of God,’’* — and “ showed unto them that they should repent and turn 
to God, and do works meet for repentance.” His Rabbinical and Pharisaic 

learning was now used to uphold the cause which he came to destrey. 
The Jews were astounded. They knew what he had been at Jerusalem. 
They knew why he had come to Damascus. And now they saw him con- 
tradicting the whole previous course of his life, and utterly discarding 
that “‘ commission of the high priests,” which had been the authority of 
his journey. Yet it was evident that his conduct was not the result of a 
wayward and irregular impulse. His convictions never hesitated ; his 
energy grew continually stronger, as he strove in the synagogues, main- 
taining the truth against the Jews, and “ arguing and proving that Jesus 


was indeed the Messiah.” * 

e period of his first teaching at Damascus does not seem to have 
lasted long. Indeed it is evident that his life could not have been safe, 
had he remained. The fury of the Jews when they had recovered from 
their first surprise must have been excited to the utmost pitch ; and they 
would soon have received a new commissioner from Jerusalem armed with 
full powers to supersede and punish one whom they must have regarded 
as the most faithless of apostates. Saul left the city, but not to return 
to Jerusalem. Ccnscious of his Divine mission, he never felt that it was 
necessary to consult“ those who were Apostles before him, but he went 
into Arabia, and returned again into Damascus.” * 

Many questions have been raised concerning this journey into Arabia. 
The first question relates to the meaning of the word. From the time 
when the word “ Arabia” was first used by any of the writers of Greece 
or Rome, it has always been a term of vague and uncertain import. 


) Acts xxii. 14, 15. “Christ” is the true reading. Verse 2 
" See 2 Kings v. 12. would make this probable, if the authority of 
* See Acts iz. 15, 16. the MSS. were not decisive. 


* Aces ix. 20. Where “Jesus” and not 5 Acts ix. 22. © Gal. 1.17. 






90 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


Sometimes it includes Damascus; sometimes it ranges over the Lebanon 
itself, and extends even to the borders of Cilicia. The native geographers 
usually reckon that stony district, of which Petra was the capital, ag 
belonging to Egypt, — and that wide desert towards the Euphrates, where 
the Bedouins of all ages have lived in tents, as belonging to Syria, — and 


have limited the name to the Peninsula between the Red Sea and the - 


Persian Gulf, where Jemen, or “‘ Araby the Blest,” is secluded on the 
south. In the threefold division of Ptolemy, which remains in our 
popular language when we speak of this still untravelled region, both the 


first and second of these districts were included under the name of the’ 


third. And we must suppose St. Paul to have gone into one of the former, 
either that which touched Syria and Mesopotamia, or that which touched 
Palestine and Egypt. If he went into the first, we need not suppose him 
to have travelled far from Damascus. For though the strong powers of 
Syria and Mesopotamia might check the Arabian tribes, and retrench 
the Arabian name in this direction, yet the Gardens of Damascus were on 
the verge of the desert, and Damascus was almost as much an Arabian as 
a Syrian town. 

And if he went into Petrean Arabia, there still remains the question 
of his motive for the journey, and his employment when there. Hither 
retiring before the opposition at Damascus, he went to preach the Gospel, 
and then, in the synagogues of that singular capital, which was built 
amidst the rocks of Edom, whence “ Arabians” came to the festivals at 
Jerusalem,’ he testified of Jesus: — or he went for the purpose of con- 
templation and solitary communion with God, to deepen his repentance 
and fortify his soul with prayer; and then perhaps his steps were 
turned to those mountain heights by the Red Sea, which Moses and Elijah 
had trodden before him. We cannot attempt to decide the question. 
The views which different inquirers take of it will probably depend on 
their own tendency to the practical or the ascetic life. On the one hand 
it may be argued that such zeal could not be restrained, that Saul could 
not be silent, but that he would rejoice in carrying into the metropolis of 
King Aretas the Gospel which his Ethnarch could afterwards hinder at 
Damascus.’ On the other hand, it may be said that, with such convic- 
tions recently worked in his mind, he would yearn for solitude, — that a 
time of austere meditation before the beginning of a great work is in con- 
formity with the economy of God,— that we find it quite natural, if Paul 
followed the example of the Great Lawgiver and the Great Prophet, and 


1 Strabo, in his description of Petra, says he says that it was distant three or four days’ 
that his friend Athenodorus found great num- journey from Jericho. See above, p. 75, n. 8 
bers of strangers there. In thesame paragraph, 2 Acts ii. 11. 
after describing its cliffs and peculiar situation, 8 See 2 Cor. xi. 32. 


‘ 
CHAP. 1 


CHAP, OI, SAUL RETIRES INTO ARABIA. 91 


of one greater than Moses and Elijah, who, after His baptism and before 
His ministry, “‘ returned from Jordan and was led by the Spirit into the 
wilderness.” ! 

While Saul is in Arabia, preaching the Gospel in obscurity, or prepar 
ing for his varied work by the intuition of Sacred Truth,— it seems the 
natural place for some reflections on the reality and the momentous sig- 
nificance of his conversion. It has already been remarked, in what we 
nave drawn from the statements of Scripture, that he was called directly 
by Christ without the intervention of any other Apostle, and that the pur- 
pose of his call was clearly indicated, when Ananias baptized him. He 
was an Apostle “ not of men, neither by man,”’? and the Divine will was 
“to work among the Gentiles by his ministry.”* But the unbeliever may 
still say that there are other questions of primary importance. He may 
suggest that this apparent change in the current of Saul’s thoughts, and 
this actual revolution in the manner of his life, was either the contrivance 
of deep and deliberate imposture, or the result of wild and extravgant 
fanaticism. Both in ancient and modern times, some have been found 
who have resolved this great occurrence into the promptings of self- 
interest, or have ventured to call it the offspring of delusion. There is 
an old story mentioned by Epiphanius, from which it appears that the 
Ebionites were content to find a motive for the change, in an idle story 
that he first became a Jew that he might marry the High Priest’s daugh- 
ter, and then became the antagonist of Judaism because the High Priest 
deceived him.* And there are modern Jews, who are satisfied with saying 
that he changed rapidly from one passion to another, like those impetuous 
souls who cannot hate or love by halves. Can we then say that St. Paul 
was simply a fanatic or an impostor? The question has been so well 
answered in a celebrated English book,’ that we are content to refer to it. 
It will never be possible for any one to believe St. Paul to have been a mere 
fanatic, who duly considers his calmness, his wisdom, his prudence, and, 
above all, his humility, a virtue which is not less inconsistent with fanati- 
cism than with imposture. And how can we suppose that he was an im- 
postor who changed his religion for selfish purposes? Was he influenced 
by the ostentation of learning? He suddenly cast aside all that he had 
been taught by Gamaliel, or acquired through long years of study, and 
took up the opinions of fishermen of Galilee, whom he had scarcely ever 

1 Luke iv. 1. iii. and 2 Cor. xi. Barnabas, though a Cypri- 


2 Gal. i. 1. This retirement into Arabia an, was a Levite, and why not Paul a Jew, 
is itself an indication of his independent call. though a Tarsian? And are we to believe, 


See Prof. Ellicott on Gal. i. 17. he adds, what Ebion says of Paul, or what 
= Acts xxi. 9. Peter says of him? (2 Pet. iii.) 
* Epiphanius, after telling the story, argues 5 Lord Lyttelton’s Observations on the Cons, 


its impossibility from its contradiction to Phil. _ version and Aposileship of St. Paul. 


82 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. omar. ym. 


seen, and who had never been educated in the schools. Was it the love 
of power which prompted the change? He abdicated in a moment the 
authority which he possessed, for power “over a flock of sheep driven to 
the slaughter, whose Shepherd himself had been murdered a little 
before ;” and “all he could hope from that power was to be marked 
out in a particular manner for the same knife, which he had seen so 
bloodily drawn against them.” Was it the love of wealth? Whatever 
might be his own worldly possessions at the time, he joined himself to 
those who were certainly poor, and the prospect before him was that 
which was actually realized, of ministering to his necessities with the 
jJabor of his hands.' Was it the love of fame? His prophetic power 
must have been miraculous, if he could look beyond the shame and 
scorn which then rested on the servants of a crucified Master, to that 
glory with which Christendom now surrounds the memory of St. Paul. 

And if the conversion of St. Paul was not the act of a fanatic or an 
impostor, then it ought to be considered how much this wonderful occur 
rence involves. As Lord Lyttelton observes, ‘‘the conversion and apostle 
ship of St. Paul alone, duly considered, is of itself a demonsiratior 
sufficient to prove Christianity to be a Divine revelation.” Saul wa 
arrested at the height of his zeal, and in the midst of his fury. Jn the 
words of Chrysostom, “ Christ, like a skilful physician, heaJod bim when 
his fever was at the worst:” and he proceeds to remark, io the same elo- 
quent sermon, that the truth of Christ’s resurrection, and the present 
power of Him who had been crucified, were shown far more forcibly 
than they could have been if Paul had been otherwise called. Nor 
ought we to forget the great religious lessons ws are taught to gather 
from this event. We see the value set by God upon honesty and integ- 
rity, when we find that he, “who was before a blasphemer and a perse 
cutor and injurious, obtained mercy because he did it ignorantly in 
unbelief.”? And we learn the encouragement given to all sinners whe 
repent, when we are told that ‘“‘for this cause he obtained mercy, that in 
him first Jesus Christ might show forth all long-suffering, for a pattern 
to them which should hereafter believe on Him to life everlasting.” * 

We return to the narrative. Saul’s time of retirement in Arabia was 


1 Acts xx. 33, 34; 1 Cor. iv. 12; 1 Thess. 
ii. 9, &e. 

4 Tim. i. 18. See Luke xii. 48, xxiii. 
34; Acts iii. 17; 1 Cor. ii. 8. On the other 
hand, “unbelieving ignorance” is often men- 
tioned in Scripture as an aggravation of sin: 
«. g. Eph. iv. 18,19; 2 Thess. i. 7,8. A man 


ie deeply wretched who sins through ignorance ; 
‘nnd, as Augustine says, Paul in his uncon- 


verted state was like a sick man who through 
madness tries to kill his physician. 

8 A. Monod’s “ Cing Discsurs” on St. Paul 
(Paris, 1852) were published shortly before 
the completior of the first edition of this work. 
We have mach pleasure here in referring ts 
the third of these eloquent and instractive 
sermons, on the character and results of St 
Paul’s conversion. 





CONSPIRACY AT DANASCUS. 3& 


Gh7. 2, 


not of long continuance. He was not destined to be the Evangelist of the 
East. In the Epistle to the Galatians (i. 18),' the time, from his conver 
sion to his final departure from Damascus, is said to have been “ three 
years,” which, according to the Jewish way of reckoning, may have been 
three entire years, or only one year with parts of two others. Meantime 
Saul had “ returned to Damascus, preaching boldly in the name of Jesus.” 
(Acts ix. 27.) The Jews, being no longer able to meet him in contre 
versy, resorted to that which is the last argument of a desperate cause :* 
they resolved to assassinate him. Saul became acquainted with the con- 
spiracy: and all due precautions were taken to evade the danger. But 
the political circumstances of Damascus at the time made escape very 
difficult. Hither in the course of the hostilities which prevailed along the 
Syrian frontiers between Herod Antipas and the Romans, on one side, and 
Aretas, King of Petra, on the other, — and possibly in consequence of that 
absence of Vitellius,? which was caused by the Emperor’s death, — the 
Arabian monarch had made himself master of Damascus, and the Jews, 
who sympathized with Aretas, were high in the favor of his officer, the 
Ethnarch.* Or Tiberius had ceased to reign, and his successor had as- 
signed Damascus to the King of Petra, and the Jews had gained over 
his officer and his soldiers, as Pilate’s soldiers had once been gained over 
at Jerusalem. St. Paul at least expressly informs us,‘ that “ the Ethnarch 
kept watch over the city, with a garrison, purposing to apprehend him.” 
St. Luke says,® that the Jews “ watched the city-gates day and night, 
with the intention of killing him.” The Jews furnished the motive, the 
Ethnarch the military force. The anxiety of the “ disciples”’ was doubt 
less great, as when Peter was imprisoned by Herod, “and prayer was 
made without ceasing of the Church unto God for him.”? Their anxiety 
became the instrument of his safety. From an unguarded part of the 
wall,*in the darkness of the night, probably where some overhanging 


1 Im Acts ix. 23, the time is said to have 
been “many days.” Dr. Paley has observed 
in a note on the Hore Pauline a similar in- 
stance in the Old Testament (1 Kings ii. 38, 
39), where ‘‘ many days” is used to denote a 
space of “three years:”— “And Shimei 
dwelt at Jerusalem many days ; and it came to 
pass, at the end of three years, that two of the 
servants of Shimei ran away.” 

2 Chrysostom. 3 See above, p. 76. 

* Some have supposed that this Ethnarch 
was merely an officer who regulated the affairs 
of the Jews themselves, such as we know to 
have existed under this title in cities with 
meny Jewish residents (p. 100). See Joseph. 
Ast. xix. 7,2, and 8,5; War, ii.6,3. Anger 


imagines that he was an officer of Aretas acci- 
dentally residing in Damascus, who induced 
the Roman government to aid in the conspira- 
cy of the Jews. Neither hypothesis seems 
very probable. Schrader suggests that the 
Ethnarch’s wife might, perhaps, be a Jewish 
proselyte, as we know was the case with a vast 
number of the women of Damascus. 

5 2 Cor. xi. 32. 

§ Acts ix. 24. 7 Acts xii. 5. 

® Quaresmius leaves the place in doubt 
We conclude our notices of these traditional 
sites, by an extract from a letter received from 
the Rev. A. P. Stanley, shortly before the pub 
lication of his Sinai and Palestine. “Tha 
only spet now pointed eut is a few hundred 


94 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


houses, as is usual in Eastern cities, opened upon the outer country, they 
let him down from a window’ in a basket. There was something of 
humiliation in this mode of escape ; and this, perhaps, is the reason why, 
in a letter written “ fourteen years” afterwards, he specifies the details. 
“ plorying in his infirmities,” when he is about to speak of “his visions 
and revelations of the Lord.” ? 

Thus already the Apostle had experience of “ perils by his own country- 
men, and perils in the city.” Already “ in journeyings often, in weariness 
and painfulness,”’ * he began to learn “ how great things he was to suffer” 
for the name of Christ.* Preserved from destruction at Damascus, he 
turned his steps towards Jerusalem. His motive for the journey, as he tells 
us in the Epistle to the Galatians, was a desire to become acquainted 
with Peter.> Not that he was ignorant of the true principles of the Gospel. 
He expressly tells us that he neither needed nor received any instruction 
in Christianity from those who were “ Apostles before him.” But he 
must have heard much from the Christians at Damascus of the Galilean 
fisherman. Can we wonder that he should desire to see the Chief of the 
Twelve, — the brother with whom now he was consciously united in the 
bonds of a common apostleship,— and who had long on earth been 
the constant companion of his Lorp ? 


yards from the town walls, on the eastern side 
of the city, near the traditional scene of the 
Escape over the wall. It is only marked by a 
mass of cement in the ground, with a hollow 
underneath, which the Damascus guides repre- 
sent as a hole in which after his escape the 
Apostle concealed himself— and this is the 
only tradition which in the popular mind at- 
taches to the place. AJl knowledge or imagi- 
nation of the Conversion or of its locality has 
entirely passed away. But the French monks 
in the Latin convent maintain (and no doubt 
truly) that this was the spot in earlier times 
believed to be the scene of that event, and 
that the remains of cement and masonry round 
about are the ruins of a Christian church or 
chapel built in memorial. It is, if I remember 
right, the fourth of the four places mentioned 
by Quaresmius. It is highly improbable that 
it can be the true place [of the Conversion], 
because there is no reason to believe that the 
yoad from Jerusalem should have fetched such 
& compass as to enter Damascus on the east, 
instead of (as at present) on the west or 
south.’”’ Mr. Porter (p. 43) says that it is only 
within the last century that the scene of the 
Conversion has been transferred, from inter- 


ested motives, to the east from the west side 
of the city. His plan of Damascus now gives 
the means of seeing the traditionary localities 
very clearly. 

1 2 Cor. xi. 33. So Rahab let down the 
spies ; and so David escaped from Saul. St. 
Paul’s word is used in the LXX. in both 
instances. The preposition “through” being 
used both in Acts and 1 Cor., it is possible 
that the most exact explanation is that sug- 


gested by Prof. Hackett. He observed at . 


Damascus “ windows in the external face of 
the wall, opening into houses on the inside 
of the city.” (Comm. on Acts.) In the larger 
editions is a view of a portion of the wall of 
modern Damascus, supporting houses which 
project and faee the open country. 

22 Cor. xi. 30, xii. 1-5. Both Schrader 
and Wieseler are of opinion that the vision 
mentioned here is that which he saw at Jeru 
salem on his return from Damascus (Act 
xxii. 17; see below, p. 97), and which was 
naturally associated in his mind with the rec- 
ollection of his escape. 

® 2 Cor. xi. 26, 27. 

* Acts ix. 16. 

® Gal. i. 18. 





onA?P, IL HIS EMOTIONS ON RETURNING TO JERUSALEM. 95 


How changed was every thing since he had last travelled this road be 
sween Damascus and Jerusalem! If, when the day broke, he looked back 
upon that city from which he had escaped under the shelter of night, as 
his eye ranged over the fresh gardens and the wide desert, how the 
remembrance of that first terrible vision would call forth a deep thanks- 
giving to Him, who had called him to be a “ partaker of His sufferings!” 
And what feelings must have attended his approach to Jerusalem! “He 
was returning to it from a spiritual, as Ezra had from a bodily, captivity, 
and to his renewed mind all things appeared new. What an emotion 
smote his heart at the first distant view of the Temple, that house of 
sacrifice, that edifice of prophecy! Its sacrifices had been realized, the 
Lamb of God had been offered : its prophecies had been fulfilled, the Lord 
had come unto it. As he approached the gates, he might have trodden 
the very spot where he had so exultingly assisted in the death of 
Stephen, and he entered them perfectly content, were it God’s will, to be 
dragged out through them to the same fate. He would feel a peculiar tie 
of brotherhood to that martyr, for he could not be now ignorant that the 
same Jesus who in such glory had called him, had but a little while before 
appeared in the same glory to assure the expiring Stephen. The ecstatic 
look and words of the dying saint now came fresh upon his memory with 
their real meaning. When he entered into the city, what deep thoughts 
were suggested by the haunts of his youth, and by the sight of the spots 
where he had so eagerly sought that knowledge which he had now so 
eagerly abandoned! What an intolerable burden had he cast off! He 
felt as a glorified spirit may be supposed to feel on revisiting the scenes of 
its fleshly sojourn.” ? 

Yet not without grief and awe could he look upon that city of his fore- 
fathers, over which he now knew that the judgment of God was impending. 
And not without sad emotions could one of so tender a nature think of 
the alienation of those who had once been his warmest associates. The 
grief of Gamaliel, the indignation of the Pharisees, the fury of the Hellenis- 
tic Synagogues, all this, he knew, was before him. The sanguine hopes, 
however, springing from his own honest convictions, and his fervent zeal 
to communicate the truth to others, predominated in his mind. He 
thought that they would believe as he had believed. He argued thus 
with himself, —that they well knew that he had “ imprisoned and beaten 
in every synagogue them that believed in Jesus Christ,” — and that “‘ when 
the blood of His martyr Stephen was shed, he also was standing by and 
consenting unto his death, and kept the raiment of them that slew him,’ * 


1 1 Pet. iv. 13. Temple (Acts xxii. 17-21), when it was re 
2 Scripture Biography, by Archdeacon Ey- vealed to him that those in Jerusalem would 
ans, second series, p. 337. not receive his testimony. 


* The argument used in his ecstasy in the 


a) 
w THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8ST. PAUL. omar. 


— and that when they saw the change which had been produced in him, 
and heard the miraculous history he could tell them, they would not 
refuse to “ receive his testimony.” 

Thus, with fervent zeal, and sanguine expectations, “he attempted to 
join himself to the disciples” of Christ. But, as the Jews hated him, so 
the Christians suspected him. His escape had been too hurried to allow 
of his bringing “letters of commendation.” Whatever distant rumor 
might have reached them of an apparition on his journey, of his conduct 
at Damascus, of his retirement in Arabia, they could not believe that he 
was really adisciple. And then it was that Barnabas, already known to us 
as @ generous contributor of his wealth to the poor,? came forward again as 
the “ Son of Consolation,” — “ took him by the hand,” and brought him to 
the Aposties.? It is probable that Barnabas and Saul were acquainted 
with each other before. Cyprus is within a few hours’ sail from Cilicia. 
The schools of Tarsus may naturally have attracted one who, though a 
Levite, was an Hellenist: and there the friendship may have begun, which 
lasted through many vicissitudes, till it was rudely interrupted in the dis- 
pute at Antioch.‘ When Barnabas related how “ the Lord” Jesus Christ 
had personally appeared to Saul, and had even spoken to him, and how 
he had boldly maintained the Christian cause in the synagogues of Damas- 
cus, then the Apostles laid aside their hesitation. Peter’s argument must 
have been what it was on another occasion : “‘ Forasmuch as God hath given 
unto him the like gift as He did unto me, who am I that I should with 
stand God ?”?* He and James, the Lord’s brother, the only other Apostle ‘ 
who was in Jerusalem at the time, gave to him “ the right hands of fellow- 
ship.” And he was with them, “ coming in and going out,” more than 
forgiven for Christ’s sake, welcomed and beloved as a friend and a brother. 

This first meeting of the fisherman of Bethsaida and the tent-maker of 
Tarsus, the chosen companion of Jesus on earth, and the chosen Pharisee 
who saw Jesus in the heavens, the Apostle of the circumcision and the 
Apostles of the Gentiles, is passed over in Scripture in a few words. The 
Divine record does not linger in dramatic description on those passages 
which a mere human writing would labor to embellish. What took place 
in the intercourse of these two Saints, —— what was said of Jesus of Naza- 
reth who suffered, died, and was buried,— and of Jesus, the glorified 
Lord, who had risen and ascended, and become “head over all things to 


1 Acts ix. 26. Apostles ... and he was with them coming 
2 Acta iv. 36. : in and going out at Jerusalem.” (Acts ix. 
® Acts ix. 27. 26-28.) “After three years went up te 
* Acts xv. 39. Jerusalem to see Peter, and abode with him 
§ Acts xi. 17. fifteen days. But other of the Apostles saw I 
4 “ When Saul was come to Jerusalem... none, save James the Lord’s brother.” (Gal 


Ssrnabas took him and broaght him to the i 18, 19.) 


IRAP, 20. SAUL WITHDRAWN FROM THE HOLY CITY. $) 


the Church,” — what was felt of Christian love and devotion, — what was 
learnt, under the Spirit’s teaching, of Christian truth, has not been re- 
vealed, and cannot be known. The intercourse was full of present com- 
fort, and full of great consequences. But it did not last long. Fifteen 
days passed away, and the Apostles were compelled to part. The same 
geal which had caused his voice to be heard in the Hellenistic Synagogues 
in the persecution against Stephen, now led Saul in the same Syna- 
gogues to declare fearlessly his adherence to Stephen’s cause. The same 
fury which had caused the murder of Stephen, now brought the murderer 
of Stephen to the verge of assassination. Once-more, as at Damascus, 
the Jews made a conspiracy to put Saul to death: and once more he was 
rescued by the anxiety of the brethren. 

Reluctantly, and not without a direct intimation from on high, he re- 
tired from the work of preaching the Gospel in Jerusalem. As he was 
praying one day in the Temple, it came to pass that he fell into a trance? 
and in his ecstasy he saw Jesus, who spoke to him, and said, “Make 
haste and get thee quickly out of Jerusalem: for they will not receive 
' thy testimony concerning me.” He hesitated to obey the command, his 
desire to do God’s will leading him to struggle against the hinderances of 
God’s providence— and the memory of Stephen, which haunted him even 
in his trance, furnishing him with an argument.’ But the command was 
more peremptory than before: “ Depart; for I will send thee far hence 
unto the Gentiles.’”’ The scene of his apostolic victories was not to be 
Jerusalem. For the third time it was declared to him that the field of 
his labors was among the Gentiles. This secret revelation to his soul 
conspired with the outward difficulties of his situation. The care of 
God gave the highest sanction to the anxiety of the brethren. And he 
suffered himself to be withdrawn from the Holy City. 

They brought him down to Czsarea by the sea,‘ and from Casarea they 
sent him to Tarsus.° His own expression in the Epistle to the Galatians 


1 Acta ix. 29, 30. 

9 See Acts xxii. 17-21. Though Schrader 
{8 sometimes laboriously unsucceasful in ex- 
glaining the miraculous, yet we need not 
gatirely disregard what he says concerning the 
®ppression of spirit, under the sense of being 
imistrusted and opposed, with which Sanl came 
t@ pray in the Temple. And we may compare 
the preparation for St. Peter’s vision, before 
the conversion of Cornelius. 

* Compere the similar expostulations of 
Ansnias, ix. 13, and of Peter, x. 14. 

* Olhausen is certainly mistaken in sup- 

q 


posing that Cesarea Philippi is meant. When- 
ever “‘Casarea” is spoken of absolutely, it 
always means Casarea Stratonis. And oven 
if it is assumed that Saul travelled by land 
through Syria to Tarsus, this would not have 
been the natural course. It is true enough 
that this Cesarea is nearer the Syrian frontier 
than the other; but the physical character of 
the country is such that the Apostle would 
naturally go by the other Cmsarea, unless, 
indeed, he travelled by Daraascus to Antica, 
which is highly improbable. 
5 Acts ix. 30. 






8 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. CHAP. IA 
(i. 21) is that he went “into the regions of Syria and Cilicia.” From 
this it has been inferred that he went first from Caesarea to Antioch, and 
then from Antioch to Tarsus. And such a course would have been per- 
fectly natural; for the communication of the city of Cesar and the 
Herods with the metropolis of Syria, either by sea and the harbor of 
Seleucia, or by the great coast-road through Tyre and Sidon, was easy 
and frequent. But the supposition is unnecessary. In consequence of the 
range of Mount Taurus (p. 19), Cilicia has a greater geographical affinity 
with Syria than with Asia Minor. Hence it has existed in frequent politi- 
cal combination with it from the time of the old Persian satrapies to the 
modern pachalics of the Sultan: and “ Syria and Cilicia” appears in 
history almost as a generic geographical term, the more important district 
being mentioned first... Within the limits of this region Saul’s activities 
were now exercised in studying and in teaching at Tarsus,— or in found- 
ing those Churches? which were afterwards greeted in the Apostolic lette: 
from Jerusalem, as the brethren “in Antioch, and Syria, and Cilicia,” 
and which Paul himself confirmed after his separation from Barnabas, 
travelling through “Syria and Cilicia.” 

Whatever might be the extent of his journeys within these limits, we 
xnow at least that he was at Tarsus. Once more we find him in the home 
of his childhood. It is the last time we are distinctly told that he was 
there. Now at least, if not before, we may be sure that he would come 
into active intercourse with the Heathen philosophers of the place.* In 
his last residence at Tarsus, a few years before, he was a Jew, and not 
only a Jew but a Pharisee, and he looked on the Gentiles around him as 
outcasts from the favor of God. Now he was a Christian, and not only 


1 This is well illustrated by the hopeless 
feeling of the Greek soldiers in the Anabasis, 
when Cyrus had drawn them into Cilicia; by 
various passages in the history of the Seleu- 
cids; by the arrangements of the Romans 
with Antiochus; by the division of provinces 
in the Later Empire ; and by the course of the 
Mohammedan conquests. 

2 Acts. xy. 23,41. When we find the ex- 
.stence of Cilician Churches mentioned, the 
obvious inference is that St. Paul founded 
them during this period. 

% The passage in Strabo, referred to above, 
Ch. I. p. 21, is so important that we give a 
free translation of it here. ‘‘'The men of this 
piace are so zealous in the study of philosophy 
and the whole circle of education, that they 
surpass both Atheris and Alexandria and 


every place that could he mentioned, where 
schools of philosophers are found. And the 
difference amounts to this. Here, those who 
are fond of learning are al] natives, and stran- 
gers do not willingly reside here: and they 
themselves do not remain, but finish their 
education abroad, and gladly take up their 
residence elsewhere, and few return. Where- 
as, in the other cities which I have just men- 
tioned, except Alexandria, the contrary takes 
place: for many come to them and live there 
willingly ; but you will see few of the natives 
either going abroad for the sake of philosophy, 
or caring to study it at home. The Alexan- 
drians have both characters ; for they receive 
many strangers, and send ont of their own 
people not a few.” 


cHaP. m, SAUL IN SYRIA AND CILICIA, 93 


a Christian, but conscious of his mission as the Apostle of the Gentiles. 
Therefore he would surely meet the philosophers, and prepare to argue 
with them on their own ground, as afterwards in the “market” at Athens 
with “‘ the Epicureans and the Stoics.””! Many Stoics of Tarsus were men 
of celebrity in the Roman Empire. Athenodorus, the tutor of Augustus, 
has already been mentioned. He was probably by this time deceased, 
and receiving those divine honors, which, as Lucian informs us, were paid 
to him after his death. The tutor of Tiberius also was a Tarsian and a 
Stoic. His name was Nestor. He was probably at this time alive: for 
he lingered to the age of ninety-two, and, in all likelihood, survived his 
wicked pupil, whose death we have recently noticed. Now among these 
eminent sages and instructors of Heathen Emperors was one whose teach- 
ing was destined to survive, when the Stoic philosophy should have per- 
ished, and whose words still instruct the rulers of every civilized nation. 
How far Saul’s arguments had any success in this quarter we cannot even 
guess; and we must not anticipate the conversion of Cornelius. At least, 
he was preparing for the future. In the Synagogue we cannot believe 
that he was silent or unsuccessful. In his own family, we may well im- 
agine that some of those Christian “‘ kinsmen,’’* whose names are handed 
down to us, — possibly his sister, the playmate of his childhood, and his 
sister’s son,‘ who afterwards saved his life, were at this time by his 
exertions gathered into the fold of Christ. 

Here this chapter must close, while Saul is in exile from the earthly 
Jerusalem, but diligently occupied in building up the walls of the 
“ Jerusalem which is above.” And it was not without one great and 
important consequence that that short fortnight had been spent in 
Jerusalem. He was now known to Peter and to James. His vocation 
was fully ascertained and recognized by the heads of the Judean 
Christians. It is true that he was yet “ unknown by face” to the 
scattered Churches of Judza.® . But they honored him of whom they 
had heard so much. And when the news came to them at intervals of 
all that he was doing for the cause of Christ, they praised God and 


{ Acts xvii. 17, 18. & See Gal. i. 21-24. The form of the Greek 


2 See p. 42. 

® Rom. xvi. See p. 44 

* About twenty years after this time (Acts 
xxiii. 17, 23) he is called “a young man,” the 
yery word which is used of Saul himself (Acts 
vii. 58} at the stoning of Stephen. It is justly 
remarked by Hemsen that the young man’s 
anxiety for his uncle (xxiii. 16-23) seems to 
aopiy a closer affection than that resulting 
from relationship alone 


words seems to imply a continued preaching of 
the Gospel, the intelligence of which came now 
and then to Jude#a. From whai follows, how- 
ever (‘‘ Then fourteen years afterwards”), St. 
Paul appears to describe in i. 23, 24, the effect 
produced by the tidings not only of his labors 
in Tarsus, but of his subsequent and more 
extensive labors as a missionary to the Hea- 
then. It should be added, that Wieseler thinks 
he staid only half a year at Tarsus. 


100 


THE LIVE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL 


said, “ Behold ! he who was once our persecutor is now bearing the giad 


tidings of that faith which formerly he labored to root out;” “and they 


glorified God in him.” 





2 Three members of this dynasty come 
prominently before us in history. The first 
is mentioned im the annals of the Maccabees. 
The second was contemporary with the last of 
the Seleucids. Damascus was once in his 
power (Joseph. Ant. xiii. 18,3; War, i. 6, 2), 
and it is his submission to the Roman Scaurus 
which is represented im the coin. The third 
is that of St. Paul. 

As to the Aretas, who is mentioned in 2 
Macc. yv. 8, the words used there of the inne 
vating high priest Jason are so curiously appli- 
eable to the case of St. Paul, that we cannot 
forbear quoting them. ‘In the end, therefore, 
he had an unhappy return, being accused be- 
fore Aretas the king of the Arabians, fleecing 
from city to city, pursued of all men, hated 
as a fersaker ef the laws, and being had in 
ebominatien as an open enemy of his country.” 


A few words concerning the meaning of 
the word Ethnarch may fitly conclude this 
note. It properly demoted the governor of a 
dependent district, like Simon the high priest 
under Syria (1 Mace. xiv. 47), or Herod’s soz 
Archelaus under Rome (Joseph. Ant. xvii. 11, 
4). But it was also used as the designation 
of a magistrate or consul allowed to Jewish 
residents living under their own laws in Alex- 
andria and other cities. (See Strabo, as quot 
ed by Josephus, Ant. xiv. 7, 2.) Some wri- 
ters (and among them Mr. Lewin, Life and 
Epistles of St. Paul, vol. i. p. 70) think that 
the word is used in that sense here. But suck 
& magistrate would hardly have been called 
“the Ethnarch of Aretas,” and (as Dean Al- 
ford observes on 2 Cor. xi. 82) he would not 
have had the power ef guarding the city 


” i: is 
GHAP. 


CHAPTER IV. 


Wider Diffusion of Christianity. — Antioch. —Chronology of the Acts. Reign ef Caligula. 
— Claudius and Hered Agrippa I.— The Year 44.— Conversion of the Gentiles. — & 
Peter and Cornelius. — Joppa and Cmsarea. — St. Peter's Vision. —Baptiam of Cornelics. —~ 
Tatelligence from Antioch. — Mission of Barnabas. — Saul with Barnabas at Antioch. — Tha 
Name “ Christian.” — Description and History of Antioch. — Character of its Inhabitants. 
— Earthquakes.— Famine.— Barnabas and Sanl at Jerusalem. — Death of St. James and 
of Hered Agrippa. — Return with Mark to Antioch. — Providential Preparation of St. Paul. 
— Results of his Mission to Jerusalem. 


ITHERTO the history of the Christian Church has been confined 
within Jewish limits. We have followed its progress beyond the 
walls of Jerusalem, but hardly yet beyond the boundaries of Palestine. If 
any traveller from a distant country has been admitted into the commu- 
nity of believers, the place of his baptism has not been more remote than 
the “desert” of Gaza. If any “aliens from the commonwealth of Israel ” 
have been admitted to the citizenship of the spiritual Israelites, they have 
been “ strangers’ who dwell among the hills of Samaria. But the time 
is rapidly approaching when the knowledge of Christ must spread more 
rapidly, — when those who possess not that Book, which caused perplex- 
ity on the road to Atthiopia, will hear and adore His name, — and greater 
strangers than those who drew water from the well of Sychar will come 
nigh to the Fountain of Life. The same dispersion which gathered in 
the Samaritans, will gather in the Gentiles also. The “ middle wall of 
partition ” being utterly broken down, _ will be called by the new and 
glorious name of “ Christian.” 

And as we follow the progress of events, and find that all movements 
in the Church begin to have more and more reference to the Heathen, we 
ebserve that these movements begin to circulate more and more round a 
new centre of activity. Not Jerusalem, but Antioch,—not the Holy 
City of God’s ancient people, but the profane city of the Greeks and 
Romans,—is the place to which the student of sacred history is now 
directed. During the remainder of the Acts of the Apostles our atten- 
tion is at least divided between Jerusalem and Antioch, until at last, 
after following St. Paul’s many journeys, we come with him to Rome. 


For some time Constantinople must remain a city of tha futnre: but we 
#1 


102 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL, CHAP, IV 


are more than once reminded of the greatness of Alexandria:' and thus 
even in the life of the Apostle we find prophetic intimations of four of 
the five great centres of the early Catholic Church.? 

At present we are occupied with Antioch, and the point before us is 
that particular moment in the Church’s history, when it was first called 
“‘ Christian.” Both the place and the event are remarkable: and the 
time, if we are able to determine it, is worthy of our attention. Though 
we are following the course of an individual biography, it is necessary to 
pause, on critical occasions, to look around on what is passing in the 
Empire at large. And, happily, we are now arrived at a point where we 
are able distinctly to see the path of the Apostle’s life intersecting the 
general history of the period. This, therefore, is the right place for 
a few chronological remarks. A few such remarks, made once for all, 
may justify what has gone before, and prepare the way for subsequent 
chapters. 

Some readers may be surprised that up to this point we have made no 
attempts to ascertain or to state exact chronological details.* But theo- 
logians are well aware of the difficulties with which such inquiries are 
attended, in the beginnings of St. Paul’s biography. The early chapters 
in the Acts are like the narratives in the Gospels. It is often hardly 
vossible to learn how far the events related were contemporary or consecu- 
sive. We should endeavor in vain to determine the relations of time, 
which subsist between Paul’s retirement into Arabia and Peter’s visit to 
the converted Samaritans,* or between the journey of one Apostle from 
Joppa to Caesarea and the journey of the other from Jerusalem to 
Tarsus.’ Still less have we sufficient data for pronouncing upon the 
absolute chronology of the earliest transactions in the Church. No one 
can tell what particular folly or crime was engaging Caligula’s attention, 
when Paul was first made a Christian at Damascus. No one can tell on 
what work of love the Christians were occupied when the emperor was 
inaugurating his bridge at Puteoli,® or exhibiting his fantastic pride on 
the shores of the British Sea.?’ In a work of this kind it is better to 
place the events of the Apostle’s life in the broad light cast by the lead- 
ing features of the period, than to attempt to illustrate them by the help 
of dates, which, after all, can be only conjectural. Thus we have been 


1 See Acts vi. 9 (with ii. 10), xxvii. 6, ® Acts ix. and Acts x. 

XXviil. 11 ; and compare Acts xviii. 24, xix. 1, & Where St. Paul afterwards landed, Acts 
with 1 Cor. i. 12, iii. 4-6, and Tit. iii. 13. xxviii. 18. 

2 The allusion is to the Patriarchates of 7 Herod was with Caligula in this progress. 
Jerusalem, Alexandria, Antioch, Rome, and This emperor’s triumph had no more meaning 
Constantinople. than Napoleon’s column at Boulogne; but in 

® See above, pp. 42, 76, 77, and 93. the next reign Britain was really conquered 


* Acts viii. and Acts ix. (with Gal. i.) See below. 


onaP, [v. REIGNS OF CALIGULA ANP CLAUDIUS. 103 


content to say, that he was born in the strongest and most flourishing 
period of the reign of Augustus; and that he was converted from the 
religion of the Pharisees about the time when Caligula succeeded 
Tiberius. But soon after we enter on the reign of Claudius we encounter 
a coincidence which arrests our attention. We must first take a rapid 
glance at the reign of his predecessor. Though the cruelty of that 
reign stung the Jews in every part of the empire, and produced an 
indignation which never subsided, one short paragraph will be enough 
for all that need be said concerning the abominable tyrant.’ 

In the early part of the year 37 Tiberius died, and at the close of the 
same year Nero was born. Between the reigns of these two emperors 
are those of Caligula and Claudius. The four years during which 
Caligula sat on the throne of the world were miserable for all the proy- 
inces, both in the west and in the east. In Gaul his insults were aggra- 
vated by his personal presence. In Syria his caprices were felt more 
remotely, but not less keenly. The changes of administration were 
rapid and various. In the year 36, the two great actors in the crime of 
the crucifixion had disappeared from the public places of Judza. Pon- 
tius Pilate* had been dismissed by Vitellius to Rome, and Marcellus sent 
to govern in his stead. Caiaphas had been deposed by the same secular 
authority, and succeeded by Jonathan. Now, in the year 37, Vitellius 
was recalled from Syria, and Petronius came to occupy the governor’s 
residence at Antioch. Marcellus at Caesarea made way for Marullus: 
and Theophilus was appointed high priest at Jerusalem in place of his 
brother Jonathan. Agrippa, the grandson of Herod the Great, was 
brought out of the prison where Tiberius had confined him, and Caligula 
gave a royal crown,‘ with the tetrarchies of two of his uncles, to the 
frivolous friend of his youth. And as this reign began with restless 
change, so it ended in cruelty and impiety. The emperor, in the career 
of his blasphemous arrogance, attempted to force the Jews to worship ° 
him as God. One universal feeling of horror pervaded the scattered 
Israelites, who, though they had scorned the Messiah promised to 
their fathers, were unable to degrade themselves by a return to idolatry. 


1 The reader is here requested to refer to 
pp. 26, 27, 42, 43, 51, 52, 59, 65, and the 
notes. 

2 The best portraits of this emperor are 2n 
the large copper imperial coins. 

3 He did not arrive at Rome till after the 
death of Tiberius. Like his predecessor, he 
had governed Judsa during ten or eleven 
years, the emperor having a great dislike te 
frequent changes in the provinces. 


* Tiberius had imprisoned him, because of 
a conversation overheard by a slave, when Ca- 
ligula and Herod Agrippa were together in a 
carriage. Agrippa was much at Rome both at 
the beginning and end of Caligula’s reign. 
See p. 26, n. 7. 

5 It appears from Dio Cassius and Sueto- 
nius that this was part of a general system for 
extending the worship of himself through the 
empire. 


164 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8T. PAUL Guar. Tv 


Petronius, who foresaw what the struggle must be, wrote letters of 
expostulation to his master: Agrippa, who was then in Italy, implored 
his patron to pause in what he did: an embassy was sent from Alexan 
dria, and the venerable and learned Philo! was himself commissioned to 
stave the inexorable requirements of the Jewish religion. Every thing 
appeared to be hopeless, when the murder of Caligula, on the 24th 
ef January, in the year 41, gave a sudden relief to the persecuted 
people. 

With the accession of Claudius (4.p. 41) the Holy Land had a king 
once more. Judw#a was added to the tetrarchies of Philip and Antipas, and 
Herod Agrippa I. ruled over the wide territory which had been governed 
by his grandfather. With the alleviation of the distress of the Jews, pro- 
portionate suffering came upon the Christians. The “ rest” which, in the 
distractions of Caligula’s reign, the Churches had enjoyed “ throughout all 
Judea, and Galilee, and Samaria,” was now atan end. “ About this time 
Herod the king stretched forth his hands to vex certain of the Church.” 
He slew one Apostle, and “ because he saw it pleased the Jews,” he pro- 
ceeded to imprison another. But he was not long spared to seek popularity 
among the Jews, or to murder and oppress the Christians. In the year 44 
he perished by that sudden and dreadful death which is recorded in detail 
by Josephus and St. Luke.? In close coincidence with this event we have 
the mention of a certain journey of St. Paul to Jerusalem. Uere, then, 
we have one of those lines of intersection between the sacred history and 
the general history of the world, on which the attention of intelligent 
Christians ought to be fixed. This year, 44 a.p., and another year, the 
year 60 a.p. (in which Felix ceased to be the governor of Judea, and, 
leaving St. Paul bound at Casarea, was succeeded by Festus), are the 
two chronological pivots of the apostolic history. By help of tiem we 
find its exact place in the wider history of the world. Between these 


1 See above, pp. 9, $4, and 60. Philo’sac- (see below, p. 117). Anger has shown that 


count of this embassy is, next after Josephus, 
the most impertant writing of the period for 
throwing light on the condition of the Jews in 
Caligula’s reign. The Jewish envoys had 
their interview with the emperor at Puteoli, in 
fhe autumn of the same year (40 a.p.) in 
which he had made his progress through Gaul 
te the shore of the ocean. 

2 Ant. xix. 8. Acts xii. The proof that his 
death took place in 44 may be seen in Anger 
and Wieseler; and, indeed, it is hardly doubted 
byany. A coincident and corroborative proof 
ef the time of St. Paul’s journey to Jerusalem 
is afforded by the mention of the Famine, 
which is doubtless that recorded by Josephus 


this famine must be assigred to the interval 
between 44 and 47; and Wieseler has fixed 
it more closely to the year 45. Ses the Chron- 
ological Table at the end of the volume. 

5 Tt ought to be stated, that the latter date 
cannot be established by the same exact proot 
as the former; but, as a political fact, it must 
always be a cardinal point of reference in any 
system of Scripture chronology. Anger and 
Wieseler, by a careful induction of particulars, 
have made it highly probable that Fests sno 
ceeded Felix in the year 60. More ~"l br 
ssid on this subject when we come t+. 4~s 
xxiv. 27. 






amar. I. DATE OF ST. PAUL’S CONVERSION. 108 


two limits the greater part of what we are told of St. Paul is situated and 
included. 

Using the year 44 as a starting-point for the future, we gain a new light 
for tracing the Apostle’s steps. It is evident that we have only to ascer 
tain the successive intervals of his life, in order to see him at every point, 
in his connection with the transactions of the Empire. We shall observe 
this often as we proceed. At present it is more important to remark that 
the same date throws some light on that earlier part of the Apostle’s path 
which is confessedly obscure. Reckoning backwards, we remember that 
“three years” intervened between his conversion and return to Jerusa- 
lem.’ Those who assign the former event to 39 or 40, and those who fix 
on 37 or some earlier year, differ as to the length of time he spent at 
Tarsus, or in “ Syria and Cilicia.”? All that we can say with certainty 
is, that St. Paul was converted more than three years before the year 44. 

The date thus important for all students of Bible chronology is worthy 
of special regard by the Christians of Britain. For in that year the 
Emperor Claudius returned from the shores of this island to the metropo- 
lis of his empire. He came here in command of a military expedition, to 
complete the work which the landing of Casar, a century before, had 
begun, or at least predicted. When Claudius was in Britain, its inhabit 
ants were not Christian. They could hardly in any sense be said to 
have been civilized. He came, as he thought, to add a barbarous province 
to his already gigantic empire; but he really came to prepare the way for 
the silent progress of the Christian Church. His troops were the instru- 
ments of bringing among our barbarous ancestors those charities which 
were just then beginning to display themselves * in Antioch and Jerusalem. 
A “new name” was faintly rising on the Syrian shore, which was destined 
to spread like the cloud seen by the Prophet’s servant from the brow of 
Mount Carmel. A better civilization, a better citizenship, than that of 
the Roman Empire, was preparing for us and for many. One Apostle at 
Tarsus was waiting for his call to proclaim the Gospel of Christ to the 
Gentiles. Another Apostle at Joppa was receiving a divine intimation 
that “God is no respecter of persons, but that in every nation he that 
feareth Him and worketh righteousness, is accepted with Him.” * 


2 Gai. i. 18. 

7 Acts ix. 30; Gal. i. 21. Wieseler, with 
Schrader, thinks that he staid at Tarsus only 
half year ora year; Anger, that he was there 
two years, between 41 and 43; Hemsen, that 
ke spent there the years 40, 41, and 42. Among 
the English writers, Bp. Pearson imagines that 
great part of the interval after 39 was passed 
im Syria; Burton, who places the conversion 


very carly, is forced to allow nine or ten years 
for the time spent in Syria and Cilicia, 

3 Wieseler places the Conversion im the 
year 39 or 40. 

* It may be gathered from Die Cassius, 
that the emperor left Rome in July, 48, aad 
returned in January, 45. 

§ See Acts xi. 22-24, and 27-30, 

S Acts x. 34, 35. 





106 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


CHAP, [¥_ 


If we could ascertain the exact chronological arrangement of these 
passages of Apostolical history, great light would be thrown on the cireum- 
stantial details of the admission of Gentiles to the Church, and on the 
growth of the Church’s conviction on this momentous subject. We should 
then be able to form some idea of the meaning and results of the fortnight 
spent by Paul and Peter together at Jerusalem (p. 97). But it is not 
permitted to us to know the manner and degree in which the different 
Apostles were illuminated. We have not been informed whether Paul 
ever felt the difficulty of Peter, — whether he knew from the first the full 
significance of his call, — whether he learnt the truth by visions, or by the 
gradual workings of his mind under the teaching of the Holy Spirit. All 
we can confidently assert is, that he did not learn from St. Peter the 
mystery ‘‘ which in other ages was not made known unto the sons of men, 
as it was now revealed unto God’s holy Apostles by the Spirit; that the 
Gentiles should be fellow-heirs, and of the same body, and partakers of 
His promise in Christ by the Gospel.” ? 

If St. Paul was converted in 39 or 40, and if the above-mentioned rest 
of the Churches was in the last years of Caligula (4.p. 39-41), and if 
this rest was the occasion of that journey to Lydda and Joppa which ulti- 
mately brought St. Peter to Cxsarea, then it is evident that St. Paul was 
at Damascus or in Arabia when Cornelius was baptized.? Paul was sum- 
moned to evangelize the Heathen, and Peter began the work, almost 
simultaneously. The great transaction of admitting the Gentiles to the 
Church was already accomplished when the two Apostles met at Jerusa- 
lem. St. Paul would thus learn that the door had been opened for him 
by the hand of another; and when he went to Tarsus, the later agree- 
ment‘ might then have been partially adopted, that he shonld “go 
to the Heathen,” while Peter remained as the Apostle of “the Circum- 
cision.” 

If we are to bring down the conversion of Cornelius nearer to the year 
44, and to place it in that interval of time which St. Paul spent at Tarsus,* 
then it is natural to suppose that his conversations prepared Peter’s mind 
for the change which was at hand, and sowed the seeds of that revolution 
of opinion, of which the vision at Joppa was the crisis and completion. 
Paul might learn from Peter (as possibly also from Barnabas ) many ot the 


1 The question touched on here, viz. when 
the complete truth of Christ was communicat- 
ed to St. Paul, evidently opens a wide field 
for speculation. It is well treated by Dr. 
Davidson (Introd. .vol. ii. pp. 75-80), who 
believes that the full disclosures of tae gospel 
were made to him in Arabia. 

2 Eph. iii. 4-6. See Col. i. 26, 27. 


% This is Wieseler’s view; but his argu- 
ments are not conclusive. By some (as by 
Schrader) it is hastily taken for granted that 
St. Paul preached the Gospel ta Gersiles at 
Damascus. 

4 Gal. ii. 9. 

5 On the duration of this interval see at ve, 
p. 105, n. 2. 


char, tY, 8ST. PETER AND CORNELIUS. 107 


details of our blessed Saviour’s life. And Peter, meanwhile, might gather 
from Paul some of those higher views concerning the Gospel which pre- 
pared him for the miracles which he afterwards saw in the household of 
the Roman centurion. Whatever might be the obscurity of St. Paul’s 
early knowledge, whether it was revealed to him or not that the Gentile 
converts would be called to overleap the ceremonies of Judaism on their 
entrance into the Church of Christ, — he could not fail to have a clear 
understanding that his own work was to lie among the Gentiles. This 
had been announced to him at his first conversion (Acts xxvi. 17, 18), in 
_ the words of Ananias (Acts ix. 15): and in the vision preceding his re- 
tirement to Tarsus (Acts xxii. 21), the words which commanded him to 
go were, “ Depart, for I will send thee far hence to the Gentiles.” 

In considering, then, the conversion of Cornelius to have happened 
after this journey from Jerusalem to Tarsus, and before the mission of 
Barnabas to Antioch, we are adopting the opinion most in accordance 
with the independent standing-point occupied by St. Paul. And this, 
moreover, is the view which harmonizes best with the narrative of Scrip- 
ture, where the order ought to be reverently regarded as well as the 
words. In the order of Scripture narration, if it cannot be proved that 
the preaching of Peter at Caesarea was chronologically earlier than the 
preacaing of Paul at Antioch, it is at least brought before us theologi- 
cally, as the beginning of the Gospel made known to the Heathen. 
When an important change is at hand, God usually causes a silent 
prenaration in the minds of men, and some great fact occurs, which may 
be taken as a type and symbol of the general movement. Such a fact 
was the conversion of Cornelius, and so we must consider it. 

The whole transaction is related and reiterated with so much minute- 
ness,! that, if we were writing a history of the Church, we should be 
- required to dwell upon it at length. But here we have only to do with it 
as the point of union between Jews and Gentiles, and as the bright start- 
ing-point of St. Paul’s career. A few words may be allowed, which are 
suggested by this view of the transaction as a typical fact in the progress 
of God’s dispensations. The two men to whom the revelations were made, 
and even the places where the Divine interferences occurred, were charac- 
teristic of the event. Cornelius was in Cesarea and St. Peter in Joppa; 
—the Roman soldier in the modern city, which was built and named in 
the Emperor’s honor,— the Jewish Apostle in the ancient seaport which 
associates its name with the early passages of Hebrew history, — with the 
voyage of Jonah, the building of the Temple, the wars of the Maccabees.* 


1 See the whole narrative, Actsx. 1-xi.19. the Apocrypha, 1 Esd. v. 55; 1 Macc. x. 75, 
2 Jonah i. 3; 2 Chr. ii. 16. See Josh. xiv. 5; 2 Mace. xii. 3, &. 
xix. 46; Ezra iii. 7, and various passages in 





108 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8ST. PAUL GmAP. Fy. 


All the splendor of Caesarea, its buildings and its ships, and the Temple 
of Rome and the Emperor, which the sailors saw far out at sea, all has 
long since vanished. Herod’s magnificent city is a wreck on the shore. 
A few ruins are all that remain of the harbor. Joppa lingers on, like the 
Jewish people, dejected but not destroyed. Cwsarea has perished, like 
the Roman Empire which called it into existence. 

And no men could well be more contrasted with each other than those 
two men, in whom the Heathen and Jewish worlds met and were recon- 
ciled. We know what Peter was— a Galilean fisherman, brought up in 
the rudest district of an obscure province, with no learning but such as 
ke might have gathered in the synagogue of his native town. All his 
early days he had dragged his nets in the lake of Genesareth. And 
now he was at Joppa, lodging in the house of Simon the Tanner, the 
Apostle of a religion that was to change the world. Cornelius was an 
officer in the Roman army. No name was more honorable at Rome than 
that of the Cornelian House. It was the name borne by the Scipios, and 
by Sulla, and the mother of the Gracchi. In the Roman army, as in the 
army of modern Austria, the soldiers were drawn from different countries 
and spoke different languages. Along the coast of which we are speak- 
ng, maany of them were recruited from Syria and Judea.” But the corps 
to which Cornelius belonged seems to have been a cohort of Italians sep- 
arate from the legionary soldiers,* and hence called the “ Italian cohort.” 
He was no doubt a true-born Italian. Educated in Rome, or some pro- 
vincial town, he had entered upon a soldier’s life, dreaming perhaps of 
military glory, but dreaming as little of that better glory which now sur- 
rounds the Cornelian name,— as Peter dreamed at the lake of Genesa- 
reth of becoming the chosen companion of the Messiah of Israel, and of 
throwing open the doors of the Catholic Church to the dwellers in Asia 
and Africa, to the barbarians on the remote and unvisited shores of Europe, 
and to the undiscovered countries of the West. n 

But to return to our proper narrative. When intelligence camc to 
Jerusalem that Peter had broken through the restraints of the Jewish 
Law, and had even “eaten” at the table of the Gentiles,‘ there was gen- 
eral surprise and displeasure among “ those of the circumcision.” But 
when he explained to them all the transaction, they approved his conduct, 
and praised God for His mercy to the Heathen.’ And soon news came 


1 A full account of Caesarea will be given, 
when we come to the period of St. Paul’s 
imprizonment there. 

4 Joseph. Ant. xiv. 15,10; War, i. 17, 1. 

® Not a cohort of the “ Legio Italica,” and 
which was raised by Nero. See above, p. 26, 
mete. Possibly the corps of Cornelius might 


be certain “Italian volunteers,” mentioned in 
an inscription as serving in Syria. Akermann’s 
Numismatic Ill. of the New Test. p. 34. 

* Acts xi. 8. See x.48. Nosuch freedom 
of intercourse took place in bis own reception 
of his Gentile guests, x. 23. 

5 Acts xi. 18. 


q@may. Iv. MISSION OF BARNABAS. 109 


from a greater distance, which showed that the same unexpected change 
was operating more widely. We have seen that the persecution, in which 
Stephen was killed, resulted in a general dispersion of the Christians. 
Wherever they went, they spoke to their Jewish brethren of their faith 
that the promises had been fulfilled in the life and resurrection of Jesus 
Christ. This dispersion and preaching of the Gospel extended even to 
the island of Cyprus, and along the Phenician coast as far as Antioch. 
For some time the glad tidings were made known only to the scattered 
children of Israel.! But at length some of the Hellenistic Jews, natives 
of Cyprus and Cyrene, spoke to the Greeks? themselves at Antioch, and 
the Divine Spirit gave such power to the Word, that a vast number 
“believed and turned to the Lord.” The news was not long in travelling 
to Jerusalem. Perhaps some message was sent in haste to the Apostles of 
the Church. The Jewish Christians in Antioch might be perplexed how 
to deal with their new Gentile converts: and it is not unnatural to sup- 
pose that the presence of Barnabas might be anxiously desired by the 
fellow-missionaries of his native island. 

We ought to observe the honorable place which the island of Oyprus 
was permitted to occupy in the first work of Christianity. We shall soon 
trace the footsteps of the Apostle of the Heathen in the beginning of his 
travels over the length of this island; and see here the first earthly 
potentate converted, and linking his name forever with that of St. Paul.’ 
Now, while Saul is yet at Tarsus, men of Cyprus are made the instrn- 
ments.of awakening the Gentiles; one of them might be that ‘‘ Mnason 
of Cyprus,” who afterwards (then “a disciple of old standing”) was his 
host at Jerusalem ;‘ and Joses the Levite of Cyprus,® whom the Apostles 
had long ago called ‘“‘ the Son of Consolation,” and who had removed all 
the prejudice which looked suspiciously on Saul’s conversion,° is the first 
teacher sent by the Mother-Church to the new disciples at Antioch. ‘ He 
was a good man, and full of the Holy Ghost and of faith.” He rejoiced 
when he saw what God’s grace was doing; he exhorted’ all to cling fast 
to the Saviour whom they had found; and he labored himself with abun- 


1 See xi. 19, 20. 

® Acts xi. 20. We are strengly of opinion 
that the correct reading here is not “ Grecians” 
(A.V.), but Greeks, probably in the sense of 
_ proselyies of the Gate. Thus they were in 
the samo position as Cornelius. It has been 
doubted which case was prior in point of time. 
Seme are of opinion that the events at Antioch 
took place first. Others believe that those who 
spoke to the Greeks at Antioch had previously 
ieard of the conversion of Cornelius. There 
evems no ebjection to supposing the twe cases 


nearly simultaneous, that of Cornelius being 
the great typical transaction en which our 
attention is to be fixed. 

% Acts xiii. 6-9. 

* Acts xxi. 16. 

5 Acts iv. 36. 
but one. 

® Acts ix. 27. 

7 Acts xi. 23. The “Son of Consolation,” 
of iv. 36, ought rather to be translated “Son 
of Exhortation ”” or “Son of Prophecy.” Sea 
xii. 1. 


See, however, the next note 


110 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. CHAP. [Vv : 
dant success. But feeling the greatness of the work, and remembering 
the zeal and strong character of his friend, whose vocation to this par- 
ticular task of instructing the Heathen was doubtless well caren to him, 
“he departed to Tarsus to seek Saul.” 

Whatever length of time had elapsed since Saul came from Jerusalem 
to Tarsus, and however that time had been employed by him, —whether 
he had already founded any of those churches in his native Cilicia, which 
we read of soon after (Acts xv. 41), — whether (as is highly probable) 
he had there undergone any of those manifold labors and sufferings , 
recorded by himself (2 Cor. xi.) but omitted by St. Luke, — whether 
by active intercourse with the Gentiles, by study of their literature, by 
travelling, by discoursing with the philosophers, he had been making 
himself acquainted with their opinions and their prejudices, and so pre- 
paring his mind for the work that was before him,— or whether he had 
been waiting in silence for the call of God’s providence, praying for guid- 
ance from above, reflecting on the condition of the Gentiles, and gazing 
more and more closely on the plan of the world’s redemption, — how- 
ever this may be, it must have been an eventful day when Barnabas, 
having come across the sea from Seleucia, or round by the defiles of 
Mount Amanus, suddenly appeared in the streets of Tarsus. The last 
time the two friends had met was in Jerusalem. All that they then 
hoped, and probably more than they then thought possible, had occurred. 
“God had granted to the Gentiles repentance unto life” (xi. 18). 
Barnabas had “seen the grace of God” (xi. 23) with his own eyes at 
Antioch ; and under his own teaching “a great multitude” (xi. 24) had 
been “added to the Lord.” But he needed assistance. He needed the 
presence of one whose wisdom was higher than his own, whose zeal was 
an example to all, and whose peculiar mission had been miraculously 
declared. Saul recognized the voice of God in the words of Barnabas: 
and the two friends travelled in all haste to the Syrian metropolis. 

There they continued “ a whole year,” actively prosecuting the sacred 
work, teaching and confirming those who joined themselves to the assem- 
blies! of the ever-increasing Church. As new converts, in vast numbers, 
came in from the ranks of the Gentiles, the Church began to lose its 
ancient appearance of a Jewish sect,? and to stand out in relief, as a 
great self-existent community, in the face both of Jews and Gentiles. 
Hitherto it had been possible, and even natural, that the Christians 
should be considered, by the Jews themselves, and by the Heathen whose 
notice they attracted, as only one among the many theological parties, 
which prevailed in Jerusalem and in the Dispersion. But when Gen- 


1 See Acts xi. 26. 2 See above, pp. 29 and 62. 


CRAP. Iv, THE NAME ‘“ CHRISTIAN.” 111 


tiles began to listen to what was preached concerning Christ, — when 
they were united as brethren on equal terms, and admitted to baptism 
without the necessity of previous circumcision,— when the Mosaic 
features of this society were lost in the wider character of the New 
Covenant, — then it became evident that these men were something more 
than the Pharisees or Sadducees, the Hssenes’ or Herodians, or any sect 
or party among the Jews. Thus a new term in the vocabulary of the 
human race came into existence at Antioch about the year 44. Thus 
Jews and Gentiles, who, under the teaching of St. Paul, believed that 
Jesus of Nazareth was the Saviour of the world, “ were first called 
Christians.” 

It is not likely that they received this name from the Jews. The 
“Children of Abraham”? employed a term much more expressive of 
hatred and contempt. They called them “ the sect of the Nazarenes.”* 
These disciples of Jesus traced their origin to Nazareth in Galilee: and 
it was a proverb, that nothing good could come from Nazareth.‘ Besides 
this, there was a further reason why the Jews would not have called the 
disciples of Jesus by the name of “ Christians.”” The word “ Christ” 
has the same meaning with “ Messiah ;”’ and the Jews, however blinded 
and prejudiced on this subject, would never have used so sacred a word 
to point an expression of mockery and derision; and they could not 
have used it in grave and serious earnest to designate those whom they 
held to be the followers of a false Messiah, a fictitious Christ. Nor is it 
likely that the ‘‘ Christians” gave this name to themselves. In the Acts 
of the Apostles, and in their own letters, we find them designating them- 
selves as “ brethren,” “ disciples,” ‘ believers,” ‘ saints.” *® Only in two 
places * do we find the term “ Christians ;” and in both instances it is 
implied to be a term used by those who are without. There is little 
doubt that the name originated with the Gentiles, who began now to see 
that this new sect was so far distinct from the Jews, that they might 
naturally receive a new designation. And the form of the word implies 
that it came from the Romans,’ not from the Greeks. The word 
“ Christ” was often in the conversation of the believers, as we know it to 
have been constantly in their letters. ‘Christ’ was the title of Him, 
whom they avowed as their leader and their chief. They confessed that 


1 See above, p. 32. 7 So’we read in the Civil Wars of ‘“ Mari- 

2 Matt. iii. 9; Luke iii. 8 ; John viii. 39. ans’ and “ Pompeians ” for the partisans of 

® Acts xxiv. 5. Marius and Pompey ; and, under the Empire, 

* Johni. 46. See John vii. 41,52; Luke of “ Othonians” and “ Vitellians ” for the par 
xiii. 2, &e. tisans of Otho and Vitellius. The word “ He 

® Acts xv. 23, ix. 26, vy. 14, ix. 82; Rom. rodians ” (Matt. xxii. 16; Mark iii. 6, xii. 13) 
xv. 25; Col. i. 2, &. is formed exactly in the same way. 


§ Acts xxvi. 28, and 1 Pet. iv. 16. 


112 THE LIVE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL 


this Christ had been crucified ; but they asserted that He was risen from 


h 
rm 
omar. re 





the dead, and that He guided them by His invisible power. Thus 


“ Christian” was the name which naturally found its place in the 
reproachful language of their enemies.' In the first instance, we have 
every reason to believe that it was a term of ridicule and derision.? And 
it is remarkable that the people of Antioch were notorious for inventing 
names of derision, and for turning their wit into the channels of ridi- 
cule.? In every way there is something very significant in the place 
where we first received the name we bear. Not in Jerusalem, the city 
of the Old Covenant, the city of the people who were chosen to the 
exclusion of all others, but in a Heathen city, the Eastern centre of 
Greek fashion and Roman luxury; and not till it was shown that the 
New Covenant was inclusive of all others; then and there we were first 
called Christians, and the Church received from the world its true and 
honorable name. 

In narrating the journeys of St. Paul, it will now be our duty to speak 
of Antioch, not Jerusalem, as his point of departure and return. Let 
us look, more closely than has hitherto been necessary, at its character, 
its history, and its appearance. The position which it occupied near the 
abrupt angle formed by the coasts of Syria and Asia Minor, and in the 
opening where the Orontes passes between the ranges of Lebanon and 
Taurus, has already been noticed.‘ And we have.mentioned the numer- 
ous colony of Jews which Seleucus introduced into his capital, and 
raised to an equality of civil rights with the Greeks.* There was every 
thing in the situation and circumstances of this city, to make it a place 
of concourse for all classes and kinds of people. By its harbor of Se 
leucia it was in communication with all the trade of the Mediterranean ; 
and, through the open country behind the Lebanon, it was conveniently 
approached by the caravans from Mesopotamia and Arabia. It united 
the inland advantages of Aleppo with the maritime opportunities of 
Smyrna. It was almost an oriental Rome, in which all the forms of the 
civilized life of the Empire found some representative. Through the 


1 Tt is a Latin derivative from the Greek 
term for the Messiah of the Jews. It is con- 
nected with the office, not the name, oi our 
Saviour; which harmonizes with the impor- 
tamt fact, that in the Epistles He is usually 
called not “ Jesus” but “ Christ.” The word 
“Jesuit” (which, by the way, is rather Gresk 
than Latin) did not come into the vocabulary 
ef the Church till after the lapse of 1,500 years. 
It is not a little remarkable that the word “Jes- 
uit” is a proverbial term of reproach, even in 
Beman-Catholic countries; while the word 


“ Christian ” is used so proverbially for all 
that is good, that it has been applied to benev- 
olent actions in which Jews have participated. 

2 Jt is needless to remark that it soon 
became a title of glory. Julian tried to sub- 
stitate the term “ Galilean ” for “ Christian.” 

3 Apollonius of Tyana was driven out of 
the city by their insults, and sailed away (like 
St. Paul) from Seleucia to Cyprus, where he 
visited Paphos. See Ch. X 

¢ P. 19, 

5P.16 


: 


: 
‘ 
‘ 


a 


quuar. Iv, ANTIOCH. 118 


first two centuries of the Christian era, it was what Constantinople 
became afterwards, “the Gate of the East.’’ And, indeed, the glory of 
the city of Ignatius was only gradually eclipsed by that of the city of 
Chrysostom. That great preacher and commentator himself, who knew 
them both by familiar residence, always speaks of Antioch with peculiar 
reverence,' as the patriarchal city of the Christian name. 

There is something curiously prophetic in the stories which are told 
of the first founding of this city. Like Romulus on the Palatine, 
Seleucus is said to have watched the flight of birds from the summit of 
Mount Casius. An eagle took a fragment of the flesh of his sacrifice, 
and carried it to a point on the seashore, a little to the north of the 
mouth of the Orontes. There he founded a city, and called it Seleucta,? 
after his own name. This was on the 23d of April. Again, on the 1st 
of May, he sacrificed on the hill Silpius; and then repeated the cere- 
mony and watched the auguries at the city of Antigonia, which his 
vanquished rival, Antigonus, had begun and left unfinished. An eagle 
again decided that this was not to be his own metropolis, and carried the 
flesh to the hill Silpius, which is on the south side of the river, about 
the place where it turns from a northerly to a westerly direction. Five 
or six thousand Athenians and Macedonians were ordered to convey the 
stones and timber of Antigonia down the river ; and Antioch was founded 
by Seleucus, and called after his father’s name.’ 

This fable, invented perhaps to give a mythological sanction to what 
was really an act of sagacious prudence and princely ambition, is well 
worth remembering. Seleucus was not slow to recognize the wisdom 
of Antigonus in choosing a site for his capital, which should place it in 
ready communication both with the shores of Greece and with his eastern 
territories on the Tigris and Euphrates; and he followed the example 
promptly, and completed his work with sumptuous magnificence. Few 
princes have ever lived with so great a passion for the building of cities ; 
and this is a feature of his character which ought not to be unnoticed in 
this narrative. Two at least of his cities in Asia Minor have a close 
connection with the life of St. Paul. These are the Pisidian Antioch‘ 
and the Phrygian Laodicewa,’ one called by the name of his father, the 
other of his mother. He is said to have built in all nine Seleucias, six 
feen Antiochs, and six Laodicwas. This love of commemorating the 


1 Im his homilies on St. M tthew he tells 2 See Acts xiii. 4. 
the people of Antioch, that though they boasted 5 Some say that Seleucns called the city 
ef their city’s pre-eminence in having first en- after hie son. 
joyed the Christian name, they were willing * Acts xiii. 14, xiv. 91; 2 Tim. ii. 12. 
enough to be surpassed in Christian virtue by 5 Coloss. iv. 18, 15, 16, See Bev. 1 12, 
wore homely cities. i iii. 14. 


114 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


members of his family was conspicuous in his works by the Orontes. { 


Besides Seleucia and Antioch, he built, in the immediate neighborhood, 


a Laodicwa in honor of his mother, and an Apamea in honor of his — 


wife. But by far the most famous of these four cities was the Syrian 
Antioch. 

We must allude to its edifices and ornaments only so far as they are 
due to the Greek kings of Syria and the first five Caesars of Rome.’ If 
we were to allow our description to wander to the times of Justinian or 
the Crusaders, though these are the times of Antioch’s greatest glory, we 
should be trespassing on a period of history which does not belong to us. 
Strabo, in the time of Augustus, describes the city as a Tetrapolis, or 
union of four cities. The two first were erected by Seleucus Nicator 
himself, in the situation already described, between Mount Silpius and 


the river, on that wide space of level ground where a few poor habita- — 


tions still remain by the banks of the Orontes. The river has gradually 
changed its course and appearance, as the city has decayed. Once it 
flowed round an island which, like the island in the Seine,? by its thor- 
oughfares and bridges, and its own noble buildings, became part of a 
magnificent whole. But, in Paris, the Old City is on the island; in 
Antioch, it was the New City, built by the second Seleucus and the third 
Antiochus. Its chief features were a palace, and an arch like that of 
Napoleon. The fourth and last part of the Tetrapolis was built by 
Antiochus Epiphanes, where Mount Silpius rises abruptly on the south. 
On one of its craggy summits he placed, in the fervor of his Romanizing 
mania,’ a temple dedicated to Jupiter Capitolinus; and on another, a 
strong citadel, which dwindled to the Saracen Castle of the first Crusade. 
At the rugged bases of the mountain, the ground was levelled for a 
glorious street, which extended for four miles across the length of the 
city, and where sheltered crowds could walk through continuous colon- 
nades from the eastern to the western suburb. The whole was 
surrounded by a wall, which, ascending to the heights and returning tc 
the river, does not deviate very widely in its course from the wall of the 
Middle Ages, which can still be traced by the fragments of ruined tow- 
ers. This wall is assigned by a Byzantine writer to Tiberius, but it 
seems more probable that the Emperor only repaired what Antiochus 
Kpiphanes had built. Turning now to the period of the Empire, we find 


1 In our larger editions is a plan of the 
ancient city, adopted (with some modifications) 
from the plan in the work mentioned below, n. 
5. See a fuller account of Antioch in Dr. 
Smith’s Dict. of Geog. 

2 Julian the Apostate suggests a parallel 
between Paris and Antioch. See Gibbon’s 
19th and 23d chapters. 


5 See above, p. 25, n. 1. 

* A comparison has been instituted above 
between Paris and Antioch: and it is hardly 
possible now (1860) to revise this paragraph 
for the press without alluding to the Rue de 
Rivoli. 

® See Miiller, Antig. Antioch. pp. 54 and 
81. 






OLE ee 


CHAP, IV. CHARACTER OF INHABITANTS OF ANTIOCH. 115 


that Antioch had memorials of all the great Romans whose names have 
been mentioned as yet in this biography. When Pompey was defeated 
by Czsar, the conqueror’s name was perpetuated in this Eastern city by 
an aqueduct and by baths, and by a basilica called Cxsarium. In the 
reign of Augustus, Agrippa’ built in all cities of the Empire, and Herod 
of Juda followed the example to the utmost of his power. Both found 
employment for their munificence at Antioch. A gay suburb rose under 
the patronage of the one, and the other contributed a road and a portico. 
The reign of Tiberius was less remarkable for great architectural works ; 
but the Syrians by the Orontes had to thank him for many improvements 
and restorations in their city. Even the four years of his successor left 
behind them the aqueduct and the baths of Caligula. 

The character of the inhabitants is easily inferred from the influences 
which presided over the city’s growth. Its successive enlargement by the 
Seleucids proves that their numbers rapidly increased from the first. 
The population swelled still further, when, instead of the metropolis 
of the Greek kings of Syria, it became the residence of Roman gov- 
ernors. The mixed multitude received new and important additions 
in the officials who were connected with the details of provincial admin- 
istration. Luxurious Romans were attracted by its beautiful climate. 
New wants continually multiplied the business of its commerce. Its 
gardens and houses grew and extended on the north side of the river. 
Many are the allusions to Antioch, in the history of those times, as a place 
of singular pleasure and enjoyment. Here and there, an elevating 
thought is associated with its name. Poets have spent their young days 
at Antioch,? great generals have died there,’ emperors have visited and 
admired it. But, for the most part, its population was a worthless rab- 
ble of Greeks and Orientals. The frivolous amusements of the theatre 
were the occupation of their life. Their passion for races, and the ridic- 
ulous party quarrels® connected with them, were the patterns of those 
which afterwards became the disgrace of Byzantium. The oriental ele- 
ment of superstition and imposture was not less active. The Chaldean 
astrologers found their most credulous disciples in Antioch. Jewish 


1 This friend of Augustus and Mscenas 
must be carefully distinguished from that 
grandson of Herod who bore the same name, 
and whose death is one of the subjects of this 
chapter. For the works of Herod the Great 
at Antioch, see Joseph. Ant. xvi. 5, 3; War, 
i. 21, 11. 

2 See Cic. pro Archia Poeta. 

5 All readers of Tacitus will recognize the 
allusion. (See Ann. ii.72.) It is not possible 
te write about Antioch without some allusion 


to Germanicus and his noble-minded wife 
And yet they were the parents of Caligula. 

* For all that long series of emperors whose 
names are connected with Antioch, see Miiller. 

& The Blue Faction and the Green Faction 
were notorious under the reigns of Caligula 
and Claudius. Both emperors patronized the 
Jetier. 

§ Chrysostom complains that even Chris- 
tians, in his day, were led away by this passion 
for horoscopes. Juvenal traces the supersti- 


116 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


impostors,’ sufficiently common throughout the East, found their best 
opportunities here. It is probable that no populations have ever been 
more abandoned than those of oriental Greek cities under the Roman 
Empire, and of these cities Antioch was the greatest and the worst. 
If we wish to realize the appearance and reality of the complicated 
Heathenism of the first Christian century, we must endeavor to im- 
agine the scene of that suburb, the famous Daphne,’ with its fountains 
and groves of bay-trees, its bright buildings, its crowds of licentious 
votaries, its statue of Apollo, — where, under the climate of Syria and 
the wealthy patronage of Rome, all that was beautiful in nature and in 
art had created a sanctuary for a perpetual festival of vice. 

Thus, if any city, in the first century, was worthy to be called the 
Heathen Queen and Metropolis of the Hast, that city was Antioch. She 
was represented, in a famous allegorical statue, as a female figure, seated 
on a rock and crowned, with the river Orontes at her feet. With this 
image, which art has made perpetual, we conclude our description. 
There is no excuse for continuing it to the age of Vespasian and Titus, 
when Juda@a was taken, and the Western Gate, decorated with the spoils, 
was called the “Gate of the Cherubim,”’® — or to the Saracen age, when, 
after many years of Christian history and Christian mythology, we find 
the “‘ Gate of St. Paul” placed opposite the “‘ Gate of St. George,” and 
when Duke Godfrey pitched his camp between the river and the city- 
wall. And there is reason to believe that earthquakes, the constant 
enemy of the people of Antioch, have so altered the very appearance of its 
site, that such description would be of little use. As the Vesuvius of 
Virgil or Pliny would hardly be recognized in the angry neighbor of mod- 
ern Naples, so it is more than probable that the dislocated crags, which 
still rise above the Orontes, are greatly altered in form from the fort 
crowned heights of Seleucus or Tiberius, Justinian or Tancred. 

Earthquakes occurred in each of the reigns of Caligula and Claudius.* 
And it is likely that, when Saul and Barnabas were engaged in their 


tions of Heathen Rome to Antioch. “In 4 For this celebrated statue of the Tézxs 


Tiberim defluxit Orontes.” 

‘ Compare the cases of Simon Magus (Acts 
viii.), Elymas the Sorterer (Acts xiii.), and 
the sons of Sceva (Acts xix.). Weshall have 
eevasion to return to this subject again. 

2 Ausonius hesitates between Antioch and 
Alexandria, as to the rank they occupied in 
eminence and vice. 

" Gibbon’s description of Daphne (ch. 
xxiii.) is well known. The sanctuary was on 
the high ground, four or five miles to the 
 W.of Antioch. See Smith’s Dic. of the Bible. 


"Avruyeiac, or Genius of Antioch, so constantly 
represented on coins, see Miiller, Antig. Anti 
ech, pp. 35-41. The engraving here given is 
from Pistolesi’s Vaticano. 

5 The Byzantine writer Malalas says, thaé 
Titus built a theatre at Antioch where  eyna 
gogue had been. 

* One earthquake, according to Malalas, 
occurred on the morning of March 25, in the 
year 87, and another soon afterwards. 








NP, 


his 
sill: & 


Allegorical Statue of Antioch in Syrin- 





amar. 1v. FAMINE. — MISSION TO JERUSALEM. 117 


apostolic work, parts of the city had something of that appearance which 
still makes Lisbon dreary, new and handsome buildings being raised in 
close proximity to the ruins left by the late calamity. It is remarkable 
how often great physical calamities are permitted by God to follow in 
close succession to each other. That age, which, as we have seen, had 
been visited by earthquakes, was presently visited by famine. The reign 
of Claudius, from bad harvests or other causes, was a period of general 
distress and scarcity “‘ over the whole world.”! In the fourth year of his 
reign, we are told by Josephus that the famine was so severe, that the 
price of food became enormous, and great numbers perished.? At this 
time it happened that Helena, the mother of Izates, king of Adiabene, and 
a recent convert to Judaism, came to worship at Jerusalem. Moved with 
compassion for the misery she saw around her, she sent to purchase corn 
from Alexandria and figs from Cyprus, for distribution among the poor. 
Izates himself (who had also been converted by one who bore the same 
name* with him who baptized St. Paul) shared the charitable feelings of 
his mother, and sent large sums of money to Jerusalem. 

While this relief came from Assyria, from Cyprus, and from Africa to 
the Jewish sufferers in Judwa, God did not suffer His own Christian 
people, probably the poorest and certainly the most disregarded in that 
country, to perish in the general distress. And their relief also came from 
nearly the same quarters. While Barnabas and Saul were evangelizing 
the Syrian capital, and gathering in the harvest, the first seeds of which 
had been sown by “ men of Cyprus and Cyrene,” certain prophets came 
down from Jerusalem to Antioch, and one of them named Agabus an- 
nounced that a time of famine was at hand.‘ The Gentile disciples felt 
that they were bound by the closest link to those Jewish brethren whom 
though they had never seen they loved. “For if the Gentiles had been 
made partakers of their spiritual things, their duty was also to minister 
unto them in carnal things.”® No time was lost in preparing for the 
coming distress. All the members of the Christian community, according 
to their means, “ determined to send relief,’ Saul and Barnabas being 
chosen to take the contribution to the elders at Jerusalem.° 

About the time when these messengers came to the Holy City on their 
errand of love, a worse calamity than that of famine had fallen upon the 


1 Besides the famine in Judma, we read of 
three others in the reign of Claudius; one in 
Greece, mentioned by Eusebius, and two in 
Rome, the first mentioned by Dio Cassius, the 
second by Tacitus. 

© Ant. iii. 15, 3, xx. 2, 5, and 5, 2. 

§ This Ananias was a Jewish merchant, 
vbo made proselytes among the women about 


the court of Adiabene, and thus obtained infic- 
ence with the king. (Joseph. Ant. xx. 2, 3S.) 
See what has been said above (pp. 18, and 9S, 
n. 4) about the female proselytes at Damascus 
and Iconium. 

* Acts xi. 28. 

5 Rom. xv. 27. 

® Acts xi. 29, 80. 





118 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


Church. One Apostle had been murdered, and another was in prison. 
There is something touching in the contrast between the two brothers, 
James and John. One died before the middle of the first Christian cen- 
tury; the other lived on to its close. One was removed just when his 
Master’s kingdom, concerning which he had so eagerly inquired,' was be- 
ginning to show its real character; he probably never heard the word 
“Christian” pronounced. Zebedee’s other son remained till the anti- 
Christian * enemies of the faith were “ already come,” and was laboring 
against them when his brother had been fifty years at rest in the Lord. 
He who had foretold the long service of St. John revealed to St. Peter 
that he should die by a violent death. But the time was not yet come. 
Herod had bound him with two chains. Besides the soldiers who watched 
his sleep, guards were placed before the door of the prison.‘ And “ after 
the passover”’® the king intended to bring him out and gratify the people 
with his death. But Herod’s death was nearer than St. Peter’s. Fora 
moment we see the Apostle in captivity and the king in the plenitude of 
his power. But before the autumn a dreadful change had taken place. 
On the 1st of August (we follow a probable calculation,® and borrow some 
circumstances from the Jewish historian)‘ there was a great commemora- 
tion in Caesarea. Some say it was in honor of the Emperor’s safe return 
from the island of Britain. However this might be, the city was crowded, 
and Herod was there. On the second day of the festival he came into the 
theatre. That theatre had been erected by his grandfather? who had 
murdered the Innocents ; and now the grandson was there, who had mur- 
dered an Apostle. The stone seats, rising in a great semicircle, tier above 
tier, were covered with an excited multitude. The king came in, clothed 
in magnificent robes, of which silver was the costly and brilliant material. 
It was early in the day, and the sun’s rays fell upon the king, so that the 
eyes of the beholders were dazzled with the brightness which surrounded 
him. Voices from the crowd, here and there, exclaimed that it was the 
apparition of something divine. And when he spoke and made an oration 
to the people, they gave a shout, saying, “It is the voice of a God and not 


1 See Mark x. 35-45; Acts i. 6. 

2 | John ii. 18, iv.3; 2 John 7. 

8 John xxi. 18-22. See 2 Pet. i. 14. 

* For the question of the distribution of 
soldiers on this occasion, we may refer to 
Hackett’s notes on vy. 4 and y. 40. 

5 Inadvertently translated “after Easter” 
in the A. V. Acts xii. 4. 

® That of Wieseler. 

7 Compare Acts xii. 20-24 with Josephus, 
Ant. xix. 8, ° 


* See Joseph. Ant. xv. 9,6. It is from 
his narrative (xix. 8, 2) that we know the 
theatre to have been the scene of Agrippa’s 
death-stroke. The “throne” (Acts xii. 21) 
is the official “ tribunal,” as in Acts xviii. 12, 
16,17. Josephus says nothing of the quarrel 
with the Tyrians and Sidonians. Probably 
it arose simply from mercantile relations /see 
1 Kings v. 11; Ezek. xxvii. 17), and their 
desire for reconciliation (Acts xii. 20) would 
naturally be increased by the existing famine. 


HAR, IV. DEATH OF HEROD AGRIPPA I. 119 


of aman.” But in the midst of this idolatrous ostentation the angel of 
God suddenly smote him. He was carried out of the theatre a dying man, 
and on the 6th of August he was dead. 

This was that year, 44,1 on which we have already said so much. The 
country was placed again under Roman governors, and hard times were 
at hand for the Jews. Herod Agrippa had courted their favor. He had 
done much for them, and was preparing todo more. Josephus tells us, 
that “he had begun to encompass Jerusalem with a wall, which, had it 
been brought to perfection, would have made it impracticable for the 
Romans to take the city by siege: but his death, which happened at 
Cexsarea, before he had raised the walls to their due height, prevented 
him.”? That part of the city, which this boundary was intended to enclose, 
was a suburb when St. Paul was converted. The work was not completed 
till the Jews were preparing for their final struggle with the Romans: and 
the Apostle, when he came from Antioch to Jerusalem, must have noticed 
the unfinished wall to the north and west of the old Damascus gate. We 
cannot determine the season of the year when he passed this way. We 
are not sure whether the year itself was 44 or 45. It is not probable that 
he was in Jerusalem at the passover, when St. Peter was in prison, or that 
he was praying with those anxious disciples at the ‘“ house of Mary the 
mother of John, whose surname was Mark.” * But there is this link of 
interesting connection between that house and St. Paul, that it was the 
familiar home of one who was afterwards (not always‘ without cause for 
anxiety or reproof) a companion of his journeys. When Barnabas and 
Saul returned to Antioch, they were attended by “‘ John, whose surname 
was Mark.” With the affection of Abraham towards Lot, his kinsman 
Barnabas withdrew him from the scene of persecution. We need not 
doubt that higher motives were added, — that at the first, as at the last, 
St. Paul regarded him as “ profitable to him for the ministry.” 

Thus attended, the Apostle willingly retraced his steps towards Antioch. 
A field of noble enterprise was before him. He could not doubt that God, 
who had so prepared him, would work by his means great conversions 
among the Heathen. At this point of his life, we cannot avoid noticing 
those circumstances of inward and outward preparation, which fitted him 
for his peculiar position of standing between the Jews and Gentiles. He 


1 Roman-Catholic writers here insert vari- to have held the See of Antioch for seven years 
ous passages of the traditionary life of St. before that of Rome. 


Peter; his journey from Antioch through 2 War, ii. 11, 6. 
Asia Minor to Rome ; his meeting with Simon 3 Acts xii. 12. 
Magus, &¢c., and the other Apostles; their 4 See Acts xiii. 13, xv. 37-39. 


general separation to preach the Gospel to the 5 Not necessarily “nephew.” See a future 
_ Gentiles in all parts of the world; the formation note on Col. iv. 10. 
of the Apostl2s’ Creed, &c. St. Peteris alleged 6 2 Tim. iv. 11. See below. 





120 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. ama 


was not a Sadducee, he had never Hellenized, — he had been educated at 
Jerusalem,— every thing conspired to give him authority, when he ad- 
dressed his countrymen as a ‘“ Hebrew of the Hebrews.” At the same 
time, in his apostolical relation to Christ, he was quite disconnected with 
the other Apostles ; he had come in silence to a conviction of the truth at 
a distance from the Judaizing Christians, and had early overcome those 
prejudices which impeded so many in their approaches to the Heathen. 
He had just been long enough at Jerusalem to be recognized and welcomed 
by the apostolic college,’ but not long enough even to be known by face 
“ unto the churches in Judwa.”? He had been withdrawn into Cilicia 
till the baptism of Gentiles was a notorious and familiar fact to those very 
churches.’ He could hardly be blamed for continuing what St. Peter had 
already begun. 

And if the Spirit of God had prepared him for building up the United 
Church of Jews and Gentiles, and the Providence of God had directed all 
the steps of his life to this one result, we are called on to notice the 
singular fitness of this last employment, on which we have seen him 
engaged, for assuaging the suspicious feeling which separated the two 
great branches of the Church. In quitting for a time his Gentile converts 
at Antioch, and carrying a contribution of money to the Jewish Chris- 
tians at Jerusalem, he was by no means leaving the higher work for the 
lower. He was building for aftertimes. The interchange of mutual 
benevolence was a safe foundation for future confidence. Temporal com- 
fort was given in gratitude for spiritual good received. The Church’s 
first days were christened with charity. No sooner was its new name 
received, in token of the union of Jews and Gentiles, than the sympa- 
thy of its members was asserted by the work of practical benevolence. 
We need not hesitate to apply to that work the words which St. Paul 
used, after many years, of another collection for the poor Christians in 
Judwa : —“ The administration of this service not only supplies the need 
of the Saints, but overflows in many thanksgivings unto God; while they 
praise God for this proof of your obedience to the Glad Tidings of 
Christ.” ‘ 





Coin of Claudius and Agrippa I.° 


1 Acts ix. 27. 2 Gal. i. 22. * 3 Cor. ix. 12-14. 

® These were the churches of Lydda, Saron, 5 From the British Museum. See p. 130. 
Feppa, &e., which Peter had been visiting when We may refer here to Dr. Wordsworth’s cxstei 
es was summoned to Caesarea. Acts ix.32-43. mote on Acts xii. 1. 





—— oe” = 


CHAPTER V. 


Second Part of the Acts of the Apostles. — Revelation at Antioch. — Publie Devetions. — De 
partare ef Barnabas and Saul. — The Orontes. — History and Description of Seleucia. — 
Voyage to Cyprus. — Salamis. — Roman Provincial System.— Proconsuls and Propratora. 
— Sergius Paulus.— Oriental Impostors at Rome and in the Provinces.—Elymas Bar 
jesus. — History of Jewish Names. — Saul and Paul. 


HE second part of the Acts of the Apostles is generally reckoned to 
begin with the thirteenth chapter. At this point St. Paul begins 
to appear as the principal character; and the narrative, gradually widen- 
ing and expanding with his travels, seems intended to describe to us, in 
minute detail, the communication of the Gespel to the Gentiles. The 
thirteenth and fourteenth chapters embrace a definite and separate sub- 
ject: and this subject is the first journey of the first Christian missiona 
ries to the Heathen. These two chapters of the inspired record are the 
authorities for the present and the succeeding chapters of this work, in 
which we intend to follow the steps of Paul and Barnabas, in their cir 
cuit through Cyprus and the southern part of Lesser Asia. 

The history opens suddenly and abruptly. We are told that there 
were, in the Church at Antioch,! “ prophets and teachers,” and among 
the rest “‘ Barnabas,” with whom we are already familiar. The others 
were “Simeon, who was surnamed Niger,” and “ Lucius of Cyrene’ and 
“ Manaen, the foster-brother of Herod the Tetrarch,” — and “ Saul’ who 
still appears under his Hebrew name. We observe, moreover, not only 
that he is mentioned after Barnabas, but that he occupies the lowest place 
in this enumeration of “ prophets and teachers.”” The distinction between 
these two offices in the Apostolic Church will be discussed hereafter.’ 
At present it is sufficient to remark that the “ prophecy” of the New 
Testament does not necessarily imply a knowledge of things to come, but 
rather a gift of exhorting with a peculiar force of inspiration. In the 
Church’s early miraculous days the “ prophet” appears to have been 
ranked higher than the “ teacher.”* And we may perhaps infer that, 
up to this point of the history, Barnabas had belonged to the rank of 
“ prophets,” and Saul to that of “teachers: ” which would be in strict 


1 Acta xiii. 1. 2 See Ch. XTIL 
5 Compare Acts xiii. 1 with 1 Cer. xii. 28, 29; Eph. iv. 11. 
ist 


122 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. CHAP. V, 


conformity with the inferiority of the latter to the former, which, as we 
have seen, has been hitherto observed. 

Of the other three, who are grouped with these two chosen missiona- 
ries, we do not know enough to justify any long disquisition. But we 
may remark in passing that there is a certain interest attaching to each 
one of them. Simeon is one of those Jews who bore a Latin surname 
in addition to their Hebrew name, like “John whose surname was 
Mark,” mentioned in the last verse of the preceding chapter, and like 
Saul himself, whose change of appellation will presently oe brought 
under notice.! Lucius, probably the same who is referred to in the 
Epistle to the Romans,’ is a native of Cyrene, that African city which has 


already been noticed as abounding in Jews, and which sent to Jerusalem — 


our Saviour’s cross-bearer.’ Manaen is spoken of as the foster-brother 
of Herod the Tetrarch: this was Herod Antipas, the Tetrarch of Galilee ; 
and since we learn from Josephus‘ that this Herod and his brother Arche- 
laus were children of the same mother, and afterwards educated together 
at Rome, it is probable that this Christian prophet or teacher had spent 
his early childhood with those two princes, who were now both banished 
from Palestine to the banks of the Rhone.® 

These were the most conspicuous persons in the Church of Antioch, 
when a revelation was received of the utmost importance. The occasion 
on which the revelation was made seems to have been a fit preparation 
for it. The Christians were engaged in religious services of peculiar 
solemnity. The Holy Ghost spoke to them “as they ministered unto the 
Lord and fasted.”” The word here translated “ ministered,’ has been 
taken by opposite controversialists to denote the celebration of the 
** sacrifice of the mass ” on the one hand, or the exercise of the office of 
“‘ preaching” on the other. It will be safer if we say simply that the 
Christian community at Antioch was engaged in one united act of 
prayer and humiliation. That this solemnity would be accompanied by 
words of exhortation, and that it would be crowned and completed by 
the Holy Communion, is more than probable; that it was accompanied 


1 See Acts xiii. 9. Compare Col. iy. 11. 

2 Rom. xvi. 21. There is no reason what- 
ever for supposing that St. Luke is meant. 
The Latin form of his name would be “ Luca- 
nus,” not “ Lucius.” 

® See above, p. 16, n. 6. 

* Their mother’s name was Malthace, a 
Samaritan. War,i. 28,4. See Ant. xvii. 1, 3. 
One of the sect of the Essenes (see p. 32), 
who bore the name of Manaen or Manaem, is 
mentioned by Josephus (Ant. xv. 10, 5) as 
having foretold to Herod the Great, in the days 


of his obscurity, both his future power and 
future wickedness. The historian adds, that 
Herod afterwards treated the Essenes with 
great kindness. Nothing is more likely than 
that this Manaen was the father of the com- 
panion of Herod’s children. Another Jew of 
the same name is mentioned, at a later period 
(War, ii. 17, 8,9; Life, 5), as having encour- 
aged robberies, and come to a violent end. 
The name is the same with that of the King 
of Israel. 2 Kings xv. 14-22. 

® See above, pp. 26 and 51. 






| 
. 


——— ee eee ee 


omar. v, DEPARTURE OF BARNABAS AND SAUL. 123 


with Fasting! we are expressly told. These religious services might 
have had a special reference to the means which were to be adopted for 
the spread of the Gospel now evidently intended for all; and the words 
“ separate me now” Barnabas and Saul for the work whereunto I have 
called them,” may have been an answer to specific prayers. How this 
revelation was made, whether by the mouth of some of the prophets 
who were present, or by the impulse of a simultaneous and general 
inspiration, — whether the route to be taken by Barnabas and Saul was 
at this time precisely indicated’— and whether they had previously 
received a conscious personal call, of which this was the public ratifi- 
cation,‘ —it is useless to inquire. A definite work was pointed out, as 
now about to be begun under the counsel of God; two definite agents 
in this work were publicly singled out: and we soon see them sent 
forth to their arduous undertaking, with the sanction of the Church at 
Antioch. 

Their final consecration and departure was the occasion of another 
religious solemnity. A fast was appointed, and prayers were offered up; 
and, with that simple ceremony of ordination® which we trace through 
the earlier periods of Jewish history, and which we here see adopted 
under the highest authority in the Christian Church, “they laid their 
hands on them, and sent them away.”’ The words are wonderfully simple , 
but those who devoutly reflect on this great occasion, and on the posi- 
tion of the first Christians at Antioch, will not find it difficult to imagine 
the thoughts which occupied the hearts of the Disciples during these 
first “‘ Ember Days of the Church *— their deep sense of the importance 
of the work which was now beginning,— their faith in God, on whom 
they could rely in the midst of such difficulties, —their suspense du- 
ring the absence of those by whom their own faith had been forti- 
fied,— their anxiety for the intelligence they might bring on their 
return. 

Their first point of destination was the island of Cyprus. It is not 
necessary, though quite allowable, to suppose that this particular course 
was divinely indicated in the original revelation at Antioch. Four 


1 For the association of Fasting with Ordi- 
nation, see Bingham’s Antig. of the Christ. Ch. 
ty. vi. 6, XxI. ii. 8. 

2 This little word is important, and should 
have been in the A. V. 

* Tt is evident that the course of St. Panl’s 
journeys was often indeterminate, and regu- 
fated either by convenient opportunities ‘as in 
Acts xxi. 2, xxviii. 11), or by compulsion (as 
in xiv. 6, xvii. 14), or by supernatural admo- 
nitions (xxii. 21, xvi. 6-10). 


* St. Paul at least had long been conscious 
of his own vocation, and could only be waiting 
to be summoned to his work. 

5 It forms no part of the plan of this work 
to enter into ecclesiastical controversies. It is 
sufficient to refer to Acts vi. 6; 1 Tim. iy 14, 
y. 22; 2 Tim.i.6; Heb. vi. 2. 

* See Bingham, as above. 


124 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8ST. PAUL 


reasons at least can be stated, which may have induced the Apostles, in 
the exercise of a wise discretion, to turn in the first instance to this 
island. It is separated by no great distance from the mainland of 
Syria; its high mountain-summits are easily seen! in clear weather from 
the coast near the mouth of the Orontes; and in the summer season 
many vessels must often have been passing and repassing between 
Salamis and Seleucia. Besides this, it was the native-place of Barnabas.’ 
Since the time when “ Andrew found his brother Simon, and brought him 
to Jesus,” * and the Saviour was beloved in the house of “ Martha and 
her sister and Lazarus,” ‘ the ties of family relationship had not been 
without effect on the progress of the Gospel. It could not be unnat 
ural to suppose that the truth would be welcomed in Oyprus, when it 
was brought by Barnabas and his kinsman Mark * to their own connec 
tions or friends. Moreover, the Jews were numerous in Salamis.’ By 
sailing to that city they were following the track of the synagogues 
Their mission, it is true, was chiefly to the Gentiles; but their 
surest course for reaching them was through the medium of the Prose 
lytes and the Hellenistic Jews. To these considerations we must 
add, in the fourth place, that some of the Cypriotes were already 
Christians. No one place out of Palestine, with the exception of 
Antioch, had been so honorably associated with the work of successful 
evangelization.® 

The palaces of Antioch were connected with the sea by the rive: 
Orontes. Strabo says that in his time they sailed up the stream in one 
day ; and Pausanias speaks of great Roman works which had improved 
the navigation of the channel. Probably it was navigable by vessels of 
some considerable size, and goods and passengers were conveyed by 
water between the city and the sea. Even in our own day, though there 
is now 2 bar at the mouth of the river, there has been a serious project 
of uniting it by a canal with the Euphrates, and so of re-establishing one 
of the old lines of commercial intercourse between the Mediterranean 
and the Indian Sea. The Orontes comes from the valley between 
Lebanon and Anti-Lebanon, and does not, like many rivers, vary 
capriciously between a winter-torrent and a thirsty watercourse, but 
flows cn continually to the sea. Its waters are not clear, but they are 
deep ana rapid. Their course has been compared to that of the Wye. 
They wind reund the bases of high and precipitous cliffs, or by richly 


1 Colonel Chesney speaks 0° “the lofty Paul himself. Acts xxiii. 16-88. Compare 
island of Cyprus as seen to the 3. W.in the 1 Cor. vii. 16. 


distant horizon,” from the bey of Antioch. ® Acts xiii. 5. See xii. 25, and p. 13? « 
* Acts iv. 36. 4, above. 
§ John i. 41, 42. * John xi. 5. 7 Acts xiii. 5. See below, pp. 130, 130 
* Bee an instance of this in the life of St ® See Acts iv. 36, xi. 19, 20, xxi. 16. 


OMAR. ¥, 






OSLO. He DESCRIPTION OF SHLEUCIA. 128 


cultivated banks, where the vegetation of the south, —~ the vine and the 
fig-tree, the myrtle, the bay, the ilex, and the arbutus, —is mingled with 
dwarf oak and English sycamore.’ If Barnabas and Saul came down by 
water from Antioch, this was the course of the boat which conveyed 
them. If they travelled the five or six leagues? by land, they crossed 
the river at the north side of Antioch, and came along the base of the 
Pierian hills by a route which is now roughly covered with fragrant and 
picturesque shrubs, but which then doubtless was a track well worn by 
travellers, like the road from the Pirswus to Athens, or from Ostia to Rome.’ 

Seleucia united the two characters of a fortress and a seaport. It was 
situated on a rocky eminence, which is the southern extremity of an 
elevated range of hills projecting from Mount Amanus. From the south. 
east, where the ruins of the Antioch Gate are still conspicuous, the 
ground rose towards the north-east into high and craggy summits; and 
round the greater part of its circumference of four miles the city was 
protected by its natural position. The harbor and mercantile suburb 
were on level ground towards the west; but here, as on the only weak 
point at Gibraltar, strong artificial defences had made compensation for 
the deficiency of nature. Seleucus, who had named his metropolis in 
his father’s honor (p. 113), gave his own name to this maritime fortress 
and here, around his tomb,‘ his successors contended for the key of 
Syria. “ Seleucia by the sea” was a place of great importance under 
the Seleucids and the Ptolemies ; and so it remained under the sway of 
the Romans. In consequence of its bold resistance to Tigranes, when he 
was in possession of all the neighboring country, Pompey gave it the 
privileges of a “‘ Free City ;”* and a contemporary of St. Paul speaks of 
it as having those privileges still.’ 

The most remarkable work among the extant remains of Seleucia is 
an immense excavation, — probably the same with that which is mentioned 
by Polybius,— leading from the upper part of the ancient city to the sea. 
It consists alternately of tunnels and deep open cuttings. It is difficult 
to give a confident opinion as to the uses for which it wasintended. But 


1 For views, with descriptions, see Fisher's € Seleucus was buried here 


Syria, 1. 5,19, 77, 11. 28. 

2 Colonel Chesney says, “‘ The windings 
give a distance of about forty-one miles, whilst 
the journey by land is only sixteen miles and 
a half.” — R. G. J. viii. p. 230. 

® Dr. Yates observed traces of Roman pave- 
ment on the line of road between Antioch and 
Seleucia. Sce his comprehensive paper on 
Selencia, in the Museum of Classical Antiquities 
far Jume, 1852. 


5 We may refer especially to tne chapter 
in which Polybius gives an account of tar 
siege of Seleucia in the war of Antiochus tn 
Great with Ptolemy. In these chapters wa 
find the clearest description both of its milite= 
importance and of its topography. 

® Strabo. Seep. 48. Compare p. 22,m. L. 

1 Pliny. 





126 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST, PAUL. 


the best conjecture seems to be that it was constructed for the purpose of 
drawing off the water, which might otherwise have done mischief to the 
houses and shipping in the lower part of the town; and so arranged at 
the same time, as, when needful, to supply a rush of water to clear out 
the port. The inner basin, or dock, is now a morass; but its dimensions 
can be measured, and the walls that surrounded it can be distinctly 
traced.! The position of the ancient flood-gates, and the passage through 


which the vessels were moved from the inner to the outer harbor, can be ~ 


accurately marked. The very piers of the outer harbor are still to be 
seen under the water. The southern jetty takes the wider sweep, and 
overlaps the northern, forming a secure entrance and a well-protected 
basin. The stones are of great size, “some of them twenty feet long, 
five feet deep, and six feet wide ;”? and they were fastened to each other 
with iron cramps. The masonry of ancient Seleucia is still so good, that 


not long since a Turkish Pacha* conceived the idea of clearing out and 


repairing the harbor. 

These piers‘ were unbroken when Saul and Barnabas came down to 
Seleucia, and the large stones fastened by their iron cramps protected the 
vessels in the harbor from the swell of the western sea. Here, in the 
midst of unsympathizing sailors, the two missionary Apostles, with their 
younger companion, stepped on board the vessel which was to convey 
them to Salamis. As they cleared the port, the whole sweep of the bay 
of Antioch opened on their left,—the low ground by the mouth of the 
Orontes,— the wild and woody country beyond it, — and then the peak of 
Mount Casius, rising symmetrically from the very edge of the sea to a 
height of five thousand feet.’ On the right, in the south-west horizon, if 
the day was clear, they saw the island of Cyprus from the first. The 
current sets north-east and northerly between the island and the Syrian 
coast.’?. But with a fair wind, a few hours would enable them to run down 


We 
CHAP. Y 


1 Pococke gives a rude plan of Seleucia, 
with the harbor, &. A more exact and 
complete one will be found in the memoir of 
Dr. Yates. 

2 Pococke, p. 183. 

8 Ali Pasha, governor of Bagdad in 1835, 

nee governor of Aleppo. 

* It seems that the names of the piers still 
yetain the memory of this occasion. Dr. 
Yates says that the southern pier is called 
after the Apostle Paul, in contradistinction to 
its fellow, the pier of St. Barnabas. 

® “The lofty Jebel-el-Akrab, rising 5,318 
feet above the sea, with its abutments extend- 
ing to Antioch.” — Chesney, p. 228. This 
mountain is, however, a conspicuous and beau- 


tiful feature of this bay. St. Paul must have 
seen it in all his voyages to and from Antioch. 
8 See above, p. 124, n. 2. 
7 “Tn sailing from the southern shores of 
Cyprus, with the winds adverse, you should 
endeavor to obtain the advantage of the set 


of the current, which between Cyprus and the 


mouths of the Nile always runs to the east- 
ward, changing its direction to the N. E. and 
N. as you near the coast of Syria.” — Norie, 
p. 149. “The current, in general, continues 
easterly along the Libyan coast, and E. N. E 
off Alexandria ; thence advancing to the coast 
of Syria, it sets N. E. arid more northerly ; so 
that country vessels bound from Damietta to 
an eastern port of Cyprus have been carried 


DHAP, V. SALAMIS. L27 


from Seleucia to Salamis; and the land would rapidly rise in forms wel! 
known and familiar to Barnabas and Mark. 

The coast of nearly every island of the Mediterranean has been 
minutely surveyed and described by British naval officers. The two 
islands which were most intimately connected with St. Paul’s voyages 
have been among the latest to receive this kind of illustration. The 
soundings of the coast of Crete are now proved to furnish a valuable 
commentary on the twenty-seventh chapter of the Acts: and the chart of 
Cyprus should at least be consulted when we read the thirteenth chapter. 
From Cape St. Andrea, the north-eastern point of the island, the coast 
trends rapidly to the west, till it reaches Cape Grego,! the south-eastern 
extremity. The wretched modern town of Famagousta is nearer the 
latter point than the former, and the ancient Salamis was situated a short 
distance to the north of Famagousta. Near Cape St. Andrea are two or 
three small islands, anciently called “'The Keys.” These, if they were 
seen at all, would soon be lost to view. Cape Grego is distinguished by 
a singular promontory of table land, which is very familiar to the sailors 
of our merchantmen and ships of war: and there is little doubt that the 
woodcut given in one of their manuals of sailing directions? represents 
that very ‘rough, lofty, table-shaped eminence” which Strabo mentions 
in his description of the coast, and which has been identified with the 
Idalium of the classical poets. 

The ground lies low in the neighborhood of Salamis; and tho town 

_was situated on a bight of the coast to the north of the river Pedizus. 
This low land is the largest plain in Cyprus, and the Pedizus is the only 
true river in the island, the rest being merely winter-torrents, flowing in 
the wet season from the two mountain ranges which intersect it from east 
to west. This plain probably represents the kingdom of Teucer, which is 
familiar to us in the early stories of legendary Greece. It stretches in- 
wards between the two mountain ranges to the very heart of the country, 
where the modern Turkish capital, Nicosia, is situated.? In the days of 
historical Greece, Salamis was the capital. Under the Roman Empire, if 
not the seat of government, it was at least the most important mercantile 


py the current past the island.” — Purdy, p. 
276. After leaving the Gulf of Scanderoon, 
the current sets to the westward along the 
south coast of Asia Minor, as we shall have 
occasion to notice hereafter. A curious illus- 
tration of the difficulty sometimes experienced 
in making this passage will be found in Meur- 
sius, Cyprus, Jc., p. 158; where the decree of 
an early council is cited, directing the course 
to be adopted on the death of a bishop in 


Cyprus, if the vessel which conveyed the new 
could not cross to Antioch. 

1 The Pedalium of Strabo and Ptolemy. 

2 See the sketch of Cape Grego “N. W. 
by W.., six miles,” in Purdy, Pt. ii. p. 253. 

8 See Pococke’s description, vol. ii. pp. 
214-217. He gives a rude plan of ancient 
Salamis. The ruined aqueduct which he 
mentions appears to be subsequent to the 
time of St. Paul. 


123 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL CHAP. ¥. 


town. We have the best reasons for belivving that the harbor was con- 
venient and capacious.! Thus we can form to ourselves some idea of the 
appearance of the place in the reign of Claudius. A large city by the 
seashore, a wide-spread plain with corn-fields and orchards, and the blue 
distance of mountains beyond, composed the view on which the eyes 
of Barnabas and Saul rested when they came to anchor in the bay of 
Salamis. 

~The Jews, as we should have been prepared to expect, were numerous 
in Salamis. This fact is indicated to us in the sacred narrative; for we 
learn that this city had several synagogues, while other cities had often 
only one? The Jews had doubtless been established here in considerable 
numbers in the active period which succeeded the death of Alexander.’ 
The unparalleled productiveness of Cyprus, and its trade in fruit, wine, 
flax, and honey, would naturally attract them to the mercantile port. The 
farming of the copper mines by Augustus to Herod may probably have 
swelled their numbers.‘ One of the most conspicuous passages in the 
history of Salamis was the insurrection of the Jews in the reign of 
Trajan, when great part of the city was destroyed.’ Its demolition was 
completed by an earthquake. It was rebuilt by a Christian emperor, from 
whom it received its mediwval name of Constantia.® 

It appears that the proclamation of the Gospel was confined by 
Barnabas and Saul to the Jews and the synagogues. We have neo in- 
formation of the length of their stay, or the success of their labors. 
Some stress seems to be laid on the fact that John (7. e. Mark) “ was their 
minister.” Perhaps we are to infer from this, that his hands baptized 
the Jews and Proselytes, who were convinced by the preaching of the 
Apostles. 

From Salamis they travelled to Paphos, at the other extremity of the 


4 Bee especially the account in Diodorus 
Siculus of the great naval victory off Salamis, 
won by Demetrius Poliorcetes over Ptolemy. 
Secylax also says that Salamis had a good 
harbor. 

2 Acts xiii. 5. Compare vi. 9, *x. 20, and 
nee xvii. 1, xviii. 4. 

* Philo speaks of the Jews of Cyprus. 

* See abeve, p. 16, n. 2. 

5 “ Vhe flame spread to Cyprus, where the 
Jews were numerous and wealthy. One Arte 
mio placed himself a: their head. They rose 
and massacred 240,000 of their fellow-citizens ; 
the whole populous city of Salamis became a 
desert. The revolt of Cyprus was first sup- 
pressed ; Hadrian, afterwards emperor, landed 


en the island, and marched to the assistance 
of the few inhabitants who had béen able te 
act on ths defensive. He defeated the Jews, 
expe’led them from the island, to whose bean- 
tiful coasta no Jew was ever after permitted to 
approach. If one were accidentally wrecked on 
the inhospitable shore, he was instantly put to 
death.” — Milman, iii. 111, 112. The author 
sayn above (p. 104), that the Rabbinical tradi- 
tiors ars full of the sufferings of the Jews im 
this period. In this island there was a masse 
cre before the time of the rebellion, “and the 
ses. that broke upon the shores of Cyprus was 
tinged with the red hue of carnage.” 
© Jerome speaks of it under this name. 


mal. ¥, ROMAN PROVINCIAL SYSTEM. 328 


island. The two towns were probably connected together by a woll 
travelled and frequented road.’ It is indeed likely that, even under the 
Empire, the islands of the Greek part of the Mediterranean, as Crete and 
Cyprus, were not so completely provided with lines of internal commu- 
nication as those which were nearer the metropolis, and had been longer 
under Roman occupation, such as Corsica and Sardinia. But we cannot 
help believing that Roman roads were laid down in Cyprus and Crete, 
after the manner of the modern English roads in Corfu and the other 
Ionian islands, which islands, in their social and political condition, pre- 
sent many points of resemblance to those which were under the Roman 
sway in the time of St. Paul. On the whole, there is little doubt that hie 
journey from Salamis to Paphos, a distance from east to west of not more 
than a hundred miles, was accomplished in a short time and without 
difficulty. 

Paphos was the residence of the Roman governor. The appearance of 
the place (if due allowance is made for the differences of the nineteenth 
century and the first) may be compared with that of the town of Corfu in 
the present day, with its strong garrison of imperial soldiers in the midst 
of a Greek population, with its mixture of two languages, with its symbols 
of a strong and steady power side by side with frivolous amusements, and 
with something of the style of a court about. the residence of its governor. 
All the occurrences, which are mentioned at Paphos as taking place on 
the arrival of Barnabas and Saul, are grouped so entirely round the 
governor’s person, that our attention must be turned for a time to the 
condition of Cyprus as a Roman province, and the position and character 
of Sergius Paulus. 

From the time when Augustus united the world under his own power, 
the provinces were divided into two different classes. The business of the 
first Emperor’s life was to consolidate the imperial system under the show 
of administering a republic. He retained the names and semblances of 
those liberties and rights which Rome had once enjoyed. He found twe 
names in existence, the one of which was henceforth inseparably blended 
with the Imperial dignity and Military command, the other with the 
authority of the Senate and its Civil administration. The first of these 
names was “ Pretor,”’ the second was “‘ Consul.” Both of them were 
retained in Italy ; and both were reproduced in the Provinces as “‘ Proprs- 
tor” and “ Proconsul.”? He told the senate and people that he would 


1 On the west of Salamis, in the direction marked between Salamis and Paphos in the 
ef Paphos, Pecocke saw a church and monas- Peutingerian Table. 
| tery dedicated to Barnabas, and a grotto where 2 It is important, as we shall see presently, 
he is said to have been buried, after suffering te notice Dio Cassius’s further statement, that 
waartyrdom in the reign of Nero. A read is all governors of the Henate’s proviness wars te 
9 “ 


nt 





130 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. omar. ¥, 
relieve them of all the anxiety of military proceedings, and that he would 
resign to them those provinces where soldiers were unnecessary to secure 
the fruits of a peaceful administration.’ He would take upon himself all 
the care and risk of governing the other provinces, where rebellion might 
be apprehended, and where the proximity of warlike tribes made the 
presence of the legions perpetually needful. These were his professions 
to the Senate: but the real purpose of this ingenious arrangement was the 
disarming of the Republic, and the securing to himself the absolute con- 
trol of the whole standing army of the Empire.? The scheme was suf- 
ficiently transparent; but there was no sturdy national life in Italy to 
resist his despotic innovations, and no foreign civilized powers to arrest 
the advance of imperial aggrandizement ; and thus it came to pass that 
Augustus, though totally destitute of the military genius either of Crom- 
well or Napoleon, transmitted to his successors a throne guarded by an 
invincible army, and a system of government destined to endure through 
several centuries. 

Hence we find in the reign, not only of Augustus, but of each of his 
successors, from Tiberius to Nero, the provinces divided into these two 
classes. On the one side we have those which are supposed to be under 
the Senate and people. The governor is appointed by lot, as in the times 
of the old republic. He carries with him the lictors and fasces, the 
insignia of a Consul; but he is destitute of military power. His office 
must be resigned at the expiration of a year. He is styled “‘ Proconsul,” 
and the Greeks, translating the term, call him “4r6izarog.2 On the other 
side are the provinces of Cesar. The Governor may be styled “ Propre- 
tor,” or “Avuoreatyyos ; but he is more properly “ Legatus,” or IMpecpeuris, 
— the representative or “‘ Commissioner ” of the Emperor. He goes out 
from Italy with all the pomp of a military commander, and he does not 
return till the Emperor recalls him.‘ And to complete the symmetry and 
consistency of the system, the subordinate districts of these imperial 
provinces are regulated by the Emperor’s “ Procurator ” (‘Emitgoneg), or 
“ High Steward.” The New Testament, in the strictest conformity with 


Acts xiii. 7. 


be called Proconsuls, whatever their previous 
office might have been, and all governors of 
the Emperor’s provinces were to be styled 
Legati or Propretors, even if they had been 
Consuls. 

1 The “unarmed provinces” of Tacitus, 
in his account of the state of the Empire at 
the death of Nero. Hist. i. 11. 

2 Suetonius and Dio Cassius. 

% Which our English translators have ren- 
@ered by the ambiguous word “ deputy.” 


“The deputy of the country, 
Sergius Paulus.” “Gallio was the deputy of 
Achaia,” Ibid. xviii. 12. “‘ There are deputies,” 
Thid. xix. 38. 

* All these details are stated, and the two 
kinds of governors very accurately distin- 
guished, in the 53d Book of Dio Cassius, ch. 
13. It should be remarked that érapyia (the 
word still used for the subdivisions of the 
modern Greek Kingdom) is applied indisermi- 
nately to both kinds of provinces. 


CHAP. ¥. SERGIUS PAULUS. 131 


the other historical authorities of the period, gives us examples of both 
kinds of provincial administration. We are told by Strabo, and by Dic 
Cassius, that “‘ Asia” and ‘ Achaia” were assigned to the Senate; and 
the title, which in each case is given to the Governor in the Acts of the 
Apostles, is “ Proconsul.”! The same authorities inform us that Syria 
was an imperial province,’ and no such title as “‘ Proconsul”’ is assigned 
by the sacred writers to ‘‘ Cyrenius Governor of Syria,” * or to Pilate, 
Festus, and Felix, the Procurators of Judea, which, as we have seen 
(p. 23), was a dependency of that great and unsettled province. 

Dio Cassius informs us, in the same passage where he tells us that 
Asia and Achaia were provinces of the Senate, that Cyprus was retained 
by the Emperor for himself.® If we stop here, we naturally ask the 
question, — and some have asked the question rather hastily, — how it 
comes to pass that St. Luke speaks of Sergius Paulus by the style of “ Pro- 
consul”’? But any hesitation concerning the strict accuracy of the sacred 
historian’s language is immediately set at rest by the very next sentence 
of the secular historian,’ —in which he informs us that Augustus restored 
‘Cyprus to the Senate in exchange for another district of the Empire, —a 
statement which he again repeats in a later passage of his work.’ It is 
evident, then, that the governor’s style and title from this time forward 
would be “ Proconsul.” But this evidence, however satisfactory, is not 
all that we possess. The coin, which is engraved at the end of the chap- 
ter, distinctly presents to us a Cyprian Proconsul of the reign of Claudius. 
And inscriptions, which could easily be adduced,’ supply us with the 
names of additional governors,? who were among the predecessors or 
successors of Sergius Paulus. 

It is remarkable that two men called Sergius Paulus are described in 
very similar terms by two physicians who wrote in Greek, the one a 
Heathen, the other a Christian. The Heathen writer is Galen. He 
‘speaks of his contemporary as a man interested and well versed in philos- 
ophy.” The Christian writer is St. Luke, who tells us here that the 


§ Along with Syria and Cilicia. 

® Dio Cass. liii. 12. 

7 Thid. liv. 4. 

® One is given in the larger editions of this 


1 ’AvGirarec, XVili. 12, xix. 38. 

2 Strabo and Dio. 

§ Luke ii. 2.: ) 

* The word invariably used in the New 


Testament is ‘Hyeudv. This is a general 
term, like the Roman “ Prases ” and the Eng- 
lish “ Governor ; ” as may be seen by compar- 
ing Luke ii. 2 with iii. 1, and observing that 
the very same word is applied to the offices 
of the Procurator of Judssa, the Legatus of 
Syria, and the Emperor himself. Josephus 
| generally uses ‘Enirpomoc for the Procurator of 
Fades, and ‘Hyeudv for the Legatus of Syria. 





work. 

® When we find, either on coins and inscrip- 
tions, or in Scripture, detached notices of 
provincial governors not mentioned elsewhere, 
we should bear in mind what has been said 
above (p. 131), that the Proconsul was ap- 
pointed annually. ji 

10 The two were separated hy an interval of 
a hundred years. 





1382 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. omar. ¥. 
1 


governor of Oyprus was a “ prudent” man, who “ desired to hear the 
Word of God.” This governor seems to have been of a candid and in- 
quiring mind; nor will this philosophical disposition be thought inconsis- 
tent with his connection with the Jewish impostor, whom Saul and 
Barnabas found at the Paphian court, by those who are acquainted with 
the intellectual and religious tendencies of the age. 

For many years before this time, and many years after, impostors from 
the East, pretending to magical powers, had great influence over the 
Roman mind. All the Greek and Latin literature of the empire, from 
Horace to Lucian, abounds in proof of the prevalent credulity of tlfis 
sceptical period. Unbelief, when it has become conscious of its weakness, 
is often glad to give its hand to superstition. The faith of educated 
Romans was utterly gone. We can hardly wonder, when the East was 
thrown open, — the land of mystery, — the fountain of the earliest migra- 
tions, — the cradle of the earliest religions, — that the imagination both 
of the populace and the aristocracy of Rome became fanatically excited, 
and that they greedily welcomed the most absurd and degrading super 
stitions. Not only was the metropolis of the empire crowded with “ hungry 
Greeks,” but “ Syrian fortune-tellers”’ flocked into all the haunts of public 
amusement. Athens and Corinth did not now contribute the greatest or 
the worst part of the “dregs” of Rome ; but (to adopt Juvenal’s use of 
that river of Antioch we have lately been describing) “ the Orontes itself 
flowed into the Tiber.” 

Every part of the East contributed its share to the general superstition. 
The gods of Egypt and Phrygia found unfailing votaries. Before the close 
of the republic, the temples of Isis and Serapis had been more than once 
erected, destroyed, and renewed. Josephus tells us that certain disgrace- 
ful priests of Isis! were crucified at Rome by the second Emperor; but — 
this punishment was only a momentary check to their sway over the 
Roman mind. The more remote districts of Asia Minor sent their : 
itinerant soothsayers ; Syria sent her music and her medicines ; Chaldza 
her “ Babylonian numbers” and “ mathematical calculations.”* To 
these corrupters of the people of Romulus we must add one more Asiatic 
nation, — the nation of the Israelites ; and it is an instructive employ- 
ment to observe that, while some members of the Jewish people were 
rising, by the Divine power, to the highest position ever occupied by 


1 Ant. xviii. 3, 4. Gellius, i. 9. “ Vulgus, quos gentilitio vocab 
4 Babylonii Numeri, Hor. 1. Od. xi. 2. alo Chaldmos dicere oportet, mathematicos — 
Chaldaice rationes, Cic. Div. fi. 47. See the dicit.” There is some account of their pre 
whole passage 4247. The Chaldean astrol- coedings at the beginning of the fourteent) 
egers were called “ Mathematici” (Juv. vi. book of the Noctes Attics. 
568, xiv 948). Seo the definition im Aulus 


SUAP. V- ORIENTAL DMPOSTOBS. 188 


men on earth, others were sinking themselves, and others along with them, 
tc the lowest and most contemptible degradation. The treatment and 
influence of the Jews at Rome were often too similar to those of other 
Orientals. One year we find them banished ;' another year we see thom 
quietly re-established.? The Jewish beggar-woman was the gypsy of the 
first century, shivering and crouching in the outskirts of the city, and 
telling fortunes,’ as Ezekiel said of old, “ for handfuls of barley, and for 
pieces of bread.’’‘ All this catalogue of Oxiental impostors, whose influx 
into Rome was a characteristic of the period, we can gather from that re- 
volting satire of Juvenal, in which he scourges the follies and vices of the 
Roman women. But not only were the women of Rome drawn aside into 
this varied and multiplied fanaticism ; but the eminent men of the declin- 
ing republic, and the absolute sovereigns of the early Empire, were tainted 
and enslaved by the same superstitions. The great Marius had in his 
camp a Syrian, probably a Jewish,’ prophetess, by whose divinations he 
regulated the progress of his campaigns. As Brutus, at the beginning of 
the republic, had visited the oracle of Delphi, so Pompey, Crassus, and 
Cesar, at the close of the republic, when the oracles were silent, sought 
information from Oriental astrology. No picture in the great Latin 
satirist is more powerfully drawn than that in which he shows us the 
Emperor Tiberius “ sitting on the rock of Capri, with his flock of Chal- 
dgans round him.”* No sentence in the great Latin historian is more 
bitterly emphatic than that in which he says that the astrologers and 
sorcerers are @ Class of men who “ will always be discarded and always 
cherished.” ® 

What we know, from the literature of the period, to have been the case 
in Rome and in the Empire at large, we see exemplified in a province in 
the case of Sergius Paulus. He had attached himself to “a certain sor- 
cerer, a false prophet, a Jew, whose name was Barjesus, and who had 
given himself the Arabic name of “ Elymas,” or “The Wise.” But the 
Proconsul was not so deluded by the false prophet,’ as to be unable, or 
unwilling, to listen to the true. “He sent for Barnabas and Saul,” of 
whose arrival he was informed, and whose free and public declaration 
of the “‘ Word of God” attracted his inquiring mind. Elymas used 
every exertion to resist them, and to hinder the Proconsul’s mind from 
falling under the influence of their Divine doctrine. Truth and falsehood 


1 Acts xviii. 2. 5 Tac. Hist. i. 22. 

4 Acts xxviii. 17. ® For the good and bad senses in which the 

& Juv. Sat. ii. 18-16, vi. 542-546. word Mayor was used, see Professor Trench’s 

{ Ezek, xiii. 19. recent book on the Second Chapter of St 

6 Niebuhr thinks she wae a Jewess. Her Matthew. It is worth observing, that Simon 
aame wes Martha. Magnus was a Cyprian, if he is the person 


© Cie. Div. ii. 47. T Juv. Sat. x. %. mentioned by Josephus. Ant. xx. 5, 2. 


ae 


134 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


were brought into visible conflict with each other. It is evident, from the 
graphic character of the narrative, — the description of Paul “ setting 
his eyes”! on the sorcerer,—‘‘ the mist and the darkness” which fell 
on Barjesus,—the “ groping about for some one to lead him,”’?— that the 
opposing wonder-workers stood face to face in the presence of the Pro 
consul, —as Moses and Aaron withstood the magicians at the Egyptian 
court. — Sergius Paulus being in this respect different from Pharaoh, that 
he did not “ harden his heart.” 

The miracles of the New Testament are generally distinguished from 
those of the Old by being for the most part works of mercy and restora- 
tion, not of punishment and destruction. Two only of our Lord’s mira- 
cles were inflictions of severity, and these were attended with no harm to 
the bodies of men. The same law of mercy pervades most of those 
interruptions of the course of nature which He gave His servants, the 
Apostles, power to effect. One miracle of wrath is mentioned as worked 
in His name by each of the great Apostles, Peter and Paul; and we can 
see sufficient reasons why liars and hypocrites, like Ananias and Sapphira, 
and powerful impostors, like Elymas Barjesus, should be publicly pun- 
ished in the face of the Jewish and Gentile worlds, and made the exam- 
ples and warnings of overy subsequent age of the Church.’ A different 
passage in the life of St. Peter presents a parallel which is closer in some 
respects with this interview of St. Paul with the sorcerer in Cyprus. As 
Simon Magus, — who had “long time bewitched the people of Samaria 
with his sorceries,’— was denounced by St. Peter “as still in the gall 
of bitterness and bond of iniquity,’ and solemnly told that “ his heart was 
not right in the sight of God ;”*—so St. Paul, conscious of his apostolic 
power, and under the impulse of immediate inspiration, rebuked Bar- 
jesus, as a child of that Devil who is the father of lies,® as a worker 


1 The word in Acts xiii. 9 is the same 
which is used in xxiii. 1 for “to look in- 
tently.” Our first impression is, that there perhaps, the statement in Gal. iv. 14-16, and 
was something searching and commanding in the allusion to his large handwriting, Gal. yi. 
St. Paul’s eye. Butif the opinion is correct 11. (See our Preface.) 


thought that “the thorn in his flesh,” 2 Cor. 
xii. 7, was an affection of the eyes. Hence, 


CHAP. ¥, 


that he suffered from an affection of the eyes, 
this word may express a peculiarity connected 
with his defective vision. See the Bishop of 
Winchester’s note (Ministerial Character of 
Christ, p. 555), who compares the LXX. in 
Numb. xxxiii. 55, Josh. xxiii. 13, and applies 
this view to the explanation of the difficulty 
in Acts xxiii. 1-5. And it is remarkable, that, 
in both the traditional accounts of Paul’s per- 
sonal appearance which we possess (viz. those 
of Malalas and Nicephorus), he is said to 
have had contracted eyebrows. Many have 


2 Tt may be added that these phrases seem 
to imply that the person from whence they 
came was an eye-witness. Some have inferred 
that Luke himself was present. 

3 Jt is not necessary to infer from these 
passages, or from 1 Cor. v. 3-5, 1 Tim. i. 20, 
that Peter and Paul had power to inflict these 
judgments at their will. Though, even if they 
had this power, they had also the spirit of love 
and supernatural knowledge to guide them in 
the use of it. 


* Acts viii. 21-23. & John viii. 44. 





Omar. Y. ELYMAS BARJESUS. 135 


of deceit and mischief,’ and as one who sought to pervert and distort that 
which God saw and approved as right.?, He proceeded to denounce an 
instantaneous judgment ; and, according to his prophetic word, the ** hand 
of the Lord” struck the sorcerer, as it had once struck the Apostle him- 
self on the way to Damascus ;— the sight of Elymas began to waver} 
and presently a darkness settled on it so thick, that he ceased to behold 
the sun’s light. This blinding of the false prophet opened the eves of 
Sergius Paulus. That which had been intended as an opposition 10 the 
Gospel, proved the means of its extension. We are ignorant of the 
degree of this extension in the island of Cyprus. But we cannot doubt 
that when the Proconsul was converted, his influence would make Uhris- 
tianity reputable ; and that from this moment the Gentiles of the isiand, 
as well as the Jews, had the news of salvation brought home to them. 

And now, from this point of the Apostolical history, PAUL appears as the 
great figure in every picture. Barnabas, henceforward, is always in the 
background. The great Apostle now enters on his work as the preacher to 
the Gentiles; and simultaneously with his active occupation of the field 
in which he was called to labor, his name is suddenly changed. As 
“ Abram” was changed into “ Abraham,” when God promised that he 
should be the “ father of many nations;”— as “Simon” was changed 
into “ Peter,” when it was said, “ On this rock I will build my church ;” 
— so “ Saul” is changed into “ Paul,” at the moment of his first great 
victory among the Heathen. What “the plains of Mamre by Hebron” 
were to the patriarch, — what “‘ Czsarea Philippi,” ‘ by the fountains of 
the Jordan, was to the fisherman of Galilee,— that was the city of 
“ Paphos,” on the coast of Cyprus, to the tent-maker of Tarsus. Are we 
to suppose that the name was now really given him for the first time, — 
that he adopted it himself as significant of his own feelings, — or that 
Sergius Paulus conferred it on him in grateful commemoration of the 
benefits he had received, — or that “ Paul,” having been a Gentile form of 
the Apostle’s name in early life conjointly with the Hebrew “ Saul,” was 
now used to the exclusion of the other, to indicate that he had receded 
from his position as a Jewish Christian, to become the friend and teacher 
of the Gentiles? All these opinions have found their supporters both in 
ancient and modern times. The question has been alluded to before in 
this work (p. 43). It will be well to devote some further space to it 
aow, once for all. 


1 The word in Acts xiii. 10 expresses the of the blindness. Compare the account of the 
cleverness of a successful imposture. recovery of the lame man in iii. 8. 

2 With Acts xiii. 10 compare viii. 21. * See Gen. xiii. 18, xvii. 5; Matt. xvi. 13- 

8 Acts xiii. 11. This may be used, in 18; and Prof. Stanley’s Sermon on St. Peter. 
Luke’s medical manner, to express the stages 





188 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. cmap. v. 


It cannot be denied that the words in Acts xiii. 9——“ Saul who is also 
Paul ”— are the line of separation between two very distinct portions of 
St. Luke’s biography of the Apostle, in the former of which he is uniformly 
called “ Saul,” while in the latter he receives, with equal consistency, the 
name of “ Paul.” It must also be observed that the Apostle always speaks 
of himself under the latter designation in every one of his Epistles, with- 
out any exception; and not only so, but the Apostle St. Peter, in the only 
passage where he has occasion to allude to him,’ speaks of him as “ our 
beloved brother Paul.” We are, however, inclined to adopt the opinion 
that the Cilician Apostle had this Roman name, as well as his other Hebrew 
name, in his earlier days, and even before he was a Christian. This adop- 
tion of a Gentile name is so far from being alien to the spirit of a Jewish 
family, that a similar practice may be traced through all the periods 
of Hebrew History. Beginning with the Persian epoch (B.c. 550-350) 
we find such names as ‘“‘ Nehemiah,” “ Schammai,” “ Belteshazzar,” which 
betray an Oriental origin, and show that Jewish appellatives followed 
the growth of the living language. In the Greek period we encounter the 
names of “ Philip,” * and his son “ Alexander,” * and of Alexander’s suc 
cessors, “ Antiochus,” ‘“ Lysimachus,” “ Ptolemy,” “ Antipater;”* the 
names of Greek philosophers, such as “ Zeno,” and “ Epicurus;”*® even 
Greek mythological names, as “ Jason ” and “‘ Menelaus.” *® Some of these 
words will have been recognized as occurring in the New Testament itself. 
When we mention Roman names adopted by the Jews, the coincidence is 
still more striking. ‘“ Crispus,”’’ “ Justus,”® “ Niger,’® are found in 
Josephus * as well as in the Acts. “ Drusilla” and “ Priscilia” might 
have been Roman matrons. The “ Aquila” of St. Paul is the counter- 
part of the “ Apella”’ of Horace." Nor need we end our survey of Jewish 
names with the early Roman empire; for, passing by the destruction of 
Jerusalem, we see Jews, in the earlier part of the Middle Ages, calling 
themselves, “ Basil,”’ ‘* Leo,” “ Theodosius,” “ Sophia ;” and, in the latter 
part, “ Albert,” “ Benedict,” “ Crispin,” ‘“ Denys.” We might pursue 


1 2 Pet, iii. 15. § Jason, Joseph. Ant. xii. 10, 6; perhaps 

2 Matt. x. 3; Acts vi. 5, xxi. 8; Joseph. Acts xvii. 5-9; Rom. xvi. 21; Menelaus, 
Ast. xiv. 10, 22. Joseph. Ant. xii. 5,1. See 2 Macc. iv. 5. 

* Acts xix. 38, 34. Seo 2 Tim. iv. 14. 7 Acts xviii. 8. 

Alexander was a common name among the ® Acts i. 23. 


Asmonmans. It is said that when the great ® Acts xiii. 1. 
eonqueror passed through Judwa, a promise 10 Joseph. Life, 68, 65, War, iv. 6, 1 
was made to him that all the Jewish children Compare 1 Cor. i 14; Acts xviii. 7; Col 
born that year should be called “‘ Alexander.” _ iv. 11. 
* 1 Macc. xii. 16, xvi. 11; 2 Mace. iv. 29; Hor. x. Sat. v. 100. Priscilla eppoarr 
Joseph. Ant. xiv. 10. under the abbreviated form “ Prises,” 2 Tix 
§ These names are in the Mischna and the _ iv. 19. 


amas. ¥. HISTORY OF JEWISH NAMES. 133 


our inquiry into the nations of modern Europe ; but enough has been said 
to show, that as the Jews have successively learnt to speak Chaldee, Gree, 
Latin, or German, so they have adopted into their families the appellation: 
of those Gentile families among whom they have lived. It is indeed 
remarkable that the Separated Nation should bear, in the very names 
recorded in its annals, the trace of every nation with whom it has come 
in contact and never united. 

It is important to our present purpose to remark that double names 
often occur in combination, the one national, the other foreign. The 
earliest instances are “ Belteshazzar-Daniel,’” and ‘“ Esther-Hadasa.”’! 
Frequently there was no resemblance or natural connection between the 
two words, as in “ Herod-Agrippa,” “ Salome-Alexandra,” “ Juda-Aristo- 


bulus,” “Simon-Peter.” Sometimes the meaning was reproduced, as in 


“ Malich-Kleodemus.” At other times an alliterating resemblance of 
sound seems to have dictated the choice, as in “‘ JoseJason,” “ Hillei- 
Julus,” “ Saul-Paulus ” —“ Saul, who is also Paul.” 

Thus it seems to us that satisfactory reasons can be adduced for the 
double name borne by the Apostle,— without having recourse’ to the 
hypothesis of Jerome, who suggests that, as Scipio was called Africanus 
from the conquest of Africa, and Metellus called Creticus from the con 
quest of Crete, so Saul carried away his new name as a trophy of his 
victory over the Heathenism of the Proconsul Paulus —or to that 
notion, which Augustine applies with much rhetorical effect in various 
parts of his writings, where he alludes to the literal meaning of the word 
“ Paulus,’ and contrasts Saul, the unbridled king, the proud self-confi- 
dent persecutor of David, with Paul, the lowly, the penitent, — who delib- 
erately wished to indicate by his very name, that he was “the least of 
the Apostles,”? and “less than the least of all Saints.”* Yet we must not 
neglect the coincident occurrence of these two names in this narrative of 
the events which happened in Cyprus. We need not hesitate to dwell on 
the associations which are connected with the name of “ Paulus,’ — or 
on the thoughts which are naturally called up, when we notice the criti- 
cal passage in the sacred history, where it is first given to Saul of Tarsus. 
It is surely not unworthy of notice that, as Peter’s first Gentile convert 
was a member of the Cornelian House (p. 108), 80 the surname of the 
noblest family of the Zmilian House* was the link between the Apostle 


1 Dan. x. 1; Esther ii. 7. So Zerubabbel 3 1 Cor. xv. 9. 
was called Sheshbazzar. Compare Ezra v. 16 * Eph. iii. 8. 
with Zech. iv. 9. The Oriental practice of 5 Paulus was the cognomen of a family ex 
adopting names which were significant must the Gens Aimilia. The stemma is given iz 
Bot be left out of view. Smith’s Dictionary ef Classical Biography 
§ Bea p. 43, 2. 7. ender Paulus Hmilius. The name must of 


138 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


of the Gentiles and his convert at Paphos. Nor can we find a nobler 
Christian version of any line of a Heathen poet, than by comparing what 
Horave says of him who fell at Canne,—“‘ anime magne prodigum 
Paulum,’ — with the words of him who said at Miletus, “JZ cownt not 
my life dear unto myself, so that 1 might finish my course with joy, and 
the ministry which I have received of the Lord Jesus.”’? 

And though we imagine, as we have said above, that Saul had the 
name of Paul at an earlier period of his life, — and should he inclined to 
conjecture that the appellation came from some connection of his ances- 
tors (perhaps as manumitted slaves) with some member of the Roman 
family of the Aimilian Pauli ;*?— yet we cannot believe it accidental that 
the words,’ which have led to this discussion, occur at this particular 
point of the inspired narrative. The Heathen name rises to the surface 
at the moment when St. Paul visibly enters on his office as the Aposile 
of the Heathen. The Roman name is stereotyped at the moment when 
he converts the Roman governor. And the place where this occurs is 
Paphos, the favorite sanctuary of a shameful idolatry. At the very spot 
which was notorious throughout the world for that which the Gospel for- 
bids and destroys, — there, before he sailed for Perga, having achieved 
his victory, the Apostle erected his trophy,t— as Moses, when Amalek 
was discomfited, ‘built an altar, and called the name of it Jehovah- 
Nissi, — the Lord my Banner.’’* 





Proconsular coin of Cyprus.6 


5 Bxod. xvii. 15. 

8 The woodcut is from Akerman’s Numie- 
matic Illustrations, p. 41. Specimens of the 
coin are in the Imperial Cabinet at Vienna, 
and in the Bibliothéque du Roi. There are 
other Cyprian coins of the Imperial age, with 
PROCOS in Roman characters. Many Cyp- 


course have been given to the first individual 
who bore it from the smallness of his stature. 
It should be observed, that both Malalas and 
Nicephorus (quoted above) speak of St. Paul 
as short of stature. 

1 Bor. 1. Od. xii. 87; Acts xx. 24. 
pare Phil. iii. 8. 


Com- 


CHAP. V; 


2 Compare the case of Jesephus, alluded 
to above, p. 43. 

5 Acts xiii. 9. 

£ 'The words of Jerome alluded to above 
avo: “ Victories sus tropea retulit, erexitaue 
varius.” 


rian coins of the reign of Claudius are of 
the red copper of the island: a fact peculiarly 
interesting to us, if the notion, mentioned 
p. 16, n. 2. and p. 128, be correct. 






a 


CHAPTER VL 


Old and New Paphos. — Departure from Cyprus.— Coast of Pamphylis. — Perga. — Mark’s 
Return to Jerusalem. — Mountain Scenery of Pisidia. — Situation of Antioch.— The Synsa- 
gogue. — Address to the Jews. —Preaching to the Gentiles. — Persecution by the Jews. — 
History and Description of Iconium.— Lycaonia.— Derbe and Lystra.— Healing of the 
Cripple. —Idolatrous Worship offered to Paul and Barnabas.— Address to the Gentiles. 
—St. Paul stoned. — Timotheus.— The Apostles retrace their Journey. — Perga and 
Attaleia. — Return to Syria. 


HE banner of the Gospel was now displayed on the coasts of the 

Heathen. The Glad Tidings had “ passed over to the isles of Chit- 
tim,”! and had found a willing audience in that island, which, in the 
vocabulary of the Jewish Prophets, is the representative of the trade and 
civilization of the Mediterranean Sea. Cyprus was the early meeting- 
place of the Oriental and Greek forms of social life. Originally colon- 
ized from Pheenicia, it was successively subject to Egypt, to Assyria, and 
to Persia. The settlements of the Greeks on its shores had begun in a 
remote period, and their influence gradually advanced, till the older links 
of connection were entirely broken by Alexander and his successors. 
But not only in political and social relations, by the progress of conquest 
and commerce, was Cyprus the meeting-place of Greece and the Hast. 
Here also their forms of idolatrous worship met and became blended 
together. Paphos was, indeed, a sanctuary of Greek religion: on this 
shore the fabled goddess first landed, when she rose from the sea: this 
was the scene of a worship celebrated in the classical poets, from the age 
of Homer, down to the time when Titus, the son of Vespasian, visited 
the spot in the spirit of a Heathen pilgrim, on his way to subjugate 
Judza.? But the polluted worship was originally introduced from 
Assyria or Pheenicia: the Oriental form under which the goddess was 
worshipped is represented on Greek coins:* the Temple bore a curious 


1 The general notion intended by the 
phrases “isles” and “coasts” of “ Chittim ” 
seems to have been “the islands and coasts 
of the Mediterranean to the west and north- 
west of Judea.” Numb. xxiv. 24; Jer. ii. 
10; Ezek. xxvii. 6. See Gen. x. 4,5; Isai. 
xxiii. 1; Dan. xi. 30. But primarily the 
mame is believed to have been connected with 


Citium, which was a Phenician colony in 
Cyprus. 

2 Tac. Hist. ii. 2-4. Compare Suet. Tit. 5. 
Tacitus speaks of magnificent offerings pre- 
sented by kings and others to the Temple at 
Old Paphos. 

8 A specimen is given in the larger edi- 
tions. 

1389 


140 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. CRAY. v1. 


resemblance to those of Astarte at Carthage or Tyre: and Tacitus pauses 
to describe the singularity of the altar and the ceremonies, before he pro- 
ceeds to narrate the campaign of Titus. And here it was that we have 
seen Christianity firmly established by St. Paul, —in the very spot where 
the superstition of Syria had perverted man’s natural veneration and love 
of mystery, and where the beautiful creations of Greek thought had 
administered to what Athanasius, when speaking of Paphos, well de 
scribes as the “ deification of lust.” 

The Paphos of the poets, or Old Paphos, as it was afterwards called, 
was situated on an eminence at a distance of nearly two miles from the 
sea. New Paphos was on the seashore, about ten miles to the north.’ 
But the old town still remained as the sanctuary which was visited by 
Heathen pilgrims; profligate processions, at stated seasons, crowded the 
road between the two towns, as they crowded the road between Antioch 
and Daphne (p. 116); and small models of the mysterious image were 
sought as eagerly by strangers as the little “silver shrines” of Diana at 
Ephesus. (Acts xix. 24.) Doubtless the position of the old town was 
an illustration of the early custom, mentioned by Thucydides, of building 
at a safe distance from the shore, at a time when the sea was infested by 
pirates ; and the new town had been established in a place convenient for 
commerce, when navigation had become more secure. It was situated 
on the verge of a plain, smaller than that of Salamis, and watered by a 
scantier stream than the Pedi@us.? Not long before the visit of Paul 
and Barnabas it had been destroyed by an earthquake. Augustus had 
rebuilt it; and from him it had received the name of Augusta, or 
Sebaste.? But the old name still retained its place in popular usage, and 
has descended to modern times. The “Paphos” of Strabo, Ptolemy, 
and St. Luke, became the “ Papho” of the Venetians and the “ Baffa” 
of the Turks. A second series of Latin architecture has crumbled into 
decay. Mixed up with the ruins of palaces and churches are the poor 
dwellings of the Greek and Mohammedan inhabitants, partly on the beach 
but chiefly on a low ridge of sandstone rock, about two miles* from the 


1 Or rather the north-west. See the Admi- 
ralty Chart. 

2 See p. 127. 

* The Greek form Sebaste, instead of Au- 
gusta, occurs in an inscription found on the 
spot, which is further interesting as containing 
the name of another Paulus. 

* This is the distance between the Ktema 
and the Marina given by Captain Graves. In 
Purdy’s Sailing Directions (p. 251), it is stated 
to be only half a mile. Captain Graves says: 
“Im the vicimity are numerous rains and 


ancient remains; but when so many towns 
have existed, and so many have severally been 
destroyed, all must be Jeft to conjecture. A 
mumber of columns broken and much muti- 
lated are lying about, and some substantial 
and well-built vaults, or rather subterraneous 
communications, under a hill of slight eleva 
tion, are pointed out by the guides as the 
remains of a temple dedicated to Venus. Then 
there are numerous excayations in the sand- 
atone hills, which probably served at various 
periods the double purpose of habitations and 





eae, Vi. COAST OF PAMPHYLIA. 14] 


ancient port; for the marsh, which once formed the limit of the port, 
makes the shore unhealthy during the heats of summer by its noxious 
exhalations. One of the most singular features of the neighborhood 
consists of the curious caverns excavated in the rocks, which have been 
used both for tombs and for dwellings. The harbor is now almost 
blocked up, and affords only shelter for boats. “The Venetian strong- 
hold, at the extremity of the Western mole, is fast crumbling into ruins. 
The mole itself is broken up, and every year the massive stones of which 
it was constructed are rolled over from their original position into the 
port.”! The approaches to the harbor can never have been very safe, in 
consequence of the ledge of rocks? which extends some distance into the 
sea. At present, the eastern entrance to the anchorage is said to be the 
safer of the two. The western, under ordinary circumstances, would be 
more convenient for a vessel clearing out of the port, and about to sail 
for the Gulf of Pamphylia. 

We have remarked in the last chapter, that it is not difficult to imagine 
the reasons which induced Paul and Barnabas, on their departure from 
Seleucia, to visit first the island of Cyprus. It is not quite so easy to 
give an opinion upon the motives which directed their course to the coast 
of Pamphylia, when they had passed through the native island of 
Barnabas, from Salamis to Paphos. It might be one of those circum- 
stances which we call accidents, and which, as they never influence the 
actions of ordinary men without the predetermining direction of Divine 
Providence, so were doubtless used by the same Providence to determine 
the course even of Apostles. As St. Paul, many years afterwards, joined 
at Myra that vessel in which he was shipwrecked,’ and then was con- 
veyed to Puteoli in a ship which had accidentally wintered at Malta‘— 
so on this occasion there might be some small craft in the harbor at 
Paphos, bound for the opposite gulf of Attaleia, when Paul and Barnabas 
were thinking of their future progress. The distance is not great, and 
frequent communication, both political and commercial, must have taken 
place between the towns of Pamphylia and those of Cyprus.® It is 


tombs. Several monasteries and churches 
now in ruins, of a low Gothic architecture, 
are more easily identified; but the crumbling 
fragments of the sandstone with which they 
were constructed, only add to the incongruous 
heap around, that now covers the palace of 
the Paphian Venus.” — MS. note by Captain 
Graves, B.N. 

1 Captain Graves, MS. 

3 “& great ledge of rocks lies in the entrance 
to Papho, extending about s league; you may 


sail in either to the eastward er westward of 
it, but the eastern passage is the widest and 
best.” — Purdy, p. 251. The soundings may 
be seen in the Admiralty Chart. 

8 Acts xxvii.5,6. ‘4 Acts xxviii. 11-13. 

% And perhaps Paphos more especially, as 
the seat of government. At present Khalan- 
dri (Gulnar), to the south-east of Attaleia and 
Perga, is the port from which the Tatars 
from Constantinople, conveying governmen 
despatches, usually cross to Cypras. 





142 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. CHAS, VI. 


possible that St. Paul, having already preached the Gospel in Cilicia," 
might wish now to extend it among those districts which lay more im- 
mediately contiguous, and the population of which was, in some respects, 
similar to that of his native province.? He might also reflect that the 
natives of a comparatively unsophisticated district might be more likely 
to receive the message of salvation, than the inhabitants of those 
provinces which were more completely penetrated with the corrupt 
civilization of Greece and Rome. Or his thoughts might be turning to 
those numerous families of Jews, whom he well knew to be settled in the 
great towns beyond Mount Taurus, such as Antioch in Pisidia, and 
Iconium in Lycaonia, with the hope that his Master’s cause would be 
most successfully advanced among those Gentiles, who flocked there, as 
everywhere, to the worship of the Synagogue. Or, finally, he may have 
had a direct revelation from on high, and a vision, like that which had 
already appeared to him in the Temple,’ or like that which he afterwards 
saw on the confines of Europe and Asia,* may have directed the course 
of his voyage. Whatever may have been the calculations of his own 
wisdom and prudence, or whatever supernatural intimations may have 
reached him, he sailed, with his companions Barnabas and John, in some 
vessel, of which the size, the cargo, and the crew, are unknown to us, 
past the promontories of Drepanum and Acamas, and then across the 
waters of the Pamphylian Sea, leaving on the right the cliffs’ which are 
the western boundary of Cilicia, to the innermost bend of the bay of 
Attaleia. 

This bay is a remarkable feature in the shore of Asia Minor ; and it is 
not without some important relations with the history of this part of the 
world. It forms a deep indentation in the general coast-line, and is 
bordered by a plain, which retreats itself like a bay into the mountains. 
From the shore to the mountains, across the widest part of the plain, 
the distance is a journey of eight or nine hours. Three principal rivers 
intersect this level space: the Catarrhactes, which falls over sea-cliffs 
near Attaleia, in the waterfalls which suggested its name; and farther to 
the east the Cestrus and Eurymedon, which flow by Perga and Aspen- 
dus to a low and sandy shore. About the banks of these rivers, and on 
- the open waters of the bay, whence the eye ranges freely over the ragged 
mountain summits which enclose the scene, armies and fleets had engaged 
in some of those battles of which the results were still felt in the day of 
St. Paul. From the base of that steep shore on the west, where a 


1 See pp. 98-100. 6 About C. Anamour (Anemurium, the 
2 Strabo states this distinctly. southernmost point of Asia Minor), and Alaya 
® Acts xxii. 17-21. See p. 97. (the ancient Coracesium), there are cliffs of 


* Acts xvi. 9. 500 and 600 feet high. 


opar. v1. THE CITY OF PERGA. 143 


rugged knot of mountains is piled up into snowy heights above the rocks 
of Phaselis, the united squadron of the Romans and Rhodians sailed 
across the bay in the year 190 B.C.; and it was in rounding tai 
promontory near Side on the east, that they caught sight of the ships of 
Antiochus, as they came on by the shore with the dreadful Hannibal on 
board. And close to the same spot where the Latin power then defeated 
the Greek king of Syria, another battle had been fought at an earlier 
period, in which the Greeks gave one of their last blows to the retreating 
force of Persia, and the Athenian Cimon gained a victory both by land 
and sea; thus winning, according to the boast of Plutarch, in one day 
the laurels of Platwa and Salamis. On that occasion a large navy 
sailed up the river Hurymedon as far as Aspendus. Now, the bar at the 
mouth of the river would make this impossible. The same is the case 
with the river Cestrus, which, Strabo says, was navigable in his day for 
sixty stadia, or seven miles, to the city of Perga. Ptolemy calls this 
city an inland town of Pamphylia; but so he speaks of Tarsus in Cilicia. 
And we have seen that Tarsus, though truly called an inland town, ag 
being some distance from the coast, was nevertheless a mercantile har- 
bor. Its relation with the Cydnus was similar to that of Perga with the 
Cestrus ; and the vessel which brought St. Paul to win more glorious 
victories than those of the Greek and Roman battles of the Kurymedon 
came up the course of the Cestrus to her moorings near the Temple of 
Diana. : 

All that Strabo tells us of this city is that the Temple of Diana was on 
an eminence at some short distance, and that an annual festival was held 
in honor of the goddess. The chief associations of Perga are with the 
Greek rather than the Roman period: and its existing remains are 
described as being “ purely Greek, there being no trace of any later 
inhabitants.” ! Its prosperity was probably arrested by the building of 
Attaleia? after the death of Alexander, in a more favorable situation on the 
shore of the bay. Attaleia has never ceased to be an important town since 
the day of its foundation by Attalus Philadelphus. But when the traveller 
pitches his tent at Perga, he finds only the encampments of shepherds, 
who pasture their cattle amidst the ruins. These ruins are walls and 
towers, columns and cornices, a theatre and a stadium, a broken aque- 
duct incrusted with the calcareous deposit of the Pamphylian streams, 
and tombs scattered on both sides of the site of the town. Nothing 
else remains of Perga, but the beauty of its natural situation, “ be- 
tween and upon the sides of two hills, with an extensive valley in front, 


1 Perhaps some modification is requisite tural details of the theatre and stadium are 
here. Mr. Falkener noticed that the architec. Roman. 2 Acts xiv. 25. 





144 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


watered by the river Oestrus, and backed by the mountains of the 
Taurus.”? 

The coins of Perga are a lively illustration of its character as a city 
of the Greeks.? We have no memorial of its condition as a city of the 
Romans; nor does our narrative require us to delay any longer in 
describing it. The Apostles made no long stay in Perga. This seems 
evident, not only from the words used at this point of the history,’ but 
from the marked manner in which we are told that they did stay,‘ on 
their return from the interior. One event, however, is mentioned as 
occurring at Perga, which, though noticed incidentally and in few words, 
was attended with painful feelings at the time, and involved the most 
serious consequences. It must have occasioned deep sorrow to Paul and 
Barnabas, and possibly even then some mutual estrangement: and 
afterwards it became the cause of their quarrel and separation.’ Mark 
“departed from them from Pamphylia, and went not with them to the 
work.” He came with them up the Cestrus as far as Perga; but there 
he forsook them, and, taking advantage of some vessel which was sailing 
towards Palestine, he “returned to Jerusalem,’”’* which had been his 
home in earlier years.’ We are not to suppose that this implied an 
absolute rejection of Christianity. A soldier who has wavered in one 
battle may live to obtain a glorious victory. Mark was afterwards not 
unwilling to accompany the Apostles on a second missionary journey ; * 
and actually did accompany Barnabas again to Cyprus.’ Nor did St. 
Paul always retain his unfavorable judgment of him (Acts xv. 38), but 
long afterwards, in his Roman imprisonment, commended him to the 
Colossians, as one who was “a fellow-worker unto the Kingdom of God,” 
and “a comfort” to himself:-and in his latest letter, just before his 
death, he speaks of him again as one “ profitable to him for the 
ministry.”" Yet if we consider all the circumstances of his life, we 
shall not find it difficult to blame his conduct in Pamphylia, and to see 
good reasons why Paul should afterwards, at Antioch, distrust the 
steadiness of his character. The child of a religious mother, who had 
sheltered in her house the Christian Disciples in a fierce persecution, he 
had joined himself to Barnabas and Saul, when they travelled from_ 


1 This description is quoted or borrowed 
from Sir C. Fellows’s Asia Minor, 1839, pp. 
190-193. 


Perga, they went down, &.”—Acte xiv 
25. 


§ Acts xv. 37-39. 


2 One of them, with Diana and the stag, is © Acts xiii. 13. ) 
given im the larger edition. 7 Acts xii. 19, 35. 

® This will be seen by comparing the Greek * Acts xv. 37. 
of Acts xiii. 14 with xiv. 24. Similarly, a ® Acts xy. 39. ® Col. iv. 10. 


rapid journey is implied in xvii. 1. 
« “Whee they had preached the Werd in 


11 Or rather, “profitable to minister” 
him. 3 Tim. iv. 11. 


AP. VL, PERILS OF TRAVEL IN PiSIDLA. 14% 


Jerusalem to Antioch, on their return from 4 mission of charity. He 
had been a close spectator of the wonderful power of the religion of 
Christ, —he had seen the strength of faith under trial in his mother’s 
home, — he had attended his kinsman Barnabas in his labors of zeal and 
love, — he had seen the word of Paul sanctioned and fulfilled by 
miracles, — he had even been the “ minister’ of Apostles in their sue 
cessful enterprise ;! and now he forsook them, when they were about 
to proceed through greater difficulties to more glorious success. We 
are not left in doubt as to the real character of his departure. He wag 
drawn from the work of God by the attraction of an earthly home.? As 
he looked up from Perga to the Gentile mountains, his heart tailed him, 
and he turned back with desire towards Jerusalem. He could not 
resolve to continue persevering, “ in journeyings often, in perils of rivera, 
in perils of robbers.”’* 

“Perils of rivers” and “perils of robbers” — these words express 
the very dangers which St. Paul would be most likely to encounter om 
his journey from Perga in Pamphylia to Antioch in Pisidia. The lew- 
less and marauding habits of the population of those mountains which 
separate the table-land in the interior of Asia Minor from the plains om 
the south coast, were notorious in all parts of ancient history. Strabe 
uses the same strong language both of the Isaurians‘ who separated 
Cappadocia from Cilicia, and of their neighbors the Pisidians, whose 
native fortresses were the barrier between Phrygia and Pamphylia. We 
have the same character of the latter of these robber-tribes in Xenophon, 
who is the first to mention them; and in Zosimus, who relieves the 
history of the later empire by telling us of the adventures of a robber- 
chief, who defied the Romans, and died a desperate death in these 
mountains. Alexander the Great, when he heard that Memnon’s fleet 
was in the Agean, and marched from Perga to rejoin Parmenio in 
Phrygia, found some of the worst difficulties of his whole campaign in 
penetrating through this district. The scene of one of the roughest 
campaigns connected with the wars of Antiochus the Great was among 
the hill-forts near the upper waters of the Cestrus and Eurymedon. N 
population through the midst of which St. Paul ever travelled, abound 
_ more in those “ perils of robbers,” of which he himself speaks, than 
wild and lawless clans of the Pisidian Highlanders. 





1 See Acts xiii. 5. 
| * Matthew Henry pithily remarks: “ Hi- 
_ ther he did not like the work, or he wanted to 
go and see his mother.” 
5 2 Cor. xi. 26. 
* See p 19. 
10 


5 The beautiful story of St. John and the 
robber (Euseb. Keel. Hist. iti. 23) will nate- 
rally occur to the reader. See also the fre 
quent mention of Isaurian robbers im the 


latter part of the life of Chrysostom, prefixed 
te the Benedictine edition of his works. 





146 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


And if on this journey he was exposed to dangers from the attacks of 
men, there might be other dangers, not less imminent, arising from the 
natural character of the country itself. To travellers in the East there is 
a reality in “ perils of rivers,” which we in England are hardly able to 
understand. Unfamiliar with the sudden flooding of thirsty watercourses, 
we seldom comprehend the full force of some of the most striking images 
in the Old and New Testaments.’ The rivers of Asia Minor, like all the 
rivers in the Levant, are liable to violent and sudden changes.? And no 
district in Asia Minor is more singularly characterized by its ‘* water 
fioods”’ than the mountainous tract of Pisidia, where rivers burst vut at 
the bases of huge cliffs, or dash down wildly through narrow ravines. 
The very notice of the bridges in Strabo, when he tells us how the Cestrus 
and EKurymedon tumble down from the heights and precipices of Selge to 
the Pamphylian Sea, is more expressive than any elaborate description. 
We cannot determine the position of any bridges which the Apostle may 
have crossed ; but his course was never far from the channels of these two 
rivers: and it is an interesting fact, that his name is still traditionally 
connected with one of them, as we learn from the information recently 
given to an English traveller by the Archbishop of Pisidia.? 

Such considerations respecting the physical peculiarities of the country 
now traversed by St. Paul, naturally lead us into various trains of thought 
concerning the scenery, the climate, and the seasons.‘ And there are 
certain probabilities in relation to the time of the year when the Apostle 
may be supposed to have journeyed this way, which may well excuse some 
remarks on these subjects. And this is all the more allowable, because 
we are absolutely without any data for determining the year in which - 
this first missionary expedition was undertaken. All that we can assert 
with confidence is that it must have taken place somewhere in the interval — 
between the years 45 and 50.2 But this makes us all the more desirous : 


1 Thus the true meaning of 2 Cor. xi. 26 had continued its course so far, is lost in the 


is lost in the English translation. Similarly, 
in the Sermon on the Mount (Matt. vii. 25, 
27), the word for “rivers” is translated 
“floods,” and the image confused. See Ps. 
X=zxii. 6. 

2 The crossing of the Halys by Croesus, as 
told by Herodotus, is an illustration of the 
difficulties presented by the larger rivers of 
Asia Minor. 

8 “ About two hours and a half from Is- 
barta, towards the south-east, is the village of 
Sav, where is the source of a river called the 
Say-Sou. Five hours and a half beyond, and 
still towards the south-east, is the village of 
Paoli (St. Paw); and here the river, which 


mountains, &c.”” — Arundell’s Asia Minor, vol. — 
ii. p. 31. The river is probably the Euryme- 
don. 
* The descriptive ‘passages which follow 
are chiefly borrowed from “ Asia Minor, 1839,” 
and “ Zycia, 1841,” by Sir C. Fellows, and — 
“ Travels in Lycia, 1847,” by Lieutenant Spratt, — 
R.N., and Professor E. Forbes. The va 
desires also to acknowledj’e his obligations to— 
various travellers, especial’y to the ince 
Professor Forbes, also to Mr. Falkener, and 
Dr. Wolff. : 
5 See the Chronological Table in Ap 
pendix III. 






omar, VI. MOUNTAIN-SCENERY OF PISIDIA. 147 


to determine, by any reasonable conjectures, the movements of the Apostle 
in reference to a better chronology than that which reckons by successive 
years, —the chronology which furnishes us with the real imagery round 
his path, — the chronology of the seasons. 

Now we may well suppose that he might sail from Seleucia to Salamis 
at the beginning of spring. In that age and in those waters, the com 
mencement of a voyage was usually determined by the advance of the 
season. The sea was technically said to be “open” in the month of 
March. If St. Paul began his journey in that month, the lapse of two 
months might easily bring him to Perga, and allow sufficient time for all 
that we are told of his proceedings at Salamis and Paphos. If we suppose 
him to have been at Perga in May, this would have been exactly the most 
natural time for a journey to the mountains. Larlier in the spring, the 
_ passes would have been filled with snow.! In the heat of summer the 
weather would have been less favorable for the journey. In the autumn 
the disadvantages would have been still greater, from the approaching 
difficulties of winter. But again, if St. Paul was at Perga in May, a 
further reason may be given why he did not stay there, but seized all the 
advantages of the season for prosecuting his journey to the interior. The 
habits of a people are always determined or modified by the physical pe- 
culiarities of their country ; and a custom prevails among the inhabitants 
of this part of Asia Minor, which there is every reason to believe has been 
unbroken for centuries. At the beginning of the hot season they move up 
from the plains to the cool basin-like hollows on the mountains. These 
yatlahs or summer retreats are always spoken of with pride and satisfac- 
tion, and the time of the journey anticipated with eager delight. When 
the time arrives, the people may be seen ascending to the upper grounds, 
men, women, aud children, with flocks and herds, camels and asses, like 
the patriarchs of old? If then St. Paul was at Perga in May, he would 


1 “ March 4.— The passes to the Yailahs seer make of such a pilgrimage! The snowy 


from the upper part of the valley being still 
shut up by snow, we have no alternative but 
_ to prosecute our researches amongst the low 
country and valleys which border the coast.” 
— Sp. and F.1. p. 48. The valley referred to 
is that of the Xanthus, in Lycia. 

2 « April 30. — We passed many families en 
route from Adalia to the mountain plains for 
the summer.” — Sp. and F. 1. p. 242. Again, 
p- 248 (May 8). See p. 64. During a halt 
im the valley of the Xanthus (May 10), Sir 
C. Fellows says that an almost uninterrupted 
tram of cattle and people (nearly twenty fami- 
lies) passed by. “ What a picture would Land- 

‘ 


tops of the mountains were seen through the 
lofty and dark-green fir-trees, terminating in 
abrupt cliffs. . . . From clefts in these gushed 
out cascades . . . and the waters were carried 
away by the wind in spray over the green 
woods. ... Ina zigzag course up the wood 
lay the track leading to the cool places. In 
advance of the pastoral groups were the strag- 
gling goats, browsing on the fresh blossoms of 
the wild almond as they passed. In more 
steady courses followed the small black cattle 
. . . then came the flocks of sheep, and the 
camels .. . bearing piled loads of ploughs, 
tent-poles, kettles . . . and amidst this rustic 


143 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PATL. onan. 6 





find the inhabitants deserting its hot and silent streets. They would be 
moving in the direction of his own intended journey. He would be under ~ 
no temptation to stay. And if we imagine him as joining’ some such - 
company of Pamphylian families on his way to the Pisid‘an mountains, it — 
gives much interest and animation to the thought of thie part of his prog- 
ress. 

Perhaps it was in such company that the Apostle entered the first passes 
of the mountainous district, along some road formed part'y by artificial 
pavement, and partly by the native marble, with high cliffs frowning on 
either hand, with tombs and inscriptions, even then ancient, on the pro 
jecting rocks around, and with copious fountains bursting ovt “ among 
thickets of pomegranates and oleanders.”? The oleander, “ the favorite 
fower of the Levantine midsummer,” abounds in the lower watercourses ; 
and in the month of May it borders all the banks with a line of »rilliant 
erimson.? As the path ascends, the rocks begin to assume the wilder 
grandeur of mountains, the richer fruit-trees begin to disappear, avd the 
pine and walnut succeed; though the plane-tree still stretches its wide 
leaves over the stream which dashes wildly down the ravine, crossing and 
recrossing the dangerous road. The alteration of climate which attends 
on the traveller’s progress is soon perceptible. A few hours will make the 
difference of weeks, or even months. When the corn is in the ear on the 
lowlands, ploughing and sowing are hardly well begun upon the highlands. 
Spring flowers may be seen in the mountains by the very edgo of the 


loed was always seen the rich Turkey carpet 
and damask cushions, the pride even of the 
tented Turk.” — Lycia, pp. 238, 289. 

1 It has always been customary for travel- 
lers in Asia Minor, as in the patriarchal East, 
to join caravans, if possible. 

$ In ascending from Limyra, a small plain 
oa the coast not far from Phaselis, Spratt and 
Forbes mention “a rock-tablet with a long 
Greek inscription . . . by the side of an an- 
cient paved road, at a spot where numerous 
and copious springs gush out among thickets 
of pomegranates and oleanders.” (1. p. 160.) 
Fellows, in coming to Attaleia from the north, 
“suddenly entered a pass between the moun- 
tains, which diminished in width until cliffs 
almost perpendicular enclosed us on either 
side. The descent became so abrupt that we 
were compelled to dismount and walk for two 
hours, during which time we continued rapidly 
descending am ancient paved road, formed 
principslly ef the mative marble rock, but 


which had been perfected with large stones af 
& very remote age; the deep ruts of chariot 
wheels were apparent in many plates. The 
road is much worn by time; and the people 
ef a later age, diverging from the track, have 
formed a road with stones very inferior both 
in size and arrangement. About half an hour 
before I reached the plain . . . a view burst 
upon me through the cliffs. ...I looked 
down from the rocky steps of the throne of 
winter upon the rich and verdant plain of 
summer, with the blue sea in the distance. . . . 
Nor was the foreground without its interest; 
on each projecting rock stood an ancient sar- 
cophagus, and the trees half concealed the lids 
and broken sculptures uf innumerable tombs.” 
— A. M. pp. 174, 175. This may very probe 
bly have been the pass and road by whick 
St. Paul ascended. 

® See the excellent Chapter on the “ Bota 
ny of Lycis” im Spratt and Forbes, vol m 
ch. xiii. 


OMAR, FE TABLE-LAND OF ASIA MINOR. 143 


snow, when the anemone is withered in the plain, and the pink veins in 
the white asphodel flower are shrivelled by the heat. When the cottages 
are closed and the grass is parched, and every thing is silent below in the 
purple haze and stillness of midsummer, clouds are seen drifting among 
the Pisidian precipices, and the cavern is often a welcome shelter from a 
cold and penetrating wind.? The upper part of this district is a wild 
region of cliffs, often isolated and bare, and separated from each other by 
valleys of sand, which the storm drives with blinding violence among the 
shivered points. The trees become fewer and smaller at every step. 
Three belts of vegetation are successively passed through in ascending 
from the coast: first the oak-woods, then the forests of pine, and lastly 
the dark scattered patches of the cedar-juniper: and then we reach the 
treeless plains of the interior, which stretch in dreary extension to the 
north and the east. 

After such a journey as this, separating, we know not where, from the 
companions they may have joined, and often thinking of that Christian 
companion who had withdrawn himself from their society when they needed 
him. most, Paul and Barnabas emerged from the rugged mountain- 
passes, and came upon the central table-land of Asia Minor. The whole 
interior region of the peninsula may be correctly described by this term ; 
for, though intersected in various directions by mountain-ranges, it is, on 
the whole, a vast plateau, elevated higher than the summit of Ben Nevis 
above the level of the sea.’ This is its general character, though a long 
journey across the district brings tho traveller through many varieties of 
scenery. Sometimes he moves for hours along the dreary margin of an 
inland sea of salt,‘— sometimes he rests in a cheerful hospitable town 


1 4 May 9. — Ascending through a winterly 
climate, with snow by the side of our path, 
and only the crocus and anemones in bloom ... 
we beheld a new series of cultivated plains to 
the west, being im fact table-lands, nearly upon 
a level with the tops of the mountains which 
form the eastern boundary of the valley of 
the Xanthus. ... Descending to the plain, 
probably 1,000 feet, we pitched our tent, after 
8 ride of 74 hours... . Upon boiling the 
thermometer, I found that we were more than 
4,900 feet above the sea, and, cutting down 
some dead trees, we provided against the 
_ coming cold of the evening by lighting three 
large fires around eur encampment.” — Fell. 
Tyecia, p. 234. This was in descending from 
Almales, in the great Lycian yailah, to the 
south-cast of Cibyre. 

4 For further illustrations of the change of 
| waenm eauesd by difference of elevation, ses 








Sp. and F. 1. p. 242. Again, p. 293, “ Every 
step led us from spring into summer;” and 
the following pages. See also Fellows: “Two 
months since at Syria the corn was beginning 
to show the-ear, whilst here they have only in 
a few places now begun to plough and sew.” 
— A. M.158. “The corn, which we had the 
day before seen changing color for the her- 
vest, was here not an inch above the ground, 
and the buds of the bushes were not yet burst- 
ing.” — Lycia, p. 226. 

8 The yailah of Adalia is 3,500 feet above 
the sea: Sp. and F. 1. p. 244. The vast plain, 
“ ot least 50 miles long and 20 wide,” seuth 
of Kiutayah in Phrygia, is about 6,000 feet 
above the sea. Fell. A. M@. p. 155. This may 
be overstated, but the pisin ef Ersercem ix 
quite as muck. 

4 We shall have occasion to mention the 
salt lakes hereafter. 


150 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. CHAP, YI, 


by the shore of a fresh-water lake.! In some places the ground is burnt 
and volcanic, in others green and fruitful. Sometimes it is depressed 
into watery hollows, where wild swans visit the pools, and storks are seen 
fishing and feeding among the weeds:? more frequently it is spread out 
into broad open downs, like Salisbury Plain, which afford an inter- 
minable pasture for flocks of sheep.’ To the north of Pamphylia, the 
elevated plain stretches through Phrygia for a hundred miles from Mount 
Taurus to Mount Olympus. The southern portion of these bleak up- 
lands was crossed by St. Paul’s track, immediately before his arrival at 
Antioch in Pisidia. The features of human life which he had around 
him are probably almost as unaltered as the scenery of the country, — 
dreary villages with flat-roofed huts and cattle-sheds in the day, and at 
night an encampment of tents of goat’s hair,—tents of ciliciwm (see 
p- 45), —a blazing fire in the midst, — horses fastened around, — and in 
the distance the moon shining on the snowy summits of Taurus.® 

The Sultan Tareek, or Turkish Royal Road from Adalia to Kiutayah 
and Constantinople, passes nearly due north by the beautiful lake of 
Buldur.* The direction of Antioch in Pisidia bears more to the east. 
After passing somewhere near Selge and Sagalassus, St. Paul approached 
by the margin of the much larger, though perhaps not less beautiful, lake 
of Eyerdir.’’ The position of the city is not far from the northern shore 
of this lake, at the base of a mountain-range which stretches through 
Phrygia in a south-easterly direction. It is, however, not many years 
since this statement could be confidently made. Strabo, indeed, de- 
scribes its position with remarkable clearness and precision. His words 
are as follows: —“ In the district of Phrygia called Paroreia, there is a 
certain mountaimridge, stretching from east to west. On each side 
there is a large plain below this ridge: and it has two cities in its neigh- 
borhood ; Philomelium on the north, and on the other side Antioch, called ~ 
Antioch near Pisidia. The former lies entirely in the plain, the latter 
(which has a Roman colony) is on a height.” With this description 


1 The two lakes of Buldur and Eyerdir 
are mentioned below. Both are described as 
very beautiful. 

2 « March 27 (near Kiutayah).—I counted 
180 storks fishing or feeding in one small 
swampy place not an acre in extent. The 
land here is used principally for breeding and 
grazing cattle, which are to be seen in herds 
of many hundreds.” Fell. Asta Minor, p. 155. 
“ May 8.— The shrubs are the rose, the bar- 
bary, and wild almond; but all are at present 
fally six weeks later than those in the country 
we have lately passed. I observed on the Jake 


many stately wild swans (near Almalee, 3,000 | 
feet above the sea).” — Fell. Lycia, p. 228. | 

8 We shall have occasion to return pres- 
ently to this character of much of the interior 
of Asia Minor when we come to the mention 
of Lycaonia (Acts xiv. 6). 

* Fellows’s Asia Minor, p. 155, &. 

5 See Fellows’s Asia Minor, p. 177, and es- 
pecially the mention of the goat’s-hair tents. 

8 See above, n. 1. 

7 See the descriptions in Arundell’s Asia 
Minor, ch. xiii., and especially ch. xy. 


OHAP, VI, SITUATION OF ANTIOCH. 15} 


before him, and taking into account certain indications of distance 
furnished by ancient authorities, Colonel Leake, who has perhaps done 
more for the elucidation of Classical Topography than any other man, 
felt that Ak-Sher, the position assigned to Antioch by D’Anville and 
other geographers, could not be the true place: Ak-Sher is on the north 
of the ridge, and the position could not be made to harmonize with the 
Tables.'_ But he was not in possession of any information which could 
lead him to the true position; and the problem remained unsolved till 
Mr. Arundell started from Smyrna, in 1833, with the deliberate purpose 
of discovering the scene of St. Paul’s labors. He successfully proved 
that Ak-Sher is Philomelium, and that Antioch is at Yalobatch, on the 
other side of the ridge. The narrative of his successful journey is very 
interesting : and every Christian ought to sympathize in the pleasure with 
which, knowing that Antioch was seventy miles from Apamea, and forty- 
five miles from Apollonia, he first succeeded in identifying Apollonia ; 
and then, exactly at the right distance, perceived, in the tombs near a 
fountain, and the vestiges of an ancient road, sure indications of his ap- 
proach to a ruined city ; and then saw, across the plain, the remains of 
an aqueduct at the base of the mountain; and, finally, arrived at 
Jalobatch, ascended to the elevation described by Strabo, and felt, as he 
looked on the superb ruins around, that he was “really on the spot con- 
secrated by the labors and persecution of the Apostles Paul and 
Barnabas.”’? 

The position of the Pisidian Antioch being thus determined by the con- 
vergence of ancient authority and modern esearch, we perceive that it 
lay on an important line of communication, westward by Apamea with 
the valley of the Meander, and eastward by Iconium with the country 
behind the Taurus. In this general direction, between Smyrna and 
Ephesus on the one hand, and the Cilician Gates which lead down to 
Tarsus on the other, conquering armies and trading caravans, Persian— 
satraps, Roman proconsuls, and Turkish pachas, have travelled for cen- 
turies.2 The Pisidian Antioch was situated about half way between these 
extreme points. It was built (as we have seen in an earlier chapter, IV. 


1 See Leake’s Asta Minor, p. 41. The 3 In illustration of this we may refer to the 


same difficulties were perceived by Mannert. 

2 See Arundell’s Asia Minor, ch. xii., xiii., 
xiy., and the view as given in our quarto edi- 
tion. There is also a view in Laborde. The 
opinion of Mr. Arundell is fully confirmed by 

' Mr. Hamilton, Researches in Asia Minor, vol. 
1. ch. xxvii. The aqueduct conveyed water 
40 the town from the Sultan Dagh (Strabo’s 
“mountain ridge ”’). 


caravan routes and Persian military roads as 
indicated in Kiepert’s Hellas, to Xenophon’s 
Anabasis, to Alexander’s campaign and Cice- 
ro’s progress, to the invasion of Tamerlane, 
and the movements of the Turkish and Egyp« 
tian armies in 1832 and 1838, 


156 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL ema 
p- 118) by the founder of the Syrian Antioch; and in the age of the 
Greek kings of the line of Seleucus it was a town of considerable impor— 
tance. But its appearance had been modified, since the campaigns of 
Scipio and Manlius, and the defeat of Mithridates,! by the introduction 
of Roman usages, and the Roman style of building. This was true, to 
a certain extent, of all the larger towns of Asia Minor: but this change 
had probably taken place in the Pisidian Antioch more than in many 
cities of greater importance ; for, like Philippi,” it was a Roman Colonia. 
Without delaying, at present, to explain the full meaning of this term, 
we may say that the character impressed on any town in the Empire 
which had been made subject to military colonization was particularly 
Roman, and that all such towns were bound by a tie of peculiar closeness 
te the Mother City. The insignia of Roman power were displayed more 
conspicuously than in other towns in the same province. In the prov- 
inces where Greek was spoken, while other towns had Greek letters on 
their coins, the money of the colonies was distinguished by Latin supers 
scriptions. Antioch must have had some eminence among theeastern 
colonies, for it was founded by Augustus, and called Casarea.? Such 
coins as that represented at the end of this chapter were in circulation ~ 
here, though not at Pergsa or Jeonium, when St. Paul visited these cities: 
and, more than at any other city visited on this journey, he would hear 
Latin spoken side by side with the Greek and the ruder Pisidian= 
dialect.‘ 

Along with this population of Greeks, Romans, and native Pisidians, . 
@ greater or smaller number of Jews was intermixed. They may not 
have been a very numerous body, for only one synagogue® is mentioned> 
in the narrative. But it is evident, from the events recorded, that they 
were an influential body, that they had made many proselytes, and that 
they had obtained some considerable dominion (as in the parallel cases 
of Damascus recorded by Josephus,’ and Berea and Thessalonica in the 
Acts of the Apostles)’ over the minds of the Gentile women. — 

Qn the Sabbath days the Jews and the proselytes met in the synagogue. 


oxen, which illustrate the Roman mode of 
marking out by a plough the colonial limita. 


1 Seo p. 18. 
2 Acts xvi. 12. The constitution of a Co 





onia will be explained when we come to this 


passage. 

® Wo should learn this from the inscription 
on the coins, COL. CHS. ANTIOCHIAZ, if 
we did not learn it from Strabo and Pliny. 
Mr. Hamilton feund an inscription at Yalo- 
betch, with the letters ANTIOCH EAE 
CAESARE. Another coin of this colony, 
exhibiting the wolf with Romulus and Remus, 
'g engraved in this velume. Others exhibit two 


* We shall have to return to this subject 
of language again, in speaking of the “ speech 
of Lycaonia.” Acts xiv. Il. 

§ See remarks on Salamis, p. 127. 

® The people of Damascus were obliged ts 
use caution in their scheme of assassinating 
the Jews;— ‘through fear of their women. 
all of whom, except a few, were attached ow 
the Jewish worshippers.” — War, ii. 20, 2. 

7 Acts xvii. 4, 12. 


war. VL 


: 7 
182 


THE SYNAGOGUE. 


It is evident that at this time full liberty cf public worship was permitted 
to the Jewish people in all parts of the Roman Empire, whatever limite 
tions might have been enacted by law or compelled by local opposition, 
as relates to the form and situation of the synagogues. We infer from 
Epiphanius that the Jewish places of worship were often erected in open 
and conspicuous positions.! This natural wish may frequently have been 
checked by the influence of the Heathen priests, who would not will- 
ingly see the votaries of an ancient idolatry forsaking the temple for the 
synagogue: and feelings of the same kind may probably have hindered 
the Jews, even if they had the ability or desire, from erecting religious 
edifices of any remarkable grandeur and solidity. No ruins of the 
synagogues of imperial times have remained to us, like those of the tem- 
ples in every province, from which we are able to convince ourselves of 
the very form afid size of the sanctuaries of Jupiter, Apollo, and Diana. 
There is little doubt that the sacred edifices of the Jews have been modi- 
fied by the architecture of the remote countries through which they have 
been dispersed, and the successive centuries through which they have con- 
tinued a separated people. Under the Roman Empire it is natural to 
suppose that they must have varied, according to circumstances, through 


_ all gradations of magnitude and decoration, from the simple proseucha 


at Philippi? to the magnificent prayer-houses at Alexandria.’ Yet there 


. are certain traditional peculiarities which have doubtless united together 


by a common resemblance the Jewish synagogues of all ages and coun- 
tries.‘ The arrangement for the women’s places in a separate gallery, or 
behind a partition of lattice-work,— the desk in the centre, where the 
Reader, like Ezra in ancient days, from his “ pulpit of wood,” may “ open 
the Book in the sight of all the people . . . and read in the Book the 
Law of God distinctly, and give tie sense, and cause them to under- 
stand the reading,” * — the carefully closed Ark on the side of the build- 
ing nearest to Jerusalem, for the preservation of the rolls or manuscripts 
of the Law — the seats all round the building, whence “ the eyes of all 
them that are in the synagogue” may be “fastened” on him who speaks,' 
— the “chief seats,’’ which were appropriated to the “ruler” or 


1 He is speaking of the synagogue at Na- 4 Besides the works referred to in the notes 


blous. Such buildings were frequently placed 


' by the water-side for the sake of sblutioa. 


Compare Acts xvi. 13, with Joseph. Ant. xiv. 
16, 23. 

3 Acts xvi. 13. The question of the iden- 
tity or difference of the preseucha and synagogue 
will be considered hereafter. Probably the 
former is a genera] term. 

* Montioned by Philo. 


to Ch. II, Allen’s Modern Judaism and Ber- 
nard’s Synagogue and Church may be consulted 
with advantage on subjects connected with 
the synagogue. 

& Nehem. viii. 4-8. 

® See Luke iv. 20. 

7 These chief seats (Matt. xxiii. 6; seem te 
have faced the rest of the congregation. Ses 
Jam. ii. 3. 


TALE, een 
vy ee 


154 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. CHAP. vr, 


“rulers” of the synagogue, according as its organization might be 
more or less complete! and which were so dear to the hearts of those 
who professed to be peculiarly learned or peculiarly devout, —these are 
some of the features of a synagogue, which agree at once with the notices 
of Scripture, the descriptions in the Talmud, and the practice of modern 
Judaism. 

The meeting of the congregations in the ancient synagogues may be 
easily realized, if due allowance be made for the change of costume, by 
those who have seen the Jews at their worship in the large towns of 
Modern Europe. On their entrance into the building, the four-cornered 
Tallith ? was first placed like a veil over the head, or like’a scarf over the 
shoulders. The prayers were then recited by an officer called the 
“« Angel,” or “ Apostle,” of the assembly.‘ These prayers were doubtless 
many of them identically the same with those which aré found in the 
present service-books of the German and Spanish Jews, though their 
liturgies, in the course of ages, have undergone successive developments, 
the steps of which are not easily ascertained. It seems that the prayers 
were sometimes read in the vernacular language of the country where 
the synagogue was built; but the Law was always read in Hebrew. The 
sacred roll® of manuscript was handed from the Ark to the Reader by 
the Chazan, or ‘ Minister;”* and then certain portions were read 
according to a fixed cycle, first from the Law and then from the Proph- 
ets. It is impossible to determine the period when the sections from 
these two divisions of the Old Testament were arranged as in use at 
present ;7 but the same necessity for translation and explanation existed 
then as now. The Hebrew and English are now printed in parallel 
columns. Then, the reading of the Hebrew was elucidated by the 
Targum or the Septuagint, or followed by a paraphrase in the spoken 


1 With Luke xiii. 14, Acts xviii. 8, 17, 
compare Luke vii. 8, Mark v. 22, and Acts 
xiii. 15. Some are of opinion that the smaller 
synagogues had one “ruler,” the larger many. 
It is more probable that the “chief ruler” 
with the “elders” formed a congregational 
council, like the kirk-session in Scotland. 

2 The use of the Tallith is said to have 
arisen from the Mosaic commandment direct- 
ing that fringes should be worn on the four 
corners of the garment. 

8 When we read 1 Cor. xi. 4, 7, we must 
feel some doubt concerning the wearing of the 
Tallith on the head during worship at that 
period. De Wette says that “it is certain 
that im the Apostolic ‘age the Jews did not 


veil their heads during their exhortations in 
the synagogues.” It is quite possible that the 
Tallith, though generally worn in the congre- 


gation, might be removed by any one who 


rose to speak or who prayed aloud. 

* Vitringa, who compares Rev. ii. 1. 

-6 The words in Luke iy. 17, 20, imply 
the acts of rolling and unrolling. See 1 
Mace. iii. 48. 

® Luke iv. 17, 20. 

7 A full account both of the Paraschioth or 
Sections of the Law, and the Haphtaroth or 
Sections of the Prophets, as used both by the 
Portuguese and German Jews, may be seen in 
Horne’s Introduction, vol. iii. pp. 254-258. 






GMAP. VI. THE SYNAGOGUE. 155 


language of the country.! The Reader stood’ while thus employed, and 
all the congregation sat around. The manuscript was rolled up and 
returned to the Chazan.? Then followed a pause, during which strangers 
or learned men, who had “ any word of consolation ”’ or exhortation, rose 
and addressed the meeting. And thus, after a pathetic enumeration of 
the sufferings of the chosen people‘ or an allegorical exposition’ of some 
dark passage of Holy Writ, the worship was closed with a benediction 
and a solemn “ Amen.” ® 

To such a worship in such a building a congregation came together at 
Antioch in Pisidia, on the Sabbath which immediately succeeded the 
arrival of Paul and Barnabas. Proselytes came and seated themselves 
with the Jews: and among the Jewesses behind the lattice were “‘ honor- — 
able women ”’’ of the colony. The two strangers entered the synagogue, 
and, wearing the Tallith, which was the badge of an Israelite,® “ sat 
down” ® with the rest. The prayers were recited, the extracts from “ the 
Law and the Prophets” were read; the “ Book” returned to the 
“ Minister,” " and then we are told that “the rulers of the synagogue” 
sent to the new-comers, on whom many eyes had already been fixed, and 
invited them to address the assembly, if they had words of comfort or 
instruction to speak to their fellow-Israelites.2 The very attitude of St. 
Paul, as he answered the invitation, is described to us. He “rose”’ from - 
his seat, and, with the animated and emphatic gesture which he used on 
other occasions,!® “‘ beckoned with his hand.” _ 

After thus graphically bringing the scene before our eyes, St. Luke 
gives us, if not the whole speech delivered by St. Paul, yet at least the 
substance of what he said. For into however short a space he may have 
condensed the speeches which he reports, yet it is no mere outline, no dry 
analysis of them, which he gives. He has evidently preserved, if not all 
the words, yet the very words uttered by the Apostle ; nor can we fail to 


1 See p. 34. In Palestine the Syro-Chal- 
daic language would be used; in the Disper- 
sion, usually the Greek. Lightfoot seems to 
think that the Pisidian language was used 
here. Strabo speaks of a dialect as peculiar 
to this district. 

2 Acts xiii. 16. On the other hand, our 
Lord was seated during solemn teaching, 
Luke iv. 20. 

® See Luke iv. 20. 

* The sermon in the synagogue in “ He- 
ton’s Pilgrimage ” is conceived in the true Jew- 
ish feeling. Compare the address of St. 
Stephen 

5 We see how an inspired Apostle uses al- 
fegory. Gal. iv. 21-31. 


6 See Neh. viii. 6; 1 Cor. xiv. 16. 

7 Acts xiii. 50. 

8 « As I entered the synagogue [at Blidah 
in Algeria], they offered me a Tallith, saying 
in French, ‘ Etes-vous Israélite?’ I could not 
wear the Tallith, but I opened my English 
Bible and sat down, thinking of Paul and 
Barnabas at Antioch in Pisidia.” — Extract 
jJrom a private journal. 

® Acts xiii. 14. 

10 Acts xiii. 15. lt Luke iv. 20 

2 Acts xiii. 15. The word is the same as 
that which is used in the descriptive title of 
Barnabas, p. 115. 

18 Acts xxvi. 1, xxi. 40. See xx. 34, 

1! Acts xiii. 16. 


4ar8 
HEI. 
16 


17 


13 





156 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL 


recognize in all these speeches a tone of thought, and even of expres 
sion, which stamps them with the individuality of the speaker. 

On the present occasion we find St. Paul beginning his address by 
connecting the Messiah whom he preached with the preparatory dis 
pensation which ushered in His advent. He dwells upon the previous 
history of the Jewish people, for the same reasons which had led St. 
Stephen to do the like in his defence before the Sanhedrin. He endeay- 
ors to conciliate the minds of his Jewish audience by proving to them 
that the Messiah whom he proclaimed was the same whereto their 
own prophets bare witness ; come, not to destroy the Law, but to fulfil; 
and that His advent had been duly heralded by His predicted messenger. 
He then proceeds to remove the prejudice which the rejection of 
Jesus by the authorities at Jerusalem (the metropolis of their faith) 
would naturally raise in the minds of the Pisidian Jews against His 
divine mission. He shows that Christ’s death and resurrection had 
accomplished the ancient prophecies, and declares this to be the 
“Gled Tidings” which the Apostles were charged to proclaim. Thus 
far the speech contains nothing which could offend the exclusive spirit of 
Jewish nationality. On the contrary, St. Paul has endeavored to carry his 
hearers with him by the topics on which he has dwelt ; the Saviour whom 
be declares is “a Saviour unto Israel ;”” the Messiah whom he announces 
is the fulfiller of the Law and the Prophets. But having thus concili- 
ated their feelings, and won their favorable attention, he proceeds in a 
bolder tone to declare the Catholicity of Christ’s salvation, and the 
antithesis between the Gospel and the Law. His concluding words, as 
St. Luke relates them, might stand as a summary representing in outline 
the early chapters of the Epistle to the Romans; and therefore, con- 
versely, those chapters will enable us to realize the manner in which St. 
Paul would have expanded the heads of argument which his disciple here 
records. The speech ends with a warning against that bigoted rejection 
of Christ’s doctrine, which this latter portion of the address was so likely 
to call forth. 

The following were the words (so far as they have been preserved te 
us) spoken by St. Paul on this memorable occasion : — 


“ Men of Israel, and ye, proselytes of the Gentiles, who #ddress te 
worship the God of Abraham, give audience. chau 


3 God’s choice 
“The God of this people Israel chose our fathers, and raised of Iersel to 

up His people, when they dwelt as strangers in the land of {yliheSro 

Egypt ; and with an high arm brought He them out therefrom. feasts 


And about the time of forty years, even as a nurse beareth her child, 


Gel. Ve 


so bare He them!’ through the wilderness. 


ADDRESS TO THE JEWS. 


197 


nations in the land of Canaan, and gave their land as a portion unto 


His people. 


And after that He gave unto them Judges about the 20 


space” of four hundred and fifty years, until Samuel the Prophet; 
then desired they a king, and He gave unto them Saul, the son of 
Cis, a man of the tribe of Benjamin,® to rule them for forty years. 


And when He had removed Saul, He raised up unto them David to be 22 


their king; to whom also He gave testimony, and said: J babe fount 
Rabid, the son of Jesse, x man after my oto heart, which shall - 


fulfil sll mp foill.* Of this man’s seed hath God, according to His 28 


promise, raised unto Israel a Saviour Jesus. 


Jenn the B 
tist was His. 


“And John was the messenger tobo teent before Bis face’ 


to prepare Sis tay before Him, and he preached the a 


tism of repentance to all the people of Israel. 
course ® his saying was, ‘ Whom think ye that I am? 


And as John fulfilled his 
I am not He. 


behold there cometh one after me whose shoes’ latchet I am not worthy to 


Loose.’ 7 


‘“‘ Men and Brethren,’ whether ye be children of the stock of 28 
Abraham, or proselytes of the Gentiles, to you have been sent 


=e the. seat the tidings of this salvation: for the inhabitants of Jerusalem, 37 
and their rulers, because they knew Him not, nor yet the voices of the 
prophets which are read in their synagogues every Sabbath day, have ful- 


filled the Scriptures in condemning Him. And though they foundin Him gg 


no cause of death, yet besought they Pilate that He should be slain. And 


1 The beauty of this metaphor has been 
test to the Authorized Version on account of 
the reading adopted in the Received Text. 
There is an evident allusion to Dent. i. 31. 

2 We need not trouble our readers with the 
diffieulties which have been raised concerning 
the chronology of this passage. Supposing 
it could be proved that St. Panl’s knowledge 
of ancient chronology was imperfect, this need 
set surprise us; for there seems no reason to 
suppose (and we have certainly no right to 
assume a priort) that Divine inspiration would 
instruct the Apostles in truth discoverable by 
uninspired research, and non-essential to their 
teligiezs mission. See note on Galatians iii. 


47. 


® [for the speaker's own connection with 


the tribe of Benjamin, see pp. 41, 42, and 
49.— H.] 

* Compare Ps. Iixxxix. 20, with 1 Sam 
xiii. 14. The quotation is from the LXX., 
but not verbatim, being apparently made from 
memory. 

§ Mal. iii. 1, as quoted Matt. xi. 10, not 
exactly after the LXX., but rather according 
to the literal translation of the Hebrew. 

§ [Here, and in the speech at Miletus (xii 
25), it is worthy of notice that St. Panl uses 
one of his favorite and characteristic metaphors 
drawn from the feot-race. — H.] 

7 The imperfect is used here. 

5 Literally “men that are my brethren.” Sa 
in Acts xvii. 22, — “men of Athens.” It might 
bs rendered simply “ Brethres.” 


And He destroyed seven 18 


But 28 


29 when they had fulfilled all which was written of Him, they took Him 
down from the tree, and laid Him in a sepulchre. 

“‘ But God raised Him from the dead. 

“‘ And He was seen for many days by them who came up with 
Him from Galilee to Jerusalem, who are now! His witnesses to 
the people of Israel.? 

“« And while they ® proclaim it in Jerusalem, we declare unto 
you the same Glad Tidings concerning the promise which was 
made to our fathers ; even that God hath fulfilled the same unto Ci 
us their children, in that He hath raised up Jesus from the 


30 
81 


32 


158 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL, 


CHAP, VI, 


His REsUR- 
RECTION, 


Attested by 


many wit- 
nesses, 


The Glad 
Tidings of the 


promises. 


33 dead ;* as it is also written in the second psalm, Chou art my Son, 


34 this day bube J begotten thee.” And whereas He hath raised Him from 
the grave, no more to return unto corruption, He hath said on this wise, 


The blessings of Duabid twill FJ yibe pou, eben the blessings twobich. 
35 stand fast in boliness.* 


Wherefore it is written also in another psalm, 


86 Chou shalt not suffer thine Holy One to see corruption.’ Now David, 
after he had ministered in his own generation® to the will of God, fell 
87 asleep, and was laid unto his fathers, and saw corruption ; but He whom 


88 


40 


God raised from the dead saw no corruption.® 


“ Be it known unto you, therefore, men and brethren, that 
through this Jesus is declared unto you the forgiveness of sins. 
89 And in Him all who have faith are justified from all transgres- 


Catholi of 
Chris cat 


the Gospel and 
the Law. 


sions, wherefrom in the Law of Moses ye could not be justified. 
‘¢ Beware, therefore, lest that come upon you which is spoken Final warning, 


1 The word for “now,” evidently very 
important here, is erroneously omitted by the 
Textus Receptus. 

2 «The people” always means the Jewish 
people. 

8 Observe, “we preach to you” emphati- 
cally contrasted with ine preceding “they to 
the Jewish nation ” (Humphry). 

* “ Raised up from the dead.” We cannot 
agree with Mr. Humphry that the word can 
here (consistently with the context) have the 
same meaning as in vii. 37. 

6 Ps, ii. 7, according to LXX. trans. 

6 Isaiah ly. 8 (LXX.). The verbal connec- 
tion (holy— Hely One) between vy. 34 and 
35 should be carefully noticed. 


7 Ps. xvi. 10 (LXX.). 

5 David’s ministration was performed (like 
that of other men) in his own generation; but 
the ministration of Christ extended to all 
generations. The thought is similar to Heb. 
vii. 23, 24. We depart here from the Author- 
ized Version, because the use of the Greek 
words, for “to serve one’s own generation,” 
does not accord with the analogy of the N. T. 

® We are here reminded of the arguments 
of St. Peter on the day of Pentecost, just as 
the beginning of the speech recalls that of 
St. Stephen before the Sanhedrin. Possibly, 
St. Paul himself had been an auditor of the 
first, as he certainly was of the last. 






7 
: 
{ 


ee 


CHAP, Vi. SDDBESS TO THE JEWS. 


in the Prophets, Pebold, ve Despisers, and toonder, and perish ; for 4° 
3 work 2 fork in pour days, 2 work which ve shall in no bose 
beliebe, though a man declare itt unto pou.”* 


This address made a deep and thrilling impression on the audience. 
While the congregation were pouring out of the synagogue, many of them * 
crowded round the speaker, begging that “‘ these words,’ which had moved 
their deepest feelings, might be repeated to them on their next occasion 
of assembling together.? And when at length the mass of the people had 
dispersed, singly or in groups, to their homes, many of the Jews and 
. proselytes still clung to Paul and Barnabas, who earnestly exhorted them 
Gn the form of expression which we could almost recognize as St. Paul’s, 
from its resemblance to the phraseology of his Epistles) “‘ to abide in the 
grace of God.” 

‘‘ With what pleasure can we fancy the Apostles to have observed these 
hearers of the Word, who seemed to have heard it in such earnest! How 
gladly must they have talked with them, — entered into various points more 
fully than was possible in any public address, — appealed to them in various 
ways which no one can touch upon who is speaking to a mixed multitude! 
Yet with all their pleasure and their hope, their knowledge of man’s heart 
must have taught them not to be over-confident ; and therefore they would 
earnestly urge them to continue in the grace of God; to keep up the im- 
pression which had already outlasted their stay within the synagogue ; — 
to feed it, and keep it alive, and make it deeper and deeper, that it should 
remain with them forever. What the issue was we know not, — nor does 
that concern us, — only we may be sure that here, as in other instances, 
there were some in whom their hopes and endeavors were disappointed ; 
there were some in whom they were to their fullest extent realized.” ® 

The intervening week between this Sabbath and the next had not only 
its days of meeting in the synagogue,® but would give many opportunities 
for exhortation and instruction in private houses; the doctrine would be 
noised abroad, and, through the proselytes, would come to the hearing of 
the Gentiles. So that “on the following Sabbath almost the whole city 


1 Habak. i. 5 (LXX.). 

2 The words rendered “ Gentiles” (Auth. 
Vers.) in the Textus Receptus have caused a 
great confusion in this passage. They are 
omitted in: the best MSS. See below, p. 164, 
a, 2. 

® It is not quite certain whether we are to 
understand the words in v. 42 to mean “the 
next Sabbath” or some intermediate days of 


meeting during the week. The Jews were 
accustomed to meet in the synagogues or 
Monday and Thursday as well as on Saturday 

* Acts xiii. 43. Compare Acts xx. 24; I 
Cor. xv. 10; 2-Cor. vi. 1; Gal. ii. 2}. 

5 Dr. Arnold’s Twenty-fourth Sermon on 
the Interpretation of Scripture. 

5 See n. 3 on this page. 





160 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL cuar, v2, 


came together to hear the Word of God.” The synagogue was crowded.’ 


Multitudes of Gentiles were there in addition to the Proselytes. This was 
more than the Jews could bear. Their spiritual pride and exclusive 
bigotry was immediately roused. They could not endure the notion of 
others being freely admitted to the same religious privileges with them 
selves. This was always the sin of the Jewish people. Instead of realiziny, 
their position in the world as the prophetic nation for the good of the whole 
earth, they indulged the self-exalting opinion, that God’s highest blessings 
were only for themselves. Their oppressions and their dispersions had 
not destroyed this deeply-rooted prejudice ; but they rather found comfort 
under the yoke, in brooding over their religious isolation: and even in 
their remote and scattered settlements, they clung with the utmost tenacity 
to the feeling of their exclusive nationality. Thus, in the Pisidian 
Antioch, they who on one Sabbath had listened with breathless interest to 


the teachers who spoke to them of the promised Messiah, were on the next— 


Sabbath filled with the most excited indignation, when they found that 
this Messiah was “ a light to lighten the Gentiles,” as well as “ the glory 
of His people Israel.”” They made an uproar, and opposed the words of 
Paul? with all manner of calumnious expressions, “ contradicting and 
blaspheming.”’ 

Then the Apostles, promptly recognizing in the willingness of the Gentiles 
and the unbelief of the Jews the clear indications of the path of duty, 
followed that.bold* course which was alien to all the prejudices of a Jewish 
education. They turned at once and without reserve to the Gentiles. 
St. Paul was not unprepared for the events which called for this decision. 
The prophetic intimations at his first conversion, his vision in the Temple 
at Jerusalem, his experience at the Syrian Antioch, his recent success in 
the island of Cyprus, must have led him to expect the Gentiles to listen 
to that message which the Jews were too ready to scorn. The words with 
which he turned from his unbelieving countrymen were these: “It was. 
needful that the Word of God should first be spoken unto you: but inas- 
much as ye reject it, and deem yourselves unworthy of eternal life, lo! we 
turn to the Gentiles.” And then he quotes a prophetical passage from 
their own sacred writings. ‘ For thus hath the Lord commanded us, 
saying, I have set thee for a light to the Gentiles, that thou shouldst be for 
salvation to the ends of the earth.‘ This is the first recorded instance 
of a scene which was often re-enacted. It is the course which St. Paul 
himself defines in his Epistle to the Romans, when he describes the Gospel 


1 Acta xiii. 44. ® Compare | Thess. ii. 2, where the circum 

* The words in Acts xiii. 45 imply indi- stances appear to have been very similar. 
eectly that Paul was the “chief speaker,” as * Isai. xlix. 6, quoted with a slight variation 
2 are told, xiv. 12. from the LXX. See Isai. xlii.6; Luke ii 32 


’ 


cuz, Vi. PREACHING TO THE GENTILES. 18} 


as coming first to the Jew, and then to the Gentile ;' and it is the course 
which he followed himself on various occasions of his life, at Corinth,’ at 
Ephesus,’ and at Rome.‘ 

_ That which was often obscurely foretold in the Old Testament, — that 
those should “ seek after God who knew Him not,” and that He should be 
honored by “those who were not a people ; ”’*— that which had already 
seen its first fulfilment in isolated cases during our Lord’s life, as in the 
centurion and the Syrophcenician woman, whose faith had uo parallel in 
all the people of “ Israel ;”’* — that which had received an express ac- 
complishment through the agency of two of the chiefest of the Apostles, in 
Cornelius, the Roman officer at Casarea, and in Sergius Paulus, the 
Roman governor at Paphos, — began now to be realized on a large scale 
‘in a whole community. While the Jews blasphemed and rejected Christ, 
the Gentiles “‘ rejoiced, and glorified the Word of God.” The counsels of 
God were not frustrated by the unbelief of His chosen people. A new 
“ Israel,” a new “ election,” succeeded to the former.’ A Church was 
formed of united Jews and Gentiles ; and all who were destined to enter 
the path of eternal life* were gathered into the Catholic brotherhood of 
the hitherto separated races. The synagogue had rejected the inspired 
missionaries, but the apostolic instruction went on in some private house 
or public building belonging to the Heathen. And gradually the knowl- 
edge of Christianity began to be disseminated through the whole vicinity.” 

The enmity of the Jews, however, was not satisfied by the expulsioun— 
of the Apostles from their synagogue. What they could not accomplish 
by violence and calumny, they succeeded in effecting by a pious intrigue. 
That influence of women in religious questions, to which our attention 
will be repeatedly called hereafter, is here for the first time brought— 
before our notice in the sacred narrative of St. Paul’s life. Strabo, whe 
was intimately acquainted with the social position of the female sex in 
the towns of Western Asia, speaks in strong terms of the power which 
they possessed and exercised in controlling and modifying the religious~ 
opinions of the men. This general fact received one of its most striking 
illustrations in the case of Judaism. We have already more than once 
alluded to the influence of the female proselytes at Damascus: * and the 
good service which women contributed towards the early progress of 


1 Rom. i. 16, ii. 9. Compare xi. 12, 25. passage has been made the subject of much 

2 Acts xviii. 6. 5 Acts xix. 9. controversy with reference te the doctrine of 

* Acts xxviii. 28. predestination. Its bearing on the question is 

5 See Hosea, i. 10, ii. 23, a8 quoted inRom. very doubtful. The same participle is used in 
*x. 25, 26. Acts xx. 18, and also in Luke iii. 13, and 

* Matt. viti. 5-10, xv. 21-28. Rom. xiii. 1. 

’ See Rom. xi. 7; and Gal. vi. 16. ® Acts xiii. 49. 


* Acts xiii. 48. It is well known that this © See above, p. 18, and p 152, n. 6. 
Bel 


162 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


Christianity is abundantly known both from the Acts and the Epistles.! 
Here they appear in a position less honorable, but not less influential. 
The Jews contrived, through the female proselytes at Antioch, to win 
over to their cause some influential members of their sex, and through 
them to gain the ear of men who occupied a position of eminence in the 
city. Thus a systematic persecution was excited against Paul and 
Barnabas. Whether the supreme magistrates of the colony were in- 
duced by this unfair agitation to pass a sentence of formal banishment, 
we are not informed ;? but for the present the Apostles were compelled to 
retire from the colonial limits. 

In cases such as these, instructions had been given by our Lord himself 
how His Apostles were to act. During His life on earth, He had said to 
the Twelve, “‘ Whosoever shall not receive you, nor hear you, when ye 
depart thence, shake off the dust under your feet for a testimony against 
them. Verily, I say. unto you, it shall be more tolerable for Sodom and 
Gomorrah in the day of judgment, than for that city.” * And while Paul 
and Barnabas thus fulfilled our Lord’s words, shaking off from their feet 


the dust of the dry and, sunburnt road,‘ in token of God’s judgment on 


wilful unbelievers, and turning their steps eastwards in the direction of 
Lycaonia, another of the sayings of Christ was fulfilled, in the midst of 
those who had been obedient to the faith : “‘ Blessed are ye when men shall 
revile you and persecute you, and shall say all manner of evil against 
you falsely, for my sake. Rejoice and be exceeding glad: for great is 
your reward in heaven; for so persecuted they the prophets which were 
before you.”® Even while their faithful teachers were removed from them, 
and travelling across the bare uplands® which separate Antioch from the 
plain of Iconium, the disciples of the former city received such manifest 


1 See Acts xvi. 14, xviii. 2; Philipp. iv. 3 ; 5 Matt. v. 11, 12. 


1 Cor. vii. 16. 

2 We should rather infer the contrary, 
since they revisited the place on their return 
from Derbe (xiv. 21). 

8 Mark vi. 11; Matt. x. 14, 15; Luke ix. 5. 
For other symbolical acts expressing the same 
thing, see Nehem. v. 13; Acts xviii. 6. It 
was taught in the schools of the Scribes that 
the dust of a Heathen land defiled by the 
touch. Hence the shaking of the dust off the 
feet implied that the city was regarded as 
profane. 

* “Literally may they have shaken off the 
dust of their feet, foreven now (Nov. 9) the 
roads abound with it, and in the summer 
months if must be a plain of dust.’”’ — Arun- 
dell’s Asta Minor, vol. 1. p. $29. 


5 Leake approached Iconium from the 
northern side of the mountains which separate 
Antioch from Philomelium (see p. 204). He 
says: “On the descent from a ridge branching 
eastward from these mountains, we came in 
sight of the vast plain around Konieh, and of 
the lake which occupies the middle of it; and 
we saw the city with its mosques and ancient 
walls, still at the distance of twelve or fourteen 
miles from us,” p. 45. Ainsworth travelled 
in the same direction, and says: “ We trav- 
elled three hours along the plain of Konieh, 
always in sight of the city of the Sultans of 
Roum, before we reached it.” — Trav. in Ama 
Minor, ii. p. 58. 





- CHAP, VI. ICONIUM. 163 


tokens of the love of God, and the power of the “ Holy Ghost,” that they 
were “ filled with joy” in the midst of persecution. 

Iconium, has obtained a place in history far more distinguished than— 
that of the Pisidian Antioch. It is famous as the cradle of the rising 
power of the conquering Turks.’ And the remains of its Mohammedan 
architecture still bear a conspicuous testimony to the victories and strong 
government of a tribe of Tatar invaders. But there are other features in 
the view of modern Konieh which to us are far more interesting. To the 
traveller in the footsteps of St. Paul, it is not the armorial bearings of the 
Knights of St. John, carved over the gateways in the streets of Rhodes, 
which arrest the attention, but the ancient harbor and the view across 
the sea to the opposite coast. And at Konieh his interest is awakened, not 
by minarets and palaces and Saracenic gateways, but by the vast plain 
and the distant mountains.’ 

These features remain what they were in the first century, while the 
town has been repeatedly destroyed and rebuilt, and its architectural 
character entirely altered. Little, if any thing, remains of Greek or Roman 
Iconium, if we except the ancient inscriptions and the fragments of sculp- 
tures which are built into the Turkish walls.’ At a late period of the 
Empire it was made a Colonia, like its neighbor, Antioch; but it was— 
not so in the time of St. Paul. These is no reason to suppose that its 
character was different from that of the other important towns on the 
principal lines of communication through Asia Minor. The elements of 
its population would be as follows: —a large number of trifling and frivo- 
lous Greeks, whose principal places of resort would be the theatre and the 
Inarketplace ; some remains of a still older population, coming in occa- 
sionally from the country, or residing in a separate quarter of the town; 
some few Roman officials, civil or military, holding themselves proudly 
aloof from the inhabitants of the subjugated province; and an old 
established colony of Jews, who exercised their trade during the week, 
and met on the Sabbath to read the Law in the Synagogue. 

The same kind of events took place here as in Antioch, and almost in 


1 Tconium was the capital of the Seljukian 
Sultans, and had a great part in the growth 
of the Ottoman empire. 

? “Konieh extends to the east and south 
_ over the plain far beyond the walls, which are 
about two miles in circumference. . . . Moun- 
tains covered with snow rise on every side, 
excepting towards the east, where a plain, as 
flat as the desert of Arabia, extends far be- 
yond the reach of the eye.” — Capt. Kinneir. 

% “The city wall is said to have been 
erected by the Seljukian Sultans: it seems to 


have been built from the ruins of more an- 
cient buildings, as broken columns, capitals 
pedestals, bass-reliefs, and other pieces ot 
sculpture, contribute towards its construction. 
It has eighty gates, of a square form, each 
known by a separate name, and, as well as 
most of the towers, embellished with Arabic 
inscriptions. ...I observed a few Greek 
characters on the walls, but they were in so 
elevated a situation that I could not de 
cipher them.” — Capt. Kinneir. 






164 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL omar. va 


the same order.' The Apostles went first to the Synagogue, and the 
effect of their discourses there was such, that great numbers both of 
the Jews and Greeks (i.e. Proselytes or Heathens, or both)? believed the j 
Gospel. The unbelieving Jews raised up an indirect persecution by 
exciting the minds of the Gentile population against those who received — 
the Christian doctrine. But the Apostles persevered and remained in th 
city some considerable time, having their confidence strengthened by the — 
miracles which God worked through their instrumentality, in attestation — 
of the truth of His Word. There is an apocryphal narrative of certain 
events assigned to this residence at Iconium:* and we may innocently — 
adopt so much of the legendary story, as to imagine St. Paul preaching ~ 
long and late to crowded congregations, as he did afterwards at Assos,* 
and his enemies bringing him before the civil authorities, with the cry — 
that he was disturbing their households by his sorcery, or with complaints — 
like those at Philippi and Ephesus, that he was “ exceedingly troubling 
their city,” and “turning away much people.”® We learn from an in- — 
spired source® that the whole population of Iconium was ultimately — 
divided into two great factions (a common occurrence, on far less impor- — 
tant occasions, in these cities of Oriental Greeks), and that one party — 
took the side of the Apostles, the other that of the Jews. But here, as 
at Antioch, the influential classes were on the side of the Jews. A 
determined attempt was at last made to crush the Apostles, by loading © 
them with insult and actually stoning them. Learning this wicked con- 
spiracy, in which the magistrates themselves were involved,’ they fled to 
some of the neighboring districts of Lycaonia, where they might be more — 
secure, and have more liberty in preaching the Gospel. 

It would be a very natural course for the Apostles, after the cruel 
treatment they had experienced in the great towns on a frequented route, 
to retire into a wilder region and among a ruder population. In any ° 
country, the political circumstances of which Soecmile tole of Asia 
Minor under the early emperors, there must be many districts, into 
which the civilization of the conquering and governing people has hardly — 
penetrated. An obvious instance is furnished by our Eastern presi- — 
dencies, in the Hindoo villages, which have retained their character with- 
out alteration, notwithstanding the successive occupations by Moham- 
medans and English. Thus, in the Eastern provinces of the Roman 


1 See Acts xiv. 1-5. * Acts xx. 7-11. 

3 Perhaps “Greeks” (vy. 1) may mean & Acts xvi. 20, xix. 26. 
“ preselytes,” as opposed to the “ Gentiles ” of § Acts xiv. 4. . 
v. 3. 7 It is impossible to determine exactly the — 


* The legend of Paul and Thecla. The meaning ef the word rendered “rulers.” 
stery will be found im Jones on the Canon (vel. 
fi. pp. 353-463). 


i 


aHAP, VI. LYCAONIA. 166 


Empire there must have been many towns and villages where local customs 
were untouched, and where Greek, though certainly understood, was not 
commonly spoken. Such, perhaps, were the places which now come 
before our notice in the Acts of the Apostles, — small towns, with a rude 
dialect and primitive superstition’—“ Lystra and Derbe, cities of 
Lycaonia.”’? 

The district of Lycaonia extends from the ridges of Mount Taurus and 
the borders of Cilicia, on the south, to the Cappadocian hills, on the— 
north. It is a bare and dreary region, unwatered by streams, though in — 
parts liable to occasional inundations. Strabo mentions one place where 
water was even sold for money. In this respect there must be a close 
resemblance between this country and large tracts of Australia. Nor is 
this the only particular in which the resemblance may be traced. Both 
regions afford excellent pasture for flocks of sheep, and give opportunities ~_ 
for obtaining large possessions by trade in wool. It was here, on the 
downs of Lycaonia, that Amyntas, while he yet led the life of a nomad 
chief, before the time of his political clevation,? fed his three hundred 
flocks. Of the whole district Iconium‘* was properly the capital: and 
the plain round Iconium may be reckoned as its great central space, 
situated midway between Cilicia and Cappadocia. This plain is spoken 
of as the largest in Asia Minor.® It is almost like the steppes of Great 
Asia, of which the Turkish invaders must often have been reminded,® 
when they came to these level spaces in the west; and the camels which 
convey modern travellers to and from Konieh, find by the side of their 
path tufts of salt and prickly herbage, not very dissimilar to that which 
grows in their native deserts.” 

Across some portion of this plain Paul and Barnabas travelled before 
as well as after their residence in Iconium. After leaving the high land 
to the north-west, during a journey of several hours before arriving at 
the city, the eye ranges freely over a vast expanse of level ground to the 
south and the east. The two most eminent objects in the view are cer- 
tain snowy summits,® which rise high above all the intervening hills in 
the direction of Armenia, —and, in the nearer horizon, the singular 


1 Acts xiv. 11, 12, &. as he crossed this plain, eagerly eating the tufts 
2 Acts xiv. 6. ef Mesembryanthemum and Salicornia, “re 
5 See above, Ch. I. p. 21. minding them of plains with which they were 


* Xenophon, whe is the first to mention probably more familiar than those of Asia 
Teonium, calls it “the last city of Phrygia,” Minor.” The plain, however, is naturally 


in the direction ef “ Lycaonia.” rich. 

5 See Leake, p. 93. _ 5 See above, p. 150. 

6 The remark is made by Texier im his ® Leake supposed these summits to be those 
“ Asie Mineure.” of Mount Argssus, but Hamilton thinks ks 


1 Ainsworth (ii. p. 68) describes the camels, was in error. 


166 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 





CHAP, vr 


mountain mass called the ‘“ Kara-Dagh,” or “ Black Mount,” south- 


eastwards in the direction of Cilicia.) 


And still these features continue 


to be conspicuous after Iconium is left behind, and the traveller moves 


on over the plain towards Lystra and Derbe. 


Mount Argeus still rises 


far to the north-east, at the distance of one hundred and fifty miles. The 
Black Mountain is gradually approached, and discovered to be an 
isolated mass, with reaches of the plain extending round it like channels 


of the sea.? 
bases of the Black Mountain. 


physical characteristics of this part of Lycaonia, because the positions of 
its ancient towns have not been determined. We are only acquainted 


with the general features of the scene. 


While the site of Iconium has 


never been forgotten, and that of Antioch in Pisidia has now been clearly 
identified, those of Lystra and Derbe remain unknown, or at best are 
extremely uncertain.’ No conclusive coins or inscriptions have been 
discovered ; nor has there been any such convergence of modern investi- 


gation and ancient authority as leads to an infallible result. 


See Leake, p. 45. “To the south-east the 
same plains extend as far as the mountains of 
Karaman (Laranda). At the south-east ex- 
tremity of the plains beyond Konieh, we are 
much struck with the appearance of a remark- 
able insulated mountain, called Kara-Dagh 
{Black Mountain), rising to a great height, 
covered at the top with snow [Jan. 31], and 
appearing Jike a lofty island in the midst of 
the sea. It is about sixty miles distant.” The 
tines marked on the Map are the Roman roads 
mentioned in the Itineraries. 

A view of the Kara-Dagh is given ia Ch. 
Vit. 

2 See Leake, pp. 98-97. “(Feb.1. From 
Konieh te Tshumra.)—Our road pursues a 
perfect level for upwards of twenty miles. 
(Feb. 2. From Tshumra to Kassaba.) — Nine 
honrs over the same uninterrupted level of the 
finest soil, but quite uncultivated, except in 
the immediate neighborhood of a few widely 
dispersed villages. It is painful to behold 
such desolation in the midst of a region so 
highly favored by nature. Another character- 
istic of these Asiatic plains is the exactness of 
the level, and the peculiarity of their extend- 
ing, without any previous slope, to the foat of 
the mountains, which rise from them like lofty 
islands out of the surface of the ocean. The 
Karamanian ridge seems to recede as we ap- 
proach it, and the snowy summits of Argesus 


Of the 


[t] are still to be seen to the north-east. . . 
At three or four miles short of Kassaba, we 
are abreast of the middle of the very lofty 
insulated mountain already mentioned, called 
Kara-Dagh. It is said to be chiefly inhabited 
by Greek Christians, and to contain 1,001 
churches ; but we afterwards learnt that these 
1,001 churches (Bin-bir-Kilisseh) was a name 
given to the extensive ruins of an ancient city 
at the foot of the mountain. (Feb. 3. From 
Kassaba to Karaman.) — Four hours; the road 
still passing over a plain, which towards the 
mountains begins to be a little intersected with 
low ridges and ravines... . Between these 
mountains and the Kara-Dagh there is a 
kind of strait, which forms the communica- 
tion between the plain of Karaman and the 
great levels lying eastward of Konieh.... 
Advancing towards Karaman, I perceive a 
passage into the plains to the north-west, round 
the northern end of Kara-Dagh, similar to that 
on the south, so that this mountain is com- 
pletely insulated. We still see to the north- 
east the great snowy summit of Argeus, |*} 
which is probably the highest point of Asia 
Minor.” See a similar description of the iso- 
lation of the Kara-Dagh in Hamilton (11. 315, 
320), who approached it from the east. 

5 Col. Leake wrote thus in 1824: “ Noth 
ing can more strongly show the little progress 
that has hitherto been made in a knowledge 





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RAP, Yl. ST. PAUL AT LYSTRA. 167 


different hypotheses which have been proposed, we have been content in 
the accompanying map to indicate those! which appear the most probable. 
_ We resume the thread of our narrative with the arrival of Paul 
and Barnabas at Lystra. One peculiar circumstance strikes us immedi- 
ately in what we read of the events in this town; that no mention occurs 
of any synagogue f It is natural to infer that there were 
few Israelites in the place, though (as we shall see hereafter) it would be 
a mistake to imagine that there were none. We are instantly brought 
in contact with a totally new subject, with Heathen superstition and 
mythology ; yet not the superstition of an educated mind, as that of Ser- 
gius Paulus,— nor the mythology of a refined and cultivated taste, like 
that of the Athenians,— but the mythology and superstition of a rude 
and unsophisticated people. Thus does the Gospel, in the person of St. 
Paul, successively clash with opposing powers, with sorcerers and philoso- 


phers, cruel magistrates and false divinities. 


Now it is the rabbinical 


master of the Synagogue, now the listening proselyte from the Greeks, 


of the ancient geography of Asia Minor, than 
that, of the cities which the journey of St. 
Paul has made so interesting to us, the site 
of one only (Iconium) is yet certainly known. 
Perga, Antioch of Pisidia, Lystra, and Derbe, 
remain to be discovered.” — P.103. We have 
seen that two of these four towns have been 
fully identified, —Perga by Sir C. Fellows, 
and Antioch by Mr. Arundell. It is to be 
hoped that the other two will yet be clearly 
ascertained. . 

1 The general features of the map here 
given are copied from Kiepert’s large map of 
Asia Minor, and his positions for Lystra and 
Derbe are adopted. Lystra is marked near the 
place where Leake conjectured that it might 
be, some twenty miles S. of Iconium. It does 
not appear, however, that he saw any ruins on 
the spot. There are very remarkable Chris- 
sian ruins on the N. side of the Kara-Dagh, 
at Bin-bir-Kilisseh (“‘the 1,001 churches ’’), 
and Leake thinks that they may mark the site 
of Derbe. We think Mr. Hamilton’s conjec- 
ture much more probable, that they mark the 
site of Lystra, which has a more eminent ec- 
clesiastical reputation than Derbe. 

While this was passing through the press, 
the writer received an indirect communication 
fom Mr. Hamilton, which will be the best 
commentary on the map. “There are ruins 
{though slight) at the spot where Derbe 
ss marked on Kiepert’s map, and as this spot 


is certainly ona line of Roman road, it is not 
unlikely that it may represent Derbe. He did 
not actually visit Divlé, but the coincidence 
of name led him to think it might be Derbe. 
He does not know of any ruins at the place 
where Kiepert writes Lystra, but was not op 
that spot. There may be ruins there, but he 
thinks they cannot be of importance, as he did 
not hear of them, though in the neighbor- 
hood; and he prefers Bin-bir-Kilisseh as the 
site of Lystra.” 

The following description of the Bin-bir 
Kilisseh is supplied by a letter from Mr. E. 
Falkener. “The principal group of the Bin- 
bir-Kilisseh lies at the foot of Kara-Dagh. .. . 
Perceiving ruins on the slope of the mountain, 
I began to ascend, and on reaching these dis- 
covered they were churches; and, looking 
upwards, descried others yet above me, and 
climbing from one to the other I at length 
gained the summit, where I found two church- 
es. On looking down, I perceived churches 
om all sides of the mountain, scattered about 
in various positions. The number ascribed to 
them by the Turks is of course metaphorical ; 
but including those in the plain below, there 
are about two dozen in tolerable preservation, 
and the remains of perhaps forty may be 
traced altogether. ... The mountain must 
have been considered sacred ; all the ruins are 
of Christian epoch, and, with the exception of 
a huge palace, every building is a church.” 


165 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST, PAUL. CHAP. vi 


that is resisted or convinced, — now the honest inquiry of a Roman 
efficer, now the wild fanaticism of a rustic credulity, that is addressed 
with bold and persuasive eloquence. 

It was a common belief among the ancients that the gods occasionally 
visited the earth in the form of men. Such a belief with regard to Jupi- 
ter, ‘“‘the father of gods and men,” would be natural in any rural dis 
trict: but nowhere should we be prepared to find the traces of it more 
than at Lystra; for Lystra, as it appears from St. Luke’s narrative,’ was 
under the tutelage of Jupiter, and tutelary divinities were imagined to 
haunt the cities under their protection, though elsewhere invisible. 
The temple of Jupiter was a conspicuous object in front of the city 
gates :? what wonder if the citizens should be prone to believe that their 
“ Jupiter, which was before the city,’ would willingly visit his favorite 
people? Again, the expeditions of Jupiter were usually represented as 
attended by Mercury. He was the companion, the messenger, the ser- 
vant of the gods.’ Thus the notion of these two divinities appearing 
tegether in Lycaonia is quite in conformity with what we know of the 
popular belief. But their appearance in that particular district would be 
welcomed with more than usual credulity. Those who are acquainted 
with the literature of the Roman poets are familiar with a beautiful tra- 
dition of Jupiter and Mercury visiting in human form these very regions* 
in the interior of Asia Minor. And it is not without a singular interest 
that we find one of Ovid’s stories re-appearing in the sacred pages of the 
Acts of the Apostles. In this instance, as in so many others, the Scrip- 
tare, in its incidental descriptions, of the Heathen world, presents 
“undesigned coincidences”? with the facts ascertained from Heathen 
memorials. 

These introductory remarks prepare us for considering the miracle 
recorded in the Acts. We must suppose that Paul gathered groups of 
the Lystrians about him, and addressed them in places of public resort, as 
@ modern missionary might address the natives of a Hindoo village.* 





1 It is more likely that a temple than a 
statue of Jupiter is alluded to. The temple 
ef the tutelary divinity was outside the walls 
at Perga (see p. 148) and at Ephesus, as we 
learn from the story in Herodotus (1. 26), who 
tells us that in a time of danger the citizens 
pat themselves under the protection of Diana, 
by attaching her temple by a rope to the city 
wall. 

3 Acts xiv. 18. 

3 See the references in Smith’s Dictionary 
af Classical Biography and Mythology, under 
“ Fiermes.”” We may remark here that we have 


always used the nearest Latin equivalents for the 
Greek divinities, te. Jupiter, Mercury, Diana, 
Minerva, for Zeus, Hermes, Artemis, Athene. 

* See the story of Baucis and Philemon, 
Ovid. Met. viii. 611, &. Even if the Lycao- 
nians were a Semitic tribe, it is not unnatural 
to suppose them familiar with Greek mythoio- 
gy. An identification of classical and “ bar. 
barian ” divinities had taken place in innumer 
able instances, as in the case of the Tyriap 
Hercules and Paphian Venus. 

& See for instance Fox’s Chapters on Missions 
p- 1538, &e. 


es 


OHAF, Yi. HEsLING OF THE CRIPPLE. 18¢ 


But it would not be necessary in his case, as in that of Schwartz or Mar. 
tyn, to have learnt the primitive language of those to whom he spoke. 
He addressed them in Greek, for Greek was well understood in this 
border-country of the Lystrians, though their own dialect was either 4 
barbarous corruption of that noble language, or the surviving remainder 
of some older tongue. He used the language of general civilization, az 
English may be used now in a Welsh country-town like Dolgelly or Car- 
marthen. The subjects he brought before these illiterate idolaters of 
Lycaonia were doubtless such as would lead them, by the most natural 
steps, to the knowledge of the true God, and the belief in His Son’s 
resurrection. He told them, as he told the educated Athenians,’ ef Him 
whose worship they had ignorantly corrupted; whose unity, power, and 
goodness they might have discerned through the operations of nature ; 
whose displeasure against sin had been revealed to them by the admoni- 
tions of their natural conscience. 

On one of these occasions? St. Paul observed a cripple, who was 
earnestly listening to his discourse. He was seated on the ground, for 
he had an infirmity in his feet, and had never walked from the hour of 
his birth. St. Paul looked at him attentively, with that remarkable 
expression of the eye which we have already noticed (p. 134). The 
same Greek word is used as when the Apostle is described as “ ear- 
nestly beholding the council,” and “as setting his eyes on Elymas the 
sorcerer.”? Qn this occasion that penetrating glance saw, by the power 
of the Divine Spirit, into the very secrets of the cripple’s soul. Paul 
perceived “that he had faith to be saved.”* These words, implying so 
much of moral preparation in the heart of this poor Heathen, rise above 
all that is told us of the lame Jew, whom Peter, “‘ fastening his eyes upon 
him with John,” had once healed at the temple gate in Jerusalem.’ In 
ether respects the parallel between the two cases is complete. As Peter 
said in the presence of the Jews, “In the name of Jesus Christ of Naza- 
reth, rise up and walk,” so Paul said before his idolatrous audience at 
Lystra, “Stand upright on thy feet.’’ And in this case, also, the word 
which had been suggested to the speaker by a supernatural intuition was 
followed by a supernatural result. The obedient alacrity in the spirit 
and the new strength in the body, rushed together simultaneously. The 
lame man sprang up in the joyful consciousness of a power he had 
never felt before, and walked like those who had never had experience 
of infirmity. ; 

1 It is very important to compare together * Acts xiv. 9. The word is the same as in 
the speeches at Lystra and Athens, and both xvi. 80. 
with the first chapter of the Romans. See 5 Acts iii. Wetstein remarks on the greatsr 


pp. 171, 172. faith manifested by the Heathen at Lystra thar 
® Acts xiv. 8, Ke. Acts xxiii.1, xiii.9. the Jew at Jerusalem. 






170 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8ST. PAUL omar. vr 

And now arose a great tumult of voices from the crowd. Such a cure 
of a congenital disease, so sudden and so complete, would have con- 
founded the most skilful and sceptical physicians. An illiterate people 
would be filled with astonishment, and rush immediately to the conclu 
sion that supernatural powers were present among them. These Lyca- — 
onians thought at once of their native traditions, and erying out vocifer~ — 
ously in their mother-tongue,! — and we all know how the strongest feel- 
ings of an excited people find vent in the language of childhood, — they 
exclaimed that the gods had again visited them in the likeness of men, 
— that Jupiter and Mercury were again in Lycaonia,— that the persua- 
sive speaker was Mercury, and his companion Jupiter. They identified 
Paul with Mercury, because his eloquence corresponded with one of that 
divinity’s attributes. Paul was the “ chief speaker,’ and Mercury was 
the god of eloquence. And if it be asked why they identified Barnabas 
with Jupiter, it is evidently a sufficient answer to say that these two 
divinities were always represented as companions? in their terrestrial 
expeditions, though we may well believe (with Chrysostom and otkers) 
that there was something majestically benignant in his appearance, while 
the personal aspect of St. Paul (and for this we can quote his own state- 
ments)* was comparatively insignificant. 

How truthful and how vivid is the scene brought before us! and how 
many thoughts it suggests to those who are at once conversant with 
Heathen mythology and disciples of Christian theology! Barnabas, 
identified with the Father of Gods and Men, seems like a personification 
of mild beneficence and provident care ;‘ while Paul appears invested 
with more active attributes, flying over the world on the wings of faith 
and love, with quick words of warning and persuasion, and ever carry- 
ing in his hand the purse of the ‘“ unsearchable riches.”* 

The news of a wonderful occurrence is never long in spreading through 
a small country town. At Lystra the whole population was presently 
in an uproar. They would lose no time in paying due honor to their 
heavenly visitants. The priest attached to that temple of Jupiter before 
the city gates, to which we have before alluded,* was summoned to do 
sacrifice to the god whom he served. Bulls and garlands, aad whatever— 


1 Some are of opinion that the “ speech of * See Acts iv. 36, 37, ix. 27, xi. 22-25, 30. 


Lycaonia” was a Semitic language; others 
that it was a corrupt dialect of Greek. See 
the Dissertations of Jablonski and Giihling in 
Tken’s Thesaurus 

2 See, for instance, Ovid. Fast. v. 495. 

5 See 2 Cor. x. 1, 10, where, however, we 
cust remember that he is quoting the state- 
ments of his adversaries. 


It is also very possible that Barnabas was older, 
and therefore more venerable in appearance, 
than St. Paul. 

5 The winged heels and the purse are the 
well-known insignia of Mercury. 

6 Pp. 168. 


ADDRESS TO THE GENTILES. 171 


onaP, VL 


else was requisite to the performance of the ceremony, were duly pre- 
pared, and the procession moved amidst crowds of people to the residence 
of the Apostles. They, hearing the approach of the multitude, and learn- 
ing their idolatrous intention, were filled with the utmost horror. They 
*‘yent their clothes,” and rushed out! of the house in which they lodged,— 
and met the idolaters approaching the vestibule.? There, standing at tie 
doorway, they opposed the entrance of the crowd; and Paul expressed 
his abhorrence of their intention, and earnestly tried to prevent their 
fulfilling it, in a speech of which only the following short outline is 
recorded by St. Luke : — 


“Sirs, why do ye these things? We also are men, of like pas- 4c 
sions with you; and we are come to preach to you the Glad Tidings, 15 
that you may turn from these vain idols to the living God, who 
made the heavens, and the earth, and the sea, and all things that 
For in the generations that are past, He suffered all 16 
the nations of the Gentiles to walk in their own ways. Never- 
theless He left not Himself without witness, in that He blessed 13 
you, and gave you rain from heaven, and fruitful seasons, filling 


are therein. 


993 


your hearts with food and gladness. 


This address held tiem listening, but they listened impatiently. Even 
with this energetic disavowal of his divinity and this strong appeal to 
their reason, St. Paul found it difficult to dissuade the Lycaonians from 
offering to him and Barnabas an idolatrous worship. There is no doubt 
that St. Paul was the speaker, and, before we proceed further in the 
narrative, we cannot help pausing to observe the essentially Pauline 
character which this speech manifests, even in so condensed a summary 
of its conients. It is full of undesigned coincidences in argument, and 
even in the expressions employed, with St. Paul’s language in other 
parts of the Acts, and in his own Epistles. Thus, as here he declares 
the object of his preaching to be that the idolatrous Lystrians should 


1 “ Ran out,” not “ran in,” is the reading 
sanetioned by the later critics on full manu- 
seript authority. See Tischendorf. 

2 The word used here does not mean the 
gate of the city, but the vestibule or gate 
which gave admission from the public street 
into the court of the house. So it is used, 
Matt. xxvi. 71, for the vestibule of the high 
priest’s palace; Luke xvi 20, for that of 
Dives; Acts x. 17, of the house where Peter 


lodged at Joppa; Acts xii. 13, of the house 
of Mary the mother of John Mark. It is 
nowhere used for the gate of a city except in 
the Apocalypse. Moreover, it seems obvious 
that if the priest had only brought the victims 
to sacrifice them at the city gates, it would 
have been no offering to Paul and Barnabas. 

8 “You” and “your” are the correct 
readings, not “us” and “ our.” 

* Acts xiv. 18. 


172 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. cuar. vi. 


“turn from these vain idols to the living God,” so he reminds the 
Thessalonians how they, at his preaching, had “turned from idols te 
serve the living and true God.” ! Again, as he tells the Lystrians that 
“God had, in the generations that were past, suffered the nations of the 
Gentiles to walk in their own ways,” so he tells the Romans that “‘ God 
in His forbearance had passed over the former sins of men, in the times 
that were gone by;”’* and so he tells the Athenians,’ that “the past 
times of ignorance God had overlooked.” Lastly, how striking is the 
similarity between the natural theology with which the present speech 
concludes, and that in the Epistle to the Romans, where, speaking of the 
Heathen, he says that atheists are without excuse; “ for that which can 
be known of God is manifested in their hearts, God himself haying shown 
it to them. For His eternal power and Godhead, though they be invisi- 
ble, yet are seen ever since the world was made, being understood by the 
works which He hath wrought.” 

The crowd reluctantly retired, and led the victims away without ~ 
offering them in sacrifice to the Apostles. It might be supposed that at 
least a command had been obtained over their gratitude and reverence, 
which would not easily be destroyed ; but we have to record here one of 
these sudden changes of feeling, which are humiliating proofs of the 
weakness of human nature and of the superficial character of religious 
excitement. The Lycaonians were proverbially fickle and faithless; but 
we may not too hastily decide that they were worse than many others 
might have been under the same circumstances. It would not be diffi- 
cult to find a parallel to their conduct among the modern converts from 
idolatry to Christianity. And certainly no later missionaries have had 
more assiduous enemies than the Jews whom the Apostles had every- 
where to oppose. Certain Jews from Iconium, and even from Antioch,‘ 
followed in the footsteps of Paul and Barnabas, and endeavored to 
excite the hostility of the Lystrians against them. When they heard of 
the miracle worked on the lame man, and found how great an effect it 
had produced on the people of Lystra, they would be ready with a new 
interpretation of this occurrence. They would say that it had been 
accomplished, not by Divine agency, but by some diabolical ic; ag 
once they had said at Jerusalem, that He who came “ to destroy the 
works of the Devil” cast out devils “‘ by Beelzebub the prince of the 
devils.”.> And this is probably the true explanation of that sudden 





1 1 Thess. i. 9. The coincidence is more in the Authorized Version entirely alters w 
striking in the Greek, because the very same meaning. 
verb is used in each passage, and is intransi- 5 Acts xvii. 30. 
tive in both. * Acts xiv. 19. 

3 Rom. iii. 25: the mistranslation of which 5 Matt. xii. 24. 


oa 


ST. PAUL STONED. 173 


4P, VI. 


change of feeling among the Lystrians, which at first sight is very 
surprising. Their own interpretation of what they had witnessed having 
been disavowed by the authors of the miracle themselves, they would 
readily adopt a new interpretation, suggested by those who appeared to 
be well acquainted with the strangers, and who had followed them from 
distant cities. Their feelings changed with a revulsion as violent as thas 
which afterwards took place among the “barbarous people” of Malta! 
who first thought St. Paul was a murderer, and then a God. The Jews, 
taking advantage of the credulity of a rude tribe, were able to accom- 
plish at Lystra the design they had meditated at Iconium.? St. Paul was 
stoned, — not hurried out of the city to execution like St. Stephen,’ the — 
memory of whose death must have come over St. Paul at this moment 
with impressive force, — but stoned somewhere in the streets of Lystra, 
and then dragged through the city-gate, and cast outside the walls, under 
the belief that he was dead. This is that occasion to which the Apostle 
afterwards alluded in the words, “ once I was stoned,‘ in that long 
catalogue of sufferings, to which we have already referred in this 
chapter.° Thus was he “ in perils by his own countrymen, in perils by 
the Heathen,’”’ — “in deaths oft,’ — “ always bearing about in the body 
the dying of the Lord Jesus, that the life also of Jesus might be 
made manifest in his body. . . . Alway delivered unto death for 
Jesus’ sake, that the life also of Jesus might be made manifest in his 
mortal flesh.” * 

On the present occasion these last words were literally realized, for by 
the power and goodness of God he rose from a state of apparent death as 
if by a sudden resurrection.’ Though “ persecuted,” he was not “ for- 
saken,” — though “ cast down,” he was “ not destroyed.” ‘As the disciples 


1 Acts xxviii, 4-6. 
® Acts xiv. 5. 


that Paul and his companions were ‘ aware of 
the danger and fied,’ a contradiction between 


® See the end of Ch. Il. At Jerusalem 
the law required that these executions should 
take place outside the city. It must be re- 
membered that stoning was a Jewish punish- 
ment, and that it was proposed by Jews at 
Iconium, and instigated and begun by Jews 
at Lystra. 

* See Paler’s remark on the expression 
“once I was stoned,” in reference to the pre- 
vious design of stoning St. Paul at Iconium. 
“Had the assault been completed, had the 
history related that a stone was thrown, as it 
relates that preparations were made both by 
Jews and Gentiles to stone Paul and his com- 
panions, or even had the account of this trans- 
action stopped, without going on te inform us 


the history and the epistles would have ensued. 
Truth is necessarily consistent; but it is 
scarcely possible that independent accounts, 
not having truth to guide them, should thus 
advance to the very brink of contradiction 
without falling into it.” — Hore Pauline, 
p- 69. 

5 See pp. 145, 146. 

§ Compare 2 Corinthians iv. 8-12 and xi. 
23-27. 

7 The natural inference from the narrative 
is, that the recovery was miraculous ; and it is 
evident that such a recovery must have pro 
duced a strong effect on the minds of the 
Christians who witnessed it. 






174 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. ouar. VI, 
stood about him, he rose up, and came into the city.” ! We see from this 
expression that his labors in Lystra had not been in vain. He had found 
some willing listeners to the truth, some “ disciples” who did not hesitate 
to show their attachment to their teacher by remaining near his body, 
which the rest of their fellow-citizens had wounded and cast out. These 
courageous disciples were left for the present in the midst of the enemies __ 
of the truth. Jesus Christ had said,’ ‘“‘ when they persecute you in one ~ 
city, flee to another ;” and the very ‘next day”’* Paul “ departed with 
Barnabas to Derbe.” 

But before we leave Lystra, we must say a few words on one spectator 
of St. Paul’s sufferings, who is not yet mentioned by St. Luke, but who 
was destined to be the constant companion of his after-years, the zealous 
follower of his doctrine, the faithful partner of his danger and distress. 
St. Paul came to Lystra again after the interval of one or two years, and— 
on that occasion we are told‘ that he found a certain Christian there, 
‘whose name was Timotheus, whose mother was a Jewess, while his 
father was a Greek,” and whose excellent character was highly esteemed 
by his fellow-Christians of Lystra and Iconium. It is distinctly stated 
that at the time of this second visit Timothy was already a Christian ; and 
since we know from St. Paul’s own expression, —“‘ my own son in the 
faith,” °— that he was converted by St. Paul himself, we must suppose 
this change to have taken place at the time of the first visit. And the 
reader will remember that St. Paul in the second Epistle to Timothy 
Gii. 10, 11) reminds him of his own intimate and personal knowledge of 
the sufferings he had endured, “at Antioch, at Iconium, at Lystra,” — 
the places (it will be observed) being mentioned in the exact order in 
which they were visited, and in which the successive persecutions took 
place. We have thus the strongest reasons for believing that Timothy 
was a witness of St. Paul’s injurious treatment, and this too at a time of 
life when the mind receives its deepest impressions from the spectacle of 
innocent suffering and undaunted courage. And it is far from impossible : 
that the generous and warm-hearted youth was standing in that group of 
disciples, who surrounded the apparently lifeless body of the Apostle at the 
utside of the walls of Lystra. 

We are called on to observe at this point, with a thankful acknowledg- | 


1 Acts xiv. 20. through the recollection of St. Paul’s suffer : 
2 Matt. x. 238. ings; but the common view is the most natu- | 
8 Acts xiv. 20. * Thid. xvi. 1. ral. See what is said 1 Cor. iv. 14,15: “ As . 


*1Tim i.2. Compare i.18 and 2 Tim. my beloved sons I warn you; for though ye 
ii. 1. It is indeed possible that these expres- have ten thousand instructors in Christ, yet 
sions might be used, if Timothy became a have ye not many fathers ; for in Christ Jesus 
Christian by his mother’s influence, and I have begotten you through the Gospel.” 


OwAe, WI, TIMOTHEUS. — DERBE. 175 


ment of God’s providence, that the flight from Iconium, and the cruel per- 
secution at Lystra, were events which involved the most important and 
beneficial consequences to universal Christianity. {t was bere, mm ithe 
midst of barbarous idolaters, that the Apostle of the Gentiles found an 
associate, who became to him and the Church far more than Barnabas. 
the companion of his first mission. As we have observed above,! there 
appears to have been at Lystra no synasogue, no community of Jews and 
proselytes, among whom such an associate might naturally have been ex- 
pected. Perhaps Timotheus and his relations may have been almost the 
only persons of Jewish origin in the town. And his “ grandmother 
Lois ” and *“* mother Kunice ”? may have been brought there originally by 
some accidental circumstance, as Lydia® was brought from Thyatira to 
Philippi. And, though there was no synagogue at Lystra, this family 
may have met with a few others in some proseucha, like that in which 
Lydia and her fellow-worshippers met “ by the river-side.””> Whatever 
we conjecture concerning the congregational life to which Timotheus may 
have been accustomed, we are accurately informed of the nature of that 
domestic life which nurtured him for his future labors. The good soil of 
his heart was well prepared before Paul came, by the instructions® of 
Lois and Eunice, to receive the seed of Christian truth, sown at the 
Apostle’s first visit, and to produce a rich harvest of faith and good works 
before the time of his second visit. 

Derbe, as we have seen, is somewhere not far from the “ Black Moun- 
tain,” which rises like an island in the south-eastern part of the plain of 
» Lycaonia. A few hours would suffice for the journey between Lystra and 
_its neighbor-city. We may, perhaps, infer from the fact that Derbe is 
not mentioned in the list of places which St. Paul? brings to the recollec- 
tien of Timothy as scenes of past suffering and distress, that in this town | 
the Apostles were exposed to no persecution. It may have been a quiet 
resting-place after a journey full of toil and danger. It does not appear 
_ that they were hindered in “evangelizing” the city: and the fruit of 
their labors was the conversion of “ many disciples.” * 

And now we have reached the limit of St. Paul’s first missionary 
journey. About this part of the Lycaonian plain, where it approaches, 
through gradual undulations,’ to the northern bases of Mount Taurus, he 


1 See p. 167. 7 2 Tim. iii. 11. 
29 Timi. 5 5 Acts xiv. 21. 
® Acts xvi. 14. ® So Leake describes the neighborhood of 


* See also the remarks on the Jews settled Karaman (Laranda), pp. 96, 97. Hamilton, 
in Asia Minor, Ch. I. p.16; and on the Hel- speaking of the same district, mentions “low 
lenistic and Aramean Jews, Ch. II. p. 35. ridges of cretaceous limestone, extending inte 

® Acts xvi. 18. § 2 Tim. i. 5. the plain from the mountains.” 11. 324. 


176 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES Of ST. PAUL. 


was not far from that well-known pass! which leads down from the 


central table-land to Cilicia and Tarsus. But his thoughts did not centre 
in an earthly home. He turned back upon his footsteps; and revisited 
the places, Lystra, Iconium, and Antioch,? where he himself had beer 
reviled and persecuted, but where he had left, as sheep in the desert, the 





disciples whom his Master had enabled him to gather. They needed — 


building up and strengthening in the faith,* comforting in the midst of 
their inevitable sufferings, and fencing round by permanent institutions. 
Therefore Paul and Barnabas revisited the scenes of their labors, un- 
daunted by the dangers which awaited them, and using words of 
encouragement, which none but the founders of a true religion would 
have ventured to address to their earliest converts, that “we can only 
enter the kingdom of God by passing through much tribulation.” But 
not only did they fortify their faith by passing words of encouragement ; 
they ordained elders in every church after the pattern of the first 
Christian communities in Palestine,‘ and with that solemn observance 
which had attended their own consecration,’ and which has been trans- 
mitted to later ages in connection with ordination, —“ with fasting and 
prayer,” — they “‘made choice of fit persons to serve in the sacred 
ministry of the Church.” ° 

Thus, having consigned their disciples to Him “in whom they had 
believed,” and who was “able to keep that which was intrusted to 
Him,”’* Paul and Barnabas descended through the Pisidian mountains to 
the plain of Pamphylia. If our conjecture is correct (see pp. 147, 148), 
that they went up from Perga in spring, and returned at the close of 
autumn,® and spent all the hotter months of the year in the elevated dis- 
tricts, they would again pass in a few days through a great change of 
seasons, and almost from winter to summer. The people of Pamphylia 
would have returned from their cold residences to the warm shelter of the 
plain by the seaside; and Perga would be full of its inhabitants. The 
Gospel was preached within the walls of this city, through which the 
Apostles had merely passed ® on their journey to the interior. But from 


1 The “Cilician Gates,” te which we shall § Ch. V. p. 123. 


return at the beginning of the second mission- 6 The First Collect for the Ember Weeks. 
ary journey (Acts xv. 41). See the Map. T Acts xiv. 23. Compare 2 Tim. i. 12. 

2 Mentioned (Acts xiv. 21) in the inverse 8 Wieseler thinks the events on this journey 
order from that in which they had been visited must have occupied more than one year. It 
before (xiii. 14, 51, xiv. 6). ia evident that the case does not admit of any 

5 Acts xiv. 22. thing more than conjecture. 


* The first mention of presbyters in the ® See above, p. 143, and notes. 
Christian, opposed to the Jewish sense, occurs 
Acts xi. 30, in reference to the church at Jsru-. 
salem. Seo Chapter XIII. 


GAP, Yi, PEBGA AND ATTALELA. LT? 


St. Luke’s silence it appears that the preaching was attended with ne 
marked results. We read neither of conversions nor persecutions. The 
Jews, if any Jews resided there, were less inquisitive and less tyrannical 
than those at Antioch and Iconium ; and the votaries of “ Diana before 
the city” at Perga (see p. 143) were less excitable than those who 
worshipped “‘ Jupiter before the city’ at Lystra.' When the time came 
for returning to Syria, they did not sail down the Cestrus, up the channel 
of which river they had come on their arrival from Cyprus,’ but travelled 
across the plain to Attaleia,? which was situated on the edge of the 
Pamphylian gulf. 

Attaleia had something of the same relation to Perga which Oadiz has 
to Seville. In each case the latter city is approached by a river-voyage, 
and the former is more conveniently placed on the open sea. Attalua 
Philadelphus, king of Pergamus, whose dominions extended from the 
north-western corner of Asia Minor to the Sea of Pamphylia, had built 
this city in a convenient position for commanding the trade of Syria or 
_ Egypt. When Alexander the Great passed this way, no such city was im 
existence: but since the days of the kings of Pergamus, who inherited a 
fragment of his vast empire, Attaleia has always existed and flourished, 
retaining the name of the monarch who built it.‘ Behind it is the plain 
through which the calcareous waters of the Catarrhactes flow, perpetually 
constructing and destroying and reconstructing their fantastic channels. 
In front of it, and along the shore on each side, are lony lines of cliffs,* 
over which the river finds its way in waterfalls to the sea, and which 
conceal the plain from those who look toward the land from the inner 
waters of the bay, and even encroach on the prospect of the mountains 
themselves. 

When this scene is before us, the mind reverts to another band of 
Christian warriors, who once sailed from the bay of Satalia to the Syrian 
Antioch. Certain passages, in which the movements of the Crusaders 
and Apostles may be compared with each other, are among the striking 
contrasts of history. Conrad and Louis, each with an army consisting 
at first of 70,000 men, marched through part of the same districts which 
were traversed by Paul and Barnabas alone and unprotected. The 
shattered remains of the French host had come down to Attaleia through 


1 Acta xiv. 13. 3 Pp. 148, 144. * Tts modern name is Satalia, 

8 A view may be seen in the work of Ad- § See Spratt and Forbes for a full account 
miral Beaufort, who describes the city as of the irregular deposits and variations of 
“beautifully situated round a small harbor, channel observable in this river. 
the streets appearing to rise behind each other * There are also ancient sea-cliffs at sume 
_ like the seats of a theatre ... with a double distance behind the prosent coazt-line. 
wall and a series of square towers on the level 


smmumit ef the hill.” 
. 12 


{78 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 





“the abrupt mountain-passes and the deep valleys” which are so well - 
described by the contemporary historian.' They came to fight the battle 
of the Cross with a great multitude, and with the armor of human 
power: their journey was encompassed with defeat and death; their 
arrival at Attaleia was disastrous and disgraceful; and they sailed to 
Antioch a broken and dispirited army. But the Crusaders of the first 
century, the Apostles of Christ, though they too passed “ through much 
tribulation,” advanced from victory to victory. Their return to the 
place “‘ whence they had been recommended to the grace of God for the 
work which they fulfilled,” ? was triumphant and joyful, for the weapons 
of their warfare were “not carnal.”* The Lord Himself was their 
tower and their shield. 





Coin of Antioch in Pisidia,* 


2 William of Tyre. Acts xiv. 26. ‘°*See 2 Cor. x. 4. ‘See note, p. 162. 


CHAPTER VIL 


Controversy in the Church. — Separation of Jews and Gentiles. — Difficulty in the Narrative. — 
Discontent at Jerusalem. — Intrigues of the Judaizers at Antioch. — Mission of Paul and 
Barnabas to Jerusalem.— Divine Revelation to St. Paul. — Titus. — Private Conferences. 
— Public Meeting. — Speech of St. Peter. — Narrative of Barnabas and Paul. — Speech of 
St. James. — The Decree. — Public Recognition of St. Paul’s Mission to the Heathen. — St. 
John. — Return to Antioch with Judas, Silas, and Mark. — Reading of the Letter. — Weak 
Conduct of St. Peter at Antioch. — He is rebuked by St. Paul. — Personal Appearance of 
the two Apostles. — Their Reconciliation. 


F, when we contrast the voyage of Paul and Barnabas across the bay 
of Attaleia with the voyage of those who sailed over the same 
waters in the same direction, eleven centuries later, our minds are power- 
fully drawn towards the pure age of early Christianity, when the power 
of faith made human weakness irresistibly strong ; — the same thoughts 
are not less forcibly presented to us, when we contrast the reception of 
the Crusaders at Antioch, with the reception of the Apostles in the 
same city. We are told by the chroniclers, that Raymond, “ Prince 
of Antioch,” waited with much expectation for the arrival of the 
French king; and that when he heard of his landing at Seleucia, he 
gathered together all the nobles and chief men of the people, and went 
out to meet him, and brought him into Antioch with much pomp and 
magnificence, showing him all reverence and homage, in the midst of a 
great assemblage of the clergy and people. All that St. Luke tells us 
of the reception of the Apostles after their victorious campaign, is, that 
they entered into the city and “ gathered together the Church, and told 
them how God had worked with them, and how He had opened a door 
of faith to the Gentiles.””! Thus the kingdom of God came at the first 
“without observation,’*— with the humble acknowledgment that all 
power is given from above,—and with a thankful recognition of our 
Father’s merciful love to all mankind. 

No age, however, of Christianity, not even the earliest, has been with- 
out its difficulties, controversies, and corruptions. The presence of Judas 
among the Apostles, and of Ananias and Sapphira among the first dis- 
ciples,’ were proofs of the power which moral evil possesses to combine 


1 Acta xiv. 27 2 Luke xvii. 20. 5 Acts vy. 
179 


7 ay « 
180 THE LIFE AND EPISTUES OF 8ST. PAUL. omar. 


itself with the holiest works. The misunderstanding of “the Grecians 
and Hebrews” in the days of Stephen,! the suspicion of the Apostles 
when Paul came from Damascus to Jerusalem, the secession of Mark at 
the beginning of the first missionary journey,’ were symptoms of the preju- 
dice, ignorance, and infirmity, in the midst of which the Gospel was to 
win its way in the hearts of men. And the arrival of the Apostles at 
Antioch at the close of their journey was presertly followed by a troubled 
controversy, which involved the most momentous consequences to all 
future ages of the Church; and led to that visit to Jerusalem which, 
next after his conversion, is perhaps the most impertant passage in St. 
Paul’s life. 

We have seen (Ch. I.) that great numbers of Juws had long been 
dispersed beyond the limits of their own land, and were at this time 
distributed over every part of the Roman Empire. ‘ Moses had of old 
time, in every city, them that preached him, being read in the syna- 
gogues every Sabbath day.”‘ In every considerable city, both of the 
East and West, were established some members of that mysterious peo- 
ple, — who had a written Law, which they read and re-read, in the midst 
of the contempt of those who surrounded them, week by week, and year 
by year,— who were bound everywhere by a secret link of affection to 
one City in the world, where alone their religious sacrifices could be 
offered, — whose whole life was utterly abhorrent from the temples and 
images which crowded the neighborhood of their Synagogues, and from 
the gay and licentious festivities of the Greek and Roman worship. 

In the same way it might be said that Plato and Aristotle, Zene 
and Hpicurus,’ “ had in every city those that preached them.” Side by 
side with the doctrines of Judaism, the speculations of Greek philoso 
phers were — not indeed read in connection with religious worship — but 
orally taught and publicly discussed in the schools. Hence the Jews, in 
their foreign settlements, were surrounded, not only by an idolatry which 
shocked all their deepest feelings, and by a shameless profligacy unfor- 
bidden by, and even associated with, that which the Gentiles called 
religion,— but also by a proud and contemptuous philosophy that 
alienated the more educated classes of society to as great a distance as 
the unthinking multitude. 

Thus a strong line of demarcation between the Jews and Gentiles ran 
through the whole Roman Empire. Though their dwellings were often 
contiguous, they were separated from each other by deep-rooted feelings 
of aversion and contempt. The “ middle wall of partition ’* was built 


1 P. 61. ® P. 145. 6 See Acts xvii. 18. 
5 P. 96. * Acts xy, 31. ¢ Eph. ii 14. 





amAP, YH. SEPARATION OF JUWS AND GENTILES. 183 


up by diligent hands on both sides. This mu‘ual alienation existed, not- 
withstanding the vast number of proselytes, who were attracted to the 
Jewish doctrine and worship, and who, as we have already observed 
(Ch. I.), were silently preparing the way for the ultimate union of the 
two races. The breach was even widened, in many cases, in consequence 
of this work of proselytism: for those who went over to the Jewish 
camp, or hesitated on the neutral ground, were looked on with some 
suspicion by the Jews themselves, and thoroughly hated and despised by 
the Gentiles. 

It must be remembered that the separation of which we speak was both 
religious and social. The Jews had a divine Law, which sanctioned the 
principle, and enforced the practice, of national isolation. They could 
not easily believe that this Law, with which all the glorious passages of 
their history were associated, was meant only to endure for a limited 
period: and we cannot but sympathize in the difficulty they felt in 
accepting the notion of a cordial union with the uncircumcised, even 
after idolatry was abandoned and morality observed. And again, the 
peculiar character of the religion which isolated the Jews was such as 
to place insuperable obstacles in the way of social union with other men. 
Their ceremonial observances precluded the possibility of their eating 
with the Gentiles. The nearest parallel we can find to this barrier be- 
tween the Jew and Gentile, is the institution of caste among the ancient 
populations of India, which presents itself to our politicians as a perplex- 
ing fact in the government of the presidencies, and to our missionaries 
as the great obstacle to the progress of Christianity in the Hast! A 
Hindoo cannot eat with a Parsee, or a Mohammedan, — and among the 
Hindoos themselves the meals of a Brahmin are polluted by the presence 
of a Pariah,— though they meet and have free intercourse in the ordinary 
transaction of business. So it was in the patriarchal age. It was “an 
abomination for the Egyptians to eat bread with the Hebrews.”? The 
same principle was divinely sanctioned for a time in the Mosaic In- 
stitutions. The Israelites, who lived among the Gentiles, met them 
freely in the places of public resort, buying and selling, conversing and 
disputing: but their families were separate: in the relations of domestic 
life, it was “ unlawful,” as St. Peter said to Cornelius, “fora man that 
was a Jew to keep company or come unto one of another nation.’’’ 
When St. Peter returned from the centurion at Cxsarea to his brother 
Christians at Jerusalem, their great charge against him was that he had 


1 See for instance the Memoir of the Rev. -erning the slaughtering of animals for food 
4. W. Foz (1850), pp. 128-125. A short and the sale of the meat, is given in Allen’s 
statement of the strict regulations of the mod- Modern Judaism, ch. xxii. 
sra Jews, in their present dispersed state, con- 2 Gen. xliii. $2. 3 Acts x. 28. 


182 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8ST. PAUL, cHar. vt 


“gone in to men uncircumcised, and had eaten with them:” and the - 
weak compliance of which he was guilty, after the true principle of social 
unity had been publicly recognized, and which called forth the stern 
rebuke of his brother-apostle, was that, after eating with the Gentiles, 
he “‘ withdrew and separated himself, fearing them which were of the 
ircumcision.””? 

How these two difficulties, which seem to forbid the formation of a 

nited Church on earth, were ever to be overcome, — how the Jews and 
Gentiles were to be religiously united, without the enforced obliga- 
tion of the whole Mosaic Law, —nhow they were to be socially united as 
equal brethren in the family of a common Father, — the solution of this — 
problem must in that day have appeared impossible. And without the 
direct intervention of Divine grace it would have been impossible. We — 
now proceed to consider how that grace gave to the minds of the Apostles 
the wisdom, discretion, forbearance, and firmness which were required ; 
and how St. Paul was used as the great instrument in accomplishing a 
work necessary to the very existence of the Christian Church. 

We encounter here a difficulty, well known to all who have examined 
this subject, in combining into one continuous narrative the statements 
in the Epistle to the Galatians and in the Acts of the Apostles. In the 
atter book we are informed of five distinct journeys made by the Apostle 

Jerusalem after the time of his conversion;— first, when he escaped 

om Damascus, and spent a fortnight with Peter ;* secondly, when he 
ook the collection from Antioch with Barnabas in the time of the famine ;* 
thirdly, on the occasion of the Council, which is now before us in the 
fifteenth chapter of the Acts; fourthly, in the interval between his sec- 
ond and third missionary journeys ;° and, fifthly, when the uproar was 
made in the Temple, and he was taken into the custody of the Roman 
garrison. In the Epistle to the Galatians, St. Paul speaks of two jour 
neys to Jerusalem, — the first being ‘three years” after his conversion,’ 
the second “fourteen years” later,® when his own Apostleship was 
asserted and recognized in a public meeting of the other Apostles.® 
Now, while we have no difficulty in stating, as we have done (p. 95), 
that the first journey of one account is the first journey of the other, 
theologians have been variously divided in opinion, as to whether the sec- 
ond journey of the Epistle must be identified with the second, third, or 


1 Acts xi. 8. § Acts xviii. 22. conversion. This question, as well as that 
2 Gal. ii. 12. ® Acts xxi. &. of the reading “‘ four,” is discussed in Appen- 
+ P. 9b. 7 Gal. i. 18. dix I. See also the Chronological Table in 
sign Ulf Appendix IIL 


8 We take the “‘ fourteen” (Gal. ii. 1) to * Gal. ii. 1-10. 
refer to the preceding journey. and not to the 





CHAP WI. DIFFICULTY IN THE NARRATIVE. 188 


fourth of the Acts; or whether it is a separate journey, distinct from any 
of them. It is agreed by all that the fifth cannot possibly be intended.’ 
The view we have adopted, that the second journey of the Hpistle is the 
third of the Acts, is that of the majority of the best critics and commen- 
tators. For the arguments by which it is justified, and for a full discus- 
sion of the whole subject, we must refer the reader to Appendix I 
Some of the arguments will be indirectly presented in the following nar 
rative. So far as the circumstances combined together in the present 
chapter appear natural, consecutive and coherent, so far some reason will 
be given for believing that we are not following an arbitrary assumption 
or a fanciful theory. 

It is desirable to recur at the outset to the first instance of a Gentile’s 
conversion to Christianity. After the preceding remarks, we are prepared 
to recognize the full significance of the emblematical*® vision which St. 
Peter saw at Joppa. The trance into which he fell at the moment of his 
hunger,—the vast sheet descending from heaven,—the promiscuous 
assemblage of clean and unclean animals,‘— the voice from heaven 
which said, “ Arise, Peter, kill and eat,” — the whole of this imagery is 
invested with the deepest meaning, when we recollect all the details of, 
religious and social life, which separated, up to that moment, the Gentile 
from the Jew. The words heard by St. Peter in his trance came like a 
shock on all the prejudices of his Jewish education. He had never so 
broken the Law of his forefathers as to eat any thing it condemned as 
unclean. And though the same voice spoke to him “a second time,’’§ 
and “answered him from heaven,” ?— ‘ What God has made clean that 
call not thou common,’ — it required a wonderful combination of natu- 
ral* and supernatural evidence to convince him that God is “ no respecter 
of persons,” but “in every nation” accepts «1m that “ feareth Him and 


1 Some writers, e.g. Paley and Schrader, 
have contended that an entirely different jour- 
ney, not mentioned in the Acts, is alluded to. 
This also is discussed in Appendix I. 

2 Acts x., xi. 

8 The last emblematical visions (properly 
so called) were those seen by the prophet 
Zachariah. 

* See Levit. xi. 

5 The feeling of the Jews in all ages is 
well illustrated by the following extract from a 
modern Jewish work: “If we disregard this 
precept, and say, ‘ What difference can it make 
to God if I eat the meat of an ox or swine?’ 
we offend against His will, we pollute our- 
selves by what goes into the mouth, and can 


consequently lay no longer a claim to holiness ; 
for the term ‘holiness,’ applied to mortals, 
Means only a framing of our desires by the 
will of God. . .. Have we not enough 
to eat without touching forbidden things ? 
Let me beseech my dear fellow-believers not to 
deceive themselves by saying, ‘there is no sin 
in eating of aught that lives;’ on the con- 
trary, there is sin and contamination too.” —~ 
Leeser’s Jews and the Mosaic Law; ch. on 
“« The forbidden Meats.” Philadelphia, 5594. 

8 Acts x. 15. 7 Acts xi. 9. 

8 The coincidence of outward events and 
inward admonitions was very similar to the cir- 
cumstances connected with St. Paul’s baptism 
by Ananias at Damascus. See above, p. 87. 


ee 


184 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8T. PAUL omar. 


worketh righteousness,”'— that all such distinctions as depend on 
“meat and drink,” on “ holydays, new moons, and sabbaths,” were to 
pass away, — that these things were only “a shadow of things to come,” 
—that “the body is of Christ,””— and that “‘in Him we are complete 
. . . circumcised with a circumcision not made with hands . . . buried 
with Him in baptism,” and risen with Him through faith? 

The Christians “ of the circumcision,’’* who travelled with Peter from 
Joppa to Caesarea, were “ astonished” when they saw “the gift of the 
Holy Ghost poured out” on uncircumcised Gentiles: and much dissatis- 
faction was created in the Church, when intelligence of the whole trans- 
action came to Jerusalem. On Peter’s arrival, his having “ gone in to 
men uncircumcised, and eaten with them,” was arraigned as a serious 
violation of religious duty. When St. Peter “rehearsed the matter from 
the beginning, and expounded it by order,” appealing to the evidence 
ef the “six brethren” who had accompanied him,—his accusers were 
silent; and so much conviction was produced at the time, that they 
expressed their gratitude to God, for His mercy in “ granting to the 
Gentiles repentance unto life.”‘ But subsequent events too surely 
proved that the discontent at Jerusalem was only partially allayed. 
Hesitation and perplexity began to arise in the minds of the Jewish 
Christians, with scrupulous misgivings concerning the rectitude of St. 
Peter’s conduct, and an uncomfortable jealousy of the new converts. 
And nothing could be more natural than all this jealousy and perplexity. 
To us, with our present knowledge, it seems that the slightest relaxation 
ef a ceremonial law should have been willingly and eagerly welcomed. 
But the view from the Jewish standing-point was very different. The 
religious difficulty in the mind of a Jew was greater than we can easily 
imagine. We can well believe that the minds of many may have been 
perplexed by the words and the conduct of our Lord Himself: for He 
had not been sent “save to the lost sheep of the house of Israel,” and 
He had said that it was “ not meet to take the children’s bread and cast 
it to dogs.”* Until St. Paul appeared before the Church in his true 
character as the Apostle of the uncircumcision, few understood that 
“the law of the commandments contained in ordinances” had been 
abolished by the cross of Christ;* and that the “other sheep,” not of 
the Jewish fold, should be freely united to the “one flock” by the 
“One Shepherd.”’' 

The smouldering feeling of discontent, which had existed from the first, 
increased and became more evident as new Gentile converts were admitted 


1 Acts x. 34, $5. £ See Col. ii. 8-23. ® Matt. xv. 24, 26. 
* Acts x. 45 with xi. 12. - © Eph. if. 15. 
* Act xi. 1-18. 7 Not literally “one fold.” John x. (4. 





omar, VIL DISCONTENT AT JERUSALEM. 185 


into the Church. To pass over all the other events of the interval which 
had elapsed since the baptism of Cornelius, the results of the recent 
journey of Paul and Barnabas through the cities of Asia Mipor must 
have excited a great commotion 4mong the Jewish Christians. “A door 
of faith” had been opened “ unto the Gentiles.”! “He that wrought 
effectually in Peter to the Apostleship of the circumcision, the same had 
been mighty in Paul toward the Gentiles.”? And we cannot well doubt 
that both he and Barnabas had freely joined in social intercourse with 
the Gentile Christians, at Antioch in Pisidia, at Iconium, Lystra, and 
Derbe, as Peter “at the first”* “a good while ago”‘ had eaten with 
Cornelius at Cawsarea. At Antioch in Syria, it seems evident that both 
parties lived together in amicable intercourse and in much “ freedom.’ 
Nor, indeed, is this the city where we should have expected the Jewish 
controversy to have come to a crisis: for it was from Antioch that Paul 
and Barnabas had first been sent as missionaries to the Heathen: * and it 
was at Antioch that Greek proselytes had first accepted the truth,’ 
and that the united body of believers had first been called “ Chris- 
tians.” ° 

Jerusalem was the metropolis of the Jewish world. The exclusive 
feelings which the Jews carried with them wherever they were diffused 
were concentrated in Jerusalem in their most intense degree. It was there 
in the sight of the Temple, and with all the recollections of their ancestors 
surrounding their daily life, that the impatience of the Jewish Christians 
kindled into burning indignation. They saw that Christianity, instead of 
being the purest and holiest form of Judaism, was rapidly becoming a 
universal and indiscriminating religion, in which the Jewish element 
would be absorbed and lost. This revolution could not appear to them 
in any other light than as a rebellion against all they had been taught to 
hold inviolably sacred. And since there was no doubt that the great 
instigator of this change of opinion was that Saul of Tarsus whom they 
had once known as a young Pharisee at the “ feet of Gamaliel,” the con- 
test took the form of an attack made by “certain of the sect of the 
Pharisees” upon St. Paul. The battle which had been fought and lost 
in the “ Cilician synagogue” was now to be renewed within the Church 
itself. 

Some of the “ false brethren” (for such is the name which St. Paal 
gives to the Judaizers)*® went down “from Judza” to Antioch.” The 
course they adopted, in the first instance, was not that of open antagonism 
to St. Paul, but rather of clandestine intrigue. They came as “ spies” 


) Arte xiv.27. * Actsxv 14. © See GaliL a T Acts xi. 19-3. ° Gal i 4. 
> Gel. ii. 8. * Actsxvy 7. ° Acts xik 1, &. ® Acts xi % % Acts xv } 


186 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 





into an enemy’s camp, creeping in “‘ unawares,”’! that they mighi ascertain 
how far the Jewish Law had been relaxed by the Christians at Antioch; 
their purpose being to bring the whole Church, if possible, under the 
“bondage” of the Mosaic yoke. It appears that they remained some 
considerable time at Antioch,’ gradually insinuating, or openly inculcat- 
ing, their opinion that the observance of the Jewish Law was necessary to 
salvation. It is very important to observe the exact form which their 
teaching assumed. They did not merely recommend or enjoin, for 
prudential reasons, the continuance of certain ceremonies in themselves 
indifferent : but they said, “ Except ye be circumcised after the manner 
of Moses, ye cannot be saved.”” Such a doctrine must have been instantly 
opposed by St. Paul with his utmost energy. He was always ready to go 
to the extreme verge of charitable concession, when the question was one 
of peace and mutual understanding: but when the very foundations of 
Christianity were in danger of being undermined, when the very con- 
tinuance of “the truth of the Gospel” * was in jeopardy, it was impossible 
that he should “ give place by subjection,” even ‘‘ for an hour.” 

The “ dissension and disputation,’* which arose between Paul and 
Barnabas and the false brethren from Judea, resulted in a general anxiety 
and perplexity among the Syrian Christians. The minds of “ those who — 
from among the Gentiles were turned unto God” were “ troubled” and 
unsettled. Those “words” which ‘“ perverted the Gospel of Christ” 
tended also to“ subvert the souls” of those who heard them. It was 
determined, therefore, ‘“‘ that Paul and Barnabas, with certain others, | 
should go up to Jerusalem unto the Apostles and elders about this ques- — 
tion.”” It was well known that those who were disturbing the peace of — 
the Church had their headquarters in Judwa. Such a theological party — 
could only be successfully met in the stronghold of Jewish nationality. | 
Moreover, the residence of the principal Apostles was at Jerusalem, and — 
the community over which “ James” presided was still regarded as the : 
Mother Church of Christendom. | 

In addition to this mission with which St. Paul was intrusted by the 
Church at Antioch, he received an intimation of the Divine Will, com- | 
municated by direct revelation. Such a revelation at so momentous a 
crisis must appear perfectly natural to all who believe that Christianity — 
was introduced into the world by the immediate power of God. If “a 
man of Macedonia” appeared to Paul in the visions of the night, when ~ 
he was about to carry the Gospel from Asia into Europe :" if “ the angel — 


1 Gal. ii. 4. * Acts xv. 2. 
2 This may be inferred from the imperfect 5 Acts xv. 19. 
in the Greek. Compare xiv. 28. 6 Gal. i. 7. Acts xv. 24. 


3 Gal. ii. 5. 7 Acts xvi. 9 


CHAP. YI. DIVINE REVELATION TO ST. PAUL. 187 


of God” stood by him in the night, when the ship that was conveying 
him to Rome was in danger of sinking ;' we cannot wonder when he tells 
us that, on this occasion, when he “ went up to Jerusalem with Barna- 
bas,” he went “ by revelation.” ? And we need not be surprised, if we 
find that St. Paul’s path was determined by two different causes; that he 
went to Jerusalem partly because the Church deputed him, and partly 
because he was divinely admonished. Such a combination and co-opera- 
tion of the natural and the supernatural we have observed above,’ in the 
ease of that vision which induced St. Peter to go from Joppa to Cesarea. 
Nor in adopting this view of St. Paul’s journey from Antioch to 
Jerusalem, need we feel any great difficulty —from this circumstance, 
that the two motives which conspired to direct him are separately mea- 
tioned in different parts of Scripture. It is true that we are told in the 
Acts‘ simply that it was “ determined” at Antioch that Paul should go 
to Jerusalem; and that in Galatians® we are informed by himself that 
he went “ by revelation.” But we have an exact parallel in an earlier 
journey, already related,* from Jerusalem to Tarsus. In St. Luke’s 
narrative’ it is stated that “the brethren,” knowing the conspiracy 
against his life, “ brought him down to Cesarea and sent him forth ;” 
while in the speech of St. Paul himself? we are told that in a trance he 
saw Jesus Christ, and received from Him a command to depart * quickly 
out of Jerusalem.” 

Similarly directed from without and from within, he travelled to 
Jerusalem on the occasion before us. It would seem that his companions 
were carefully chosen with reference to the question in dispute. On the 
one hand was Barnabas,’ a Jew and “a Levite” by birth,” a good repre- 
sentative of the church of the circumcision. On the other hand was 
Titus now first mentioned” in the course of our narrative, a convert 
from Heathenism, an uncircumcised “ Greek.” From the expression 
used of the departure of this company it seems evident that the majority 
of the Christians.at Antioch were still faithful to the truth of the Gospel. 
Had the Judaizers triumphed, it would hardly have been said that Paul 
and his fellow-travellers were “ brought on their way by the Church.” * 


1 Thid. xxvii. 28. 
2 Gal. ii. 2. Schrader (who does not, how- 
ever, identify this journey with that in Acts 


8 Acts xxii. 17, 18. 
® Acts xy. 2. 
10 Acts iv. 36. 1 Gal. ii. 1-5. 


xy.) translates thus — “to make a revelation,” 
which is a meaning the words can scarcely 
bear. 

® Pp. 183, 184. 

* Acts xv. 2. 

5 Gal. ii. 2. 


‘Ch. III. p.97. 7 Acts ix. 30. 


12 Titus is not mentioned at all in the Acts 
of the Apostles, and besides the present Epistle 
and that to Titus himself, he is only mentioned 
in 2 Cor. and 2 Tim. In a later part of this 
work he will be noticed more particularly as 
St. Paul’s “fellow-laborer ” (2 Cor. viii. 23). 

18 Acts xv.3. So the phrase in xv. 40 may 


188 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL omar, va 
Their course was along the great Roman Road, which followed the 
Pheenician coast-line, and traces of which are still seen on the cliffs over 
hanging the sea:! and thence through the midland districts of Samaria 
and Judwa. When last we had occasion to mention Phenice, we were 
alluding to those who were dispersed on the death of Stephen, and 
preached the Gospel “to Jews only” on this part of the Syrian coast. 
Now, it seems evident that many of the heathen Syro-Pheenicians had 
been converted to Christianity: for, as Paul and Barnabas passed through, 
“ declaring the conversion of the Gentiles, they caused great joy unto all 
the brethren.” As regards the Samaritans,’ we cannot be surprised that 
they who, when Philip first “‘ preached Christ unto them,” had received 
the Glad Tidings with “ great joy,” should be ready to express their 
sympathy in the happiness of those who, like themselves, had recently 
been “ aliens from the commonwealth of Israel.” 

Fifteen years‘ had now elapsed since that memorable journey, when 
St. Paul left Jerusalem, with all the zeal of a Pharisee, to persecute and 
destroy the Christians in Damascus.’ He had twice entered, as a Chris- 
tian, the Holy City again. Both visits had been short and hurried, and 
surrounded with danger. The first was three years after his conversion, 
when he spent a fortnight with Peter, and escaped assassination by a pre 
cipitate flight to Tarsus. The second was in the year 44, when Peter 
himself was in imminent danger, and when the messengers who brought 
the charitable contribution from Antioch were probably compelled to 


be reasonably adduced as a proof that the 
feeling of the majority was with Paul rather 
than Barnabas. 

1 Dr. Robinson passed two Roman mile- 
stones between Tyre and Sidon (iii. 415), and 
observed traces of a Roman road between Sidon 
snd Beyrout. See also Fisher’s Syria (i. 40) 
for a notice of the Via Antonina between 
Beyrout and Tripoli. 

2P. 109. Acts xi. 19, 20. It may be 
interesting here to allude to the journey of 2 
Jew in the Middle Ages from Antioch to 
Jerusalem. It is probable that the stations, 
the road, and the rate of travelling, were the 
same, and the distribution of the Jews not 
very different. We find the following passage 
in the Itinerary of Benjamin of Tudela, who 
travelled in 1163. “Two days bring us from 
Antioch to Lega, which is Latachia, and con- 
tains about 200 Jews, the principal of whom 
are R. Chiia and R. Joseph... .. One day's 
joerney to Gebal of the children of Ammon ; 
it contains about 150 Jews... . Two days 


hence is Beyrut. The principal of its 50 
Jewish inhabitants are R. Solomon, R. Obs- 
diah, and R. Joseph. It is hence one day’s 
journey to Saids, which is Sidon of Scripture 
[Acts xxvii. 3], a large city, with about 20 
Jewish families. ... One day’s journey to 
New Sur [Tyre, Acts xxi. 3], a very beautiful 
city. ... The Jews of Sur are shipowners 
and manufacturers of the celebrated Tyrian 
glass. . . . It is one day hence to Acre [Ptole- 
mais, Acts xxi. 7]. It is the frontier town 
of Palestine; and, in consequence of its situa- 
tion on the shore of the Mediterranean, and 
of its large port, it is the principal place of 
disembarkation of all pilgrims who visit Jern- 
salem by sea.” — Karly Travels to Palestine, 
pp- 78-81. 

3 See p. 74. ; 

* Gal. ii. 1, where we ought probably 
reckon inclusively. See Appendix I. 

§ Bee Ch. I. 

© P. 94. Compare p. 122. 





iat, VEL JOURNEY TO JERUSALEM. 4188 


eeturn immediately.’ Now St. Paul came, at a more peaceful period of 
the Church’s history, to be received as the successfu: champion of the 
Gospel, and as the leader of the greatest revolution which the world has 
seen. It was now undeniable that Christianity had spread to a wide 
extent in the Gentile world, and that he had been the great instrument 
in advancing its progress. He came to defend his own principles and 
practice against an increasing torrent of opposition, which had disturbed 
him in his distant ministrations at Antioch, but the fountain-head of 
which was among the Pharisees at Jerusalem. 

The Pharisees had been the companions of St. Paul’s younger days. 
Death had made many changes in the course of fifteen years; but some 
must have been there who had studied with him “at the feet of 
Gamaliel.”” Their opposition was doubtless imbittered by remembering 
what he had been before his conversion. Nor do we allude here to those 
Pharisees who opposed Christianity. These were not the enemies whom 
St. Paul came to resist. The time was past when the Jews, unassisted 
by the Roman power, could exercise a cruel tyranny over the Church. 
[ts safety was no longer dependent on the wisdom or caution of Gamaliel. 
The great debates at Jerusalem are no longer between Jews and Chris 
tians in the Hellenistic synagogues, but between the Judaizing an 
spiritual parties of the Christians themselves. Many of the Pharisees, 
after the example of St. Paul, had believed that Jesus was Christ.2 But 
they had not followed the example of their school-companion in the 
surrender of Jewish bigotry. The battle, therefore, which had once been 
fought without, was now to be renewed within, the Church. It seems 
that, at the very first reception of Paul and Barnabas at Jerusalem, some 
of these Pharisaic Christians “ rose up,” and insisted that the observance 
of Judaism was necessary to salvation. They said that it was absolutely 
* needful to circumcise” the new converts, and to “command them to 
keep the Law of Moses.” The whole course of St. Paul’s procedure 
among the Gentiles was here openly attacked. Barnabas was involved 
in the same suspicion and reproach; and with regard to Titus, who was 
with them as the representative of the Gentile Church, it was asserted 
that, without circumcision, he could not hope to be partaker of the bless- 
ings of the Gospel. 

Bat far more was involved than any mere opposition, however factious, 
to individual missionaries, or than the severity of any conditions imposed 
on individual converts. The question of liberty or bondage for all future 
ages was to be decided; and a convention of the whole Church at Jeru- 
salem was evidently called for. In the mean time, before “ the Apostles 


1 P.117. Compare p. 182. ® Acts xv. 6. 


190 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8ST. PAUL. CHAP. Vi. 
and elders came together to consider of this matter,”! St. Paul had 
private conferences with the more influential members of the Christian 
community,’ and especially with James, Peter, and John,’ the Great 
Apostles and “ Pillars” of the Church. Extreme caution and manage- 
ment were required, in eonsequence of the intrigues of the “ false — 
brethren,” both in Jerusalem and Antioch. He was, moreover, himself 
the great object of suspicion; and it was his duty to use every effort to 
remove the growing prejudice. Thus, though conscious of his own in- 
spiration, and tenaciously holding the truth which he knew to be 
essential, he yet acted with that prudence which was characteristic of hig 
whole life,‘ and which he honestly avows in the Epistle to the Galatians. 

If we may compare our own feeble imitations of Apostolic zeal and 
prudence with the proceedings of the first founders of the Church of 
Christ, we may say that these preliminary conferences were like the pri 
vate meetings which prepare the way for a great religious assembly in Eng- 
land. Paul and Barnabas had been deputed from Antioch; Titus war 
with them as a sample of Gentile conversions, and a living proof of 
their reality ; and the great end in view was to produce full conviction in 
the Church at large. At length the great meeting was summoned,’ which 
was to settle the principles of missionary action among the Gentiles. It 
was a scene of earnest debate, and perhaps, in its earlier portion, of angry 
“ disputing : ” ® but the passages which the Holy Spirit has caused to be 
recorded for our instruction are those which relate to the Apostles them- 
selves, — the address of St. Peter, the narrative of Barnabas and Paul, 
and the concluding speech of St. James. These three passages must be 
separately considered in the order of Scripture. 

St. Peter was the first of the Apostles who rose to address the 
assembly.7?' He gave his decision against the Judaizers, and in favor of 
St. Paul. He reminded his hearers of the part which he himself had 
taken in admitting the Gentiles into the Christian Church. They were 
well aware, he said, that these recent converts in Syria and Cilicia were 


1 Acts xv. 6. ‘however, in this verse, is disputed. See note 
2 Gal. ii. 2. below, on the superscription of the decree, p. 
3 Gal. ii. 9. 197.] Hence we must suppose, either that 


* See, for instance, the sixth and seventeenth 
verses of Acts xxiii. 

& This meeting is described (Acts xv. 6) as 
consisting of the “ Apostles and Elders;” but 
the decision afterwards given is said to be the 
decision of “ the Apostles and Elders with the 
whole Church” (ver. 22), and the decree was 
sent in the names of ‘the Apostles, and Eld- 
ers, and Brethren ” (ver. 23). |The reading, 


the decision was made by the synod of the 
Apostles and Elders, and afterwards ratified 
by another larger meeting of the whole 
Church, or that there was only one meeting, 
in which the whole Church took part, although 
only the “ Apostles and Elders” are men- 
tioned. 

5 Acts xv. 7. 

7 Acts xv. 7-11. 





oar, va. PUBLIC MEETING. 195 


not the first Heathens who had believed the Gospel, and that he himself 
had been chosen by God to begin the work which St. Paul had only been 
continuing. The communication of the Holy Ghost was the true test of 
God’s acceptance: and God had shown that He was no respecter of per 
sons, by shedding abroad the same miraculous gifts on Jew and Geutile 
and purifying by faith the hearts of both alike. And then St. Petei 
went on to speak, in touching language, of the yoke of the Jewish Law. 
Its weight had pressed heavily on many generations of Jews, and was 
well known to the Pharisees who were listening at that moment. They 
had been relieved from legal bondage by the salvation offered through 
faith ; and it would be tempting God, to impose on others a burden which 
neither they nor their fathers had ever been able to bear. 

The next speakers were Paul and Barnabas. There was great silence 
through all the multitude, and every eye was turned on the missionaries, 
while they gave the narrative of their journeys. Though Barnabas is 
mentioned here before Paul,’ it is most likely that the latter was “ the 
chief speaker. But both of them appear to have addressed the audience.* 
They had much to relate of what they had done and seen together: and 
especially they made appeal to the miracles which God had worked among 
the Gentiles by them. Such an appeal must have been a persuasive argu 
ment to the Jew, who was familiar, in his ancient Scriptures, with many 
Divine interruptions of the course of nature. These interferences had 
signalized all the great passages of Jewish history. Jesus Christ had 
proved His Divine mission in the same manner. And the events at 
Paphos,‘ at Iconium,° and Lystra,‘ could not well be regarded in ary 
other light than as a proof that the same Power had been with Paul and 
Barnabas, which accompanied the words of Peter and John in Jerusalem 
and Judea.’ 

But the opinion of another speaker still remained to be given. This 
was James, the brother of the Lord,’ who, from the austere sanctity of his 
character, was commonly called, both by Jews and Christians, “‘ James 
the Just.” No judgment could have such weight with the Judaizing party 
as his. Not only in the vehement language in which he denounced the 


1 Acts xy. 12. The imperfect, which is 
here used, implies attention to a continued 
narrative. E 

2 This order of the names in the narrative, 
xy. 12, and in the letter below, ver. 25 (not in 


* Acts xiii. 11. 

® Acts xiv. 3. 

§ Acts xiv. 8. 

7 Acts ii., v., ix. 

5 See Acts xy. 18-22. It is well known 


ver. 22), is a remarkable exception to the 
phrase “ Paul and Barnabas,” which has been 
usual since Acts xiii. See below, p. 197, 
n. 4. 

5 See ver. 18, “after they were silent.” 


that there is much perplexity connected with 
those apostles who bore the name of James. 
We are not required here to enter into the 
investigation, and are content to adopt the 
opinion which is most probable. 






192 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL omar. va, 
sins of the age, but even in garb and appearance, he resembled John the 
Baptist, or one of the older prophets, rather than the other Apostles of 
the new dispensation. ‘ Like the ancient saints, even in outward aspect, 
with the austere features, the linen ephod, the bare feet, the long locke 
and unshorn head of the Nazarite,” '— such, according to tradition, was 
the man who now came forward, and solemnly pronounced that Mosaic 
rites were not of eternal obligation. After alluding to the argument of 
Peter (whose name we find him characteristically quoting in its Jewish 


form),? he turns to the ancient prophets, and adduces a passage from — 


Amos? to prove that Christianity is the fulfilment of Judaism. And then 
he passes to the historical aspect of the subject, contending that this ful- 
filment was predetermined by God Himself, and that the Jewish dispen- 
sation was in truth the preparation for the Christian.* Such a decision, 
pronounced by one who stood emphatically on the confines of the two 


dispensations, came with great force on all who heard it, and carried with — 


it the general opinion of the assembly to the conclusion that those ‘“‘ whe 
from among the Gentiles had turned unto God ” should not be “ trou- 
bled” with any Jewish obligations, except such as were necessary for 
peace and the mutual good understanding of the two parties. 

The spirit of charity and mutual forbearance is very evident in the 
decree which was finally enacted. Its spirit was that expressed by St. 
Paul in his Epistles to the Romans and Corinthians. He knew, and was 
persuaded by the Lord Jesus, that nothing is unclean of itself: but to 
him that esteemeth any thing to be unclean, to him it is unclean. He 
knew that an idol is nothing in the world, and that there is none other God 
but one. But all men have not this knowledge: some could not eat that 
which had been offered in sacrifice to an idol without defiling their con- 
acience. It is good to abstain from every thing whereby a weaker brother 
may be led to stumble. To sin thus against our brethren is to sin against 
Christ. In accordance with these principles it was enacted that the Gen 
tile converts should be required to abstain from that which had been 
polluted by being offered in sacrifice to idols, from the flesh of animals 
which had been strangled, and generally from the eating of blood. The 
reason for these conditions is stated in the verse to which particular 


1 Stanley’s Sermons and Essays, &., p.  ecy to the future destiny of the Jews; but we 
295. We must refer here to the whole of the must observe, that the Apostles themselves ap 
Sermon on the Epistle of St. James, and of the ply such prophecies as this to the Christian 
Eseay on the Traditions ef James the Just, espe- Dispensation. See Acts ii. 17. 


cially pp. 292, $02, 327. 4 “Known from the beginning,” &., 18 
2 Acts xy.14. So St. Peter names himself Compare Acts xvii. 26; Rom. i 2; Eph i 16, 
at the beginning of his Second Epistle. fii. 9, 10; Col. i. 26. 


® Amos ix. 11,12. We are not required to 5 Rom. xiv; 1 Cor. vidi 
xecpress any opinion on the application of proph- 


quar. ra. THE DECREE. 183 


allusion hss been made at the beginning of the present chapter.’ The 
Law of Moses was read every Sabbath in all the cities where the Jews 
were dispersed? A due consideration for the prejudices of the Jews made 
it reasonable for the Gentile converts to comply with some of the restrie- 
tions which the Mosaic Law and ancient custom had imposed on every 
Jewish meal. In no other way could social intercourse be built up and 
cemented between the two parties. If some forbearance were requisite: 
on the part of the Gentiles in complying with such conditions, not less 
forbearance was required from the Jews in exacting no more. And to 
the Gentiles themselves the restrictions were a merciful condition: for it 
helped them to disentangle themselves more easily from the pollutions 
connected with their idolatrous life. We are not merely concerned here 
with the question of social separation, the food which was a delicacy* to 
the Gentile being abominated by the Jew, —nor with the difficulties of 
weak and scrupulous consciences, who might fear too close a contaet 
between “the table of the Lord ” and “ the table of Demons,” ‘— but 
this controversy had an intimate connection with the principles of univer. 
sal morality. .The most shameless violations of purity took place in con- 
nection with the sacrifices and feasts celebrated in honor of Heathen 
divinities.* Every thing, therefore, which tended to keep the Gentile 
converts even from accidental or apparent association with these scenes 
of vice, made their own recovery from pollution more easy, and enabled 
the Jewish converts to look on their new Christian brethren with less 
suspicion and antipathy. This seems to be the reason why we find an 
acknowledged sin mentioned in the decree along with ceremonial observ- 
ances which were meant to be only temporary‘ and perhaps local.’ We 


1 Above, p. 180. There is some difference 
of opinion as to the connection of this verse 
_ with the context. Some consider it to imply 
that, while it was necessary to urge these con- 
ditions on the Gentiles, it was needless to say 
any thing to the Jews on the subject, since they 
had the Law of Moses, and knew its require- 
ments. Dean Milman infers that the regula- 
tions were made because the Christians in gene- 
ral met in the same places of religious worship 
with the Jews. “‘ These provisions were neces- 
sary, because the Mosaic Law was universally 
read, and from immemorial usage, in the 
synagogue. The direct violation of its most 
vital principles by any of those who joined in 
the common worship would be incongruous, 
and of course highly offensive to the more 
sealous Mosaists.” — Hist. ef Christianity, vel. 


13 


3 Acts xv. 21. 

5 We learn from Athensus that the mead 
from “things strangled” was regarded as a 
delicacy among the Greeks. 

#1 Cor’x: St. 

5 See Tholuck in his Nature and Moral In 
Sluence of Heathenism, part iii. 

§ We cannot, however, be surprised that one 
great branch of the Christian Church takes a 
different view. The doctrine of the Greek 
Church, both Ancient and Modern, is in har 
mony with the letter, as well as the spirit, of 
the Apostolic council. 

T At least the decree (Acts xv. 23) is ed- 
dressed only to the churches of “‘ Syria aad 
Cilicia ;” and we do not see the subject alladed 
to again after xvi. 4. 






194 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. omar. vib 


must look on the whole subject from the Jewish point of view, and con- 


sider how violations of morality and contradictions of the ceremonial law 
were associated together in the Gentile world. It is hardly necessary to 


remark that much additional emphasis is given to the moral part of the — 
decree, when we remember that it was addressed to those who lived in — 


close proximity to the profligate sanctuaries of Antioch and Paphos.' 


We have said that the ceremonial part of the decree was intended for 
a temporary and perhaps only a local observance. It is not for a moment — 
implied that any Jewish ceremony is necessary to salvation. On the con-— 
trary, the great principle was asserted, once for all, that man is justified, — 
not by the law, but by faith: one immediate result was that Titus, the — 
companion of Paul and Barnabas, “was not compelled to be circum-— 


cised.”? His case was not like that of Timothy at a later period,’ whose 


circumcision was a prudential accommodation to circumstances, without — 


endangering the truth of the Gospel. To have circumcised Titus at the 


time of the meeting in Jerusalem, would have been to have asserted that — 


he was “bound to keep the whole law.’”’* And when the alternative was 
between “ the liberty wherewith Christ has made us free,” and the re- 
imposition of “the yoke of bondage,” St. Paul’s language always was,* 
that if Gentile converts were circumcised, Christ could “profit them 
nothing.” By seeking to be justified in the law, they fell from grace.* 
In this firm refusal to comply with the demand of the Judaizers, the case 
of all future converts from Heathenism was virtually involved. It was 
asserted once for all, that in the Christian Church there is “neither Greek 
nor Jew, circumcision nor uncircumcision, barbarian, Scythian, bond, nor 
free: but that Christ is all and in all.”*7 And St. Paul obtained the vie 
tory for that principle, which, we cannot doubt, will hereafter destroy the 
distinctions that are connected with the institutions of slavery in America 
and of caste in India. i 

Certain other points decided in this meeting had a more direct personal 
reference to St. Paul himself. His own independent mission had been 
called in question. Some, perhaps, said that he was antagonistic to the 
Apostles at Jerusalem, others that he was entirely dependent on them.® 
All the Judaizers agreed in blaming his course of procedure among the 
Gentiles. This course was now entirely approved by the other Apostles. 
His independence was fully recognized. Those who were universally 
regarded as “ pillars of the truth,” James, Peter, and John,’ gave to him 


1 See above, pp 116 and 140. ® The charges brought against St. Paul by 
3 Gal. ii. 3. ® Acts xvi. 8. the Judaizers were very various at differenr 
* Gal. v. 8. ® Gal. v. 2. times. 

* Gal. v. 4. ® It should be carefully observed here thar 


7 Col. tii. 11. James is mentioned first of these Apostles who 


onAP, VI. RECOGNITION OF ST. PAUL’S MISSION. 195 


and Barnabas the right hand of fellowship, and agreed that they should 
be to the Heathen what themselves were to the Jews. Thus was St. Paul 
publicly acknowledged as the Apostle of the Gentiles, and openly placed 
in that position from which “he shall never more go out,” as a pillar of 
the Temple of the “ New Jerusalem,” inscribed with the “ New Name” 
which proclaims the union of all mankind in one Saviour. 

One of those who gave the right hand of fellowship to St. Paul was 
the “beloved disciple” of that Saviour.?. This is the only meeting of St. 
Paul and St. John recorded in Scripture. It is, moreover, the last notice 
which we find there of the life of St. John, until the time of the apoca- 
lyptic vision in the island of Patmos. For both these reasons the mind 
seizes eagerly on the incident, though it is only casually mentioned in the 
Epistle to the Galatians. Like other incidental notices contained in Scrip- 
ture, it is very suggestive of religious thoughts. St. John had been silent 
during the discussion in the public assembly; but at the close of it he 
expressed his cordial union with St. Paul in “the truth of the Gospel.’’® 
That union has been made visible to all ages by the juxtaposition of their 
Epistles in the same Sacred Volume. They stand together among the 
pillars of the Holy Temple; and the Church of God is thankful to learn. 
how Contemplation may be united with Action, and Faith with Love, 
in the spiritual life. 

To the decree with which Paul and Barnabas were charged, one con- 
dition was annexed, with which they gladly promised to comply. We 
have already had occasion to observe (p. 61) that the Hebrews of Judea 
were relatively poor, compared with those of the dispersion, and that the 
Jewish Christians in Jerusalem were exposed to peculiar sufferings from 
poverty ; and we have seen Paul and Barnabas once before the bearers 
of a contribution from a foreign city for their relief (p. 118). They 
were exhorted now to continue the same charitable work, and in their 
journeys among the Gentiles and the dispersed Jews, “‘to remember the 
poor” at Jerusalem.* In proof of St. Paul’s faithful discharge of this 


were “pillars,” and that Peter is mentioned by 
the name of Cephas, as in 1 Cor. i. 12. 

1 See Rev. iii. 12. The same metaphor is 
found in 1 Tim. iii. 15, where Timothy is called 
(for this seems the natural interpretation) 
“a pillar and support of the truth.” In these 
passages it is important to bear in mind the 
peculiarity of ancient architecture, which was 
characterized by vertical columns, supporting 
horizontal entablatures. Inscriptions were often. 
engraved on these columns. Hence the words 


in the passage quoted from Revelation: ‘I 
will write upon him. . . my new name.” 

2 Gal. ii. 9. 

5 Gal ii. 5. 

* “ Only that we should remember the poor ; 
which also I was forward to do.” Gal. ii. 10, 
where the change from the plural to the singu- 
lar should be noticed. Is this because Barnabas 
was soon afterwards separated from St. Paul 
(Acts xv. 39), who had thenceforth to prose- 
cute the charitable work alone ? 


196 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8T. PAUL ‘ ouar, 





promise, we need only allude to his zeal in making “the contribution for 
the poor saints at Jerusalem” in Galatia, Macedonia, and Achaia,’ and 
to that last journey to the Holy Land, when he went, “after many years,” 
to take “alms to his nation.”* It Gs more important here to consider 
(what indeed we have mentioned before) the effect which this charitable 
exertion would have in binding together the divided parties in the 
Church. There cannot be a doubt that the Apostles had this result 
in view. Their anxiety on this subject is the best commentary on the 
spirit in which they had met on this great occasion; and we may rest 
assured that the union of the Gentile and Jewish Christians was largely 
promoted by the benevolent efforts which attended the diffusion of the 
Apostolic Decree. 

Thus the controversy being settled, Paul’s mission to the Gentiles 
being fully recognized, and his method of communicating the Gospel 
approved by the other Apostles, and the promise being given, that, in 
their journeys among the Heathen, they would remember the necessities 
of the Hebrew Christians in Judsa, the two missionaries returned from 
Jerusalem to Antioch. They carried with them the decree which was to 
give peace to the consciences that had been troubled by the Judaizing 
agitators; and the two companions, Judas and Silas,’ who travelled with 
them, were empowered to accredit their commission and character. It 
seems also that Mark was another companion of Paul and Barnabas on 
this journey ; for the last time we had occasion to mention his name was 
when he withdrew from Pamphylia to Jerusalem (p. 144), and presently 
we see him once more with his kinsman at Antioch.‘ 

The reception of the travellers at Antioch was full of joy and satis- 
faction.’ The whole body of the Church was summoned together to hear 
the reading of the letter; and we can well imagine the eagerness with 
which they crowded to listen, and the thankfulness and “ consolation ” 
with which such a communication was received, after so much anxiety 
and perplexity. The letter indeed is almost as interesting to us as te 
them, not only because of the principle asserted and the results secured, 
but also because it is the first document preserved to us from the acts of 
the Primitive Church. The words of the original document, literally 
translated, are as follows : — 


1 « As I have given order to the Churches © Acts xxiv. 17. 
of Galatia,” &c., 1 Cor. xvi 1-4, “It hath ® Acts xy. 23, 27, 32. : 
pleased thom of Macedonia and Achaia,” &0 * Acts xv. 87. © Acts xv. $i. : 
Bom. xv. #5, 26. See 3 Cor. viii, ix 


THE LETTER. 197 


“Tua APOSTLES, AND THE ELDERS, AND THE BRETHREN,’ TO THE Gun. 40° 
TILE BRETHREN IN ANTIOCH, AND SypRia, aND Oricia, Greeting? 


“* Whereas we have heard that certain men who went out from us have 3 
troubled you with words, and unsettled your souls* by telling you to cir- 
sumcise yourselves and keep the Law, although we gave them no such 
comunission : 

“It has been determined by us, being assembled with one accord, to 25 
choose some from amongst ourselves and send them to you with our 
beloved‘ Barnabas and Saul, men that have offered up their lives for the 38 
name of our Lord Jesus Christ. We have sent therefore Judas and Silas, 27 
who themselves also® will tell you by word the same which we tell you 
by letter. 

“ For it has been determined by the Holy Spirit and by us, to lay upon $8 
you no greater burden than these necessary things: that ye abstain from 99 
meats offered to idols, and from blood, and from things strangled, and 
from fornication. Wherefrom if ye keep yourselves it chall be well with 
you. FaREWwEL..” 


The encouragement inspired by this letter would be increased by the 
sight of Judas and Silas, who were ready to confirm its contents by word 
of mouth. These two disciples remained some short time at Antioch, 
They were possessed of that power of “ prophecy” which was one of the 
forms in which the Holy Spirit made His presence known: and the 


1 We adhere to the Textus Receptus, al- 
though the “and” before “ Brethren ” is omit- 
tedin many weighty MSS. But it is supported 
by Chrysostom, by several of the uncial MSS., 
and by many of the most ancient versions. Its 
omission might have been caused by hierarchi- 
eal tendencies. It should be observed that the 
phrase without the conjunction is entirely un- 
known elsewhere, which is s strong argument 
against its being the correct reading here. 
Also the omission appears to render the super- 
ecription of this document inconsistent with the 
enumeration of the three distinct parties to it 
in verse 22. 2 

2 “Greeting.” The only other place where 
this salutation occurs is James i.1; an unde- 

signed coincidence tending to prove the geaw- 
 imenesa of this docursent. 


8 Although the best MSS. omit the words 
“by telling... Law,” yet we think they 
cannot possibly be an interpolation. 

4 It is another undesigned coincidence that 
the names of these two Apostles are here in the 
reverse order to that which, in St. Luke’s nar- 
rative (except when he speaks of Jerusalem), 
they have assumed since chap. xiii. In the 
view of the Church at Jerusalem, Paul’s name 
would naturally come after that of Barnabas. 
See above, p. 191, n. 2. 

5 The present participle may be explained 
by the ancient idiom of letter-writing, by which 
the writer transferred himself into the time of 
the reader. 





198 THE LIFE ANI) EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. CHAP, vt, 


Syrian Christians were “exhorted and confirmed ” by the exercise of this 
miraculous gift.' The minds of all were in great tranquillity when the 
time came for the return of these messengers “ to the Apostles ” at Jeru- 
salem. Silas, however, either remained at Antioch, or soon came back — 
thither. He was destined, as we shall see, to become the companion of — 
St. Paul, and to be at the beginning of the second missionary journey — 
what Barnabas had been at the beginning of the first. } 

Two painful scenes were witnessed at Antioch before the Apostle : 
started on that second journey. We are informed ® that Paul and Barna- 
bas protracted their stay in this city, and were dilligently occupied, with 
many others, in making the glad tidings of the Gospel known, and in the 
general work of Christian instruction. It is in this interval of time that 
we must place that visit of St. Peter to Antioch,‘ which St. Paul men- 
tions in the Epistle to the Galatians,’ immediately after his notice of — 
the affairs of the Council. It appears that Peter, having come to Antioch 
for some reason which is unknown to us,‘ lived at first in free and unre- 
strained intercourse with the Gentile converts, meeting them in social 
friendship, and eating with them, in full consistency with the spirit of the — 
recent decree, and with his own conduct in the case of Cornelius. At 
this time certain Jewish brethren came “ from James,” who presided over 
the Church at Jerusalem. Whether they were really sent on some 
mission by the Apostle James, or we are merely to understand that they 
came from Jerusalem, they brought with them their old Hebrew repug- — 
nance against social intercourse with the uncircumcised ; and Peter in 
their society began to vacillate. In weak compliance with their preju- 
dices, he “ withdrew and separated himself” from those whom he had 
lately treated as brethren and equals in Christ. Just as in an earlier — 


———— > ee eee ee 


1 Acts xv. 32. Compare xiii. 1. 

2 Acts xv. 34. The reading here is doubt- 
ful. The question, however, isimmaterial. If 
the verse is genuine, it modifies the phrase 
they were let go ”’ in the preceding verse ; if 
not, we have merely to suppose that Silas went 
to Jerusalem and then returned. 

® Acts xv. 35. 

* Neander places this meeting of Peter and 
Panl later; but his reasons are far from satis- 
factory. From the order of narration in the 
Epistle to the Galatians, it is most natural to 
infer that the meeting at Antioch took place 
soon after the Council at Jerusalem. Some 
writers wish to make it anterior to the Council, 
from an unwillingness to believe that St. Peter 
would have acted in this manner after the de- 
ormee. But it is a sufficient answer to this 


objection to say that his conduct here was — 
equally inconsistent with his own previous con- 
duct in the case of Cornelius. . 

Abp. Whately (in the work quoted below, p. | 
201, n. 1) assumes that Peter went to meet — 
Paul at Jerusalem after the scene at Antioch, . 
and sees a close resemblance between Peter's 
words (Acts xv. 11) and those of Paul {Gal. i. : 
14-16). : 

5 Gal. ii. 11, &e. 

® The tradition which represents Peter as 
having held the See of Antioch before that of — 
Rome has been mentioned before, p. 119, n. 1. 
Tillemont places the period of this episcopate — 
about 36-42, 4.p. He says it is “une chose © 
assez embarrassée ;” and it is certainly difficult 
to reconcile it with Scripture. 


CHAP, VO. f ST. PETER KEBUKED BY ST. PAUL. 199 


part of his life he had first asserted his readiness to follow his Master to 
death, and then denied Him through fear of a maid-servant,— so now, 
after publicly protesting against the notion of making any difference 
between the Jew and the Gentile, and against laying on the neck of the 
latter a yoke which the former had never been able to bear,! we find 
him contradicting his own principles, and “through fear of those whc 
were of the circumcision”? giving all the sanction of his example to 
the introduction of caste into the Church of Christ. 

Such conduct could not fail to excite in St. Paul the utmost indigna- 
tion. St. Peter was not simply yielding a non-essential point, through a 
tender consideration for the consciences of others. This would have 
been quite in accordance with the principle so often asserted by his 
brother-Apostle, that “it is good neither to eat flesh nor to drink wine, 
nor any thing whereby thy brother stumbleth, or is made weak.” Nor 
was this proceeding a prudent and innocent accommodation to circum- 
stances, for the sake of furthering the Gospel, like St. Paul’s conduct in 

-circumcising Timothy at Iconium ;* or, indeed, like the Apostolic Decree 
itself. St. Peter was acting under the influence of a contemptible and 
sinful motive, — the fear of man: and his behavior was giving a strong 
sanction to the very heresy which was threatening the existence of the 
Church ; namely, the opinion that the observance of Jewish ceremonies 
was necessary to salvation. Nor was this all. Other Jewish Christians, 
as was naturally to be expected, were led away by his example: and 
even Barnabas, the chosen companion of the Apostle of the Gentiles, 
who had been a witness and an actor in all the great transactions in 
Cyprus, in Pisidia, and Lycaonia, — even Barnabas, the missionary, was 
“ carried away ” with the dissimulation of the rest.*. When St. Paul was 
a spectator of such inconsistency, and perceived both the motive in which 

_ it originated and the results to which it was leading, he would have been 

a traitor to his Master’s cause, if he had hesitated (to use his own 

emphatic words) to rebuke Peter “ before all,” and to “ withstand him to 
the face.”’ ® 

It is evident from St. Paul’s expression, that it was on some public 
occasion that this open rebuke took place. The scene, though slightly 
mentioned, is one of the most remarkable in Sacred History: and the 
mind naturally labors to picture to itself the appearance of the two men. 

It is, therefore, at least allowable to mention here that general notion of 

the forms and features of the two Apostles, which has been handed 


1 Acts xv. 9, 10. 2 Gal. ii. 12. early writers, that the whole scene was pre- 
® Acts xvi. 3. * Gal. ii. 18. arranged between Peter and Paul, and that 
5 Gal. ii. 14, 11. there was no real misunderstanding. Even 


We can only allude to the opinion of some Chrysostom advocates this unchristian view, 


00 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. omar. vm 


down in tradition, and was represented by the early artists. St. Paul® 
is set before us as having the strongly marked and prominent features 
of a Jew, yet not without some of the finer lines indicative of Greek 
thought. His stature was diminutive, and his body disfigured by some 
lameness or distortion, which may have provoked the contemptuous 
expressions of his enemies.’ His beard was long and thin. His head 
was bald. The characteristics of his face were, a transparent complexion, 
which visibly betrayed the quick changes of his feelings, a bright gray 
eye under thickly overhanging united eyebrows,‘ a cheerful and winning 
expression of countenance, which invited the approach and inspired the 
confidence of strangers. It would be natural to infer,’ from his contin- 
ual journeys and manual labor, that he was possessed of great strength 
ef constitution. But men of delicate health have often gone through the 
greatest exertions: * and his own words on more than one occasion show 
that he suffered much from bodily infirmity.’ St. Peter is represented to 
us as a man of larger and stronger form, as his character was harsher 
and more abrupt. The quick impulses of his soul revealed themselves 
in the flashes of a dark eye. The complexion of his face was pale and 
sallow: and the short hair, which is described as entirely gray at the 
time of his death, curled black and thick round his temples and his chin, 
when the two Apostles stood together at Antioch, twenty years before 
their martyrdom. 

Believing, as we do, that these traditionary pictures have probably 
some foundation in truth, we gladly take them as helps to the imagina- 


tien. 


1 For the representations of St. Peter and 
St. Paul in early pictures and mosaics, see the 
first volume of Mrs. Jameson’s Sacred and 
Legendary Art, especially pp. 145, 159, 161, 162, 
301. They correspond with the traditionary 
descriptions referred to in the nextnote. “St 
Peter is a robust old man, with a broad fore- 
head, and rather coarse features, an open un- 
daunted countenance, short gray hair, and short 
thick beard, curled, and of @ silvery white. 
Panl was a man of small and meagre stature, 
with an aquiline nose, and sparkling eyes: in 
the Greek type the face is long and oval, the 
ferchead high and bald; the hair brown, the 
beard long, flowing, and pwinted.... These 
traditional characteristic types of the features 
and person of the two greatest Apostles were 
long adhered to. We find them most strictly 
Sllowed in the old Greek mosaics, in the early 
Christian sculpture. and the early pictures, im 


And they certainly assist us in realizing a remarkable scene, 


all which the sturdy dignity and broad rustic 
features of St. Peter, and the elegant contem- 
plative head of St. Paul, who looks like a Greek 
philosopher, form a most interesting and sug 
gestive contrast.” The dispute at Antioch is 
the subject of a picture by Guido. See p. 187. 

2 The descriptions of St. Paul’s appearance 
by Malalas and Nicephorus are given at length 
in the larger editions. 

3 See above, p. 170. 

* See above, p. 134, 2. 1. 

5 See Acts xx. 7; 1 Thess. ii. 9; 2 Theee 
fii. 8; 2 Cor. xi. 23-28. See Tholuck’s Essay 
on St. Paul’s early Life, for some speculations 
on the Apostle’s temperament. 

® The instance of Alfred the Great may be 
rightly alluded to. His biographer, Asser, 
says that from his youth to his death he was 
always either suffering pain or expecting it 

7 See 2 Cor. xii. 7; Gal. iv. 18, 14 





@aaP. VIL THEIR BECONCILIATION. 201 


where Judaism and Christianity, in the persons of two Apostles, sre 
for a moment brought before us in strong antagonism. The worde 
addressed by St. Paul to St. Peter before the assembled Christians at 
Antioch, contain the full statement of the Gospel as opposed to the Law. 
“Tf thou, being born a Jew, art wont to live! according to the customs 
of the Gentiles and not of the Jews, why wouldest thou now constrain the 
Gentiles to keep the ordinances of the Jews? We are Jews by birth, and 
not unhallowed Gentiles ; yet, knowing that a man is not justified by the 
works of the law, but by the faith of Jesus Christ, we ourselves also 
have put our faith in Christ Jesus, that we might be justified by the 
faith of Christ, and not by the works of the law. For by the works of 
the law shall no flesh be justified.”” These sentences contain in a 
condensed form the whole argument of the Epistles to the Galatians and 
Romans. 

Though the sternest indignation is expressed in this rebuke, we have 
no reason to suppose that any actual quarrel took place between the two 
Apostles. It is not improbable that St. Peter was immediately convinced 
of his fault, and melted at once into repentance. His mind was easily 
susceptible of quick and sudden changes ; his disposition was loving and 
generous: and we should expect his contrition, as well as his weakness, 
at Antioch, to be what it was in the high priest’s house at Jerusalem. 
Yet, when we read the narrative of this rebuke in St. Paul’s epistle, it is 
a relief to turn to that passage at the conclusion of one of St. Peter’s 
’ letters, where, in speaking of the “long-suffering of our Lord” and of 
the prospect of sinless happiness in the world to come, he alludes, in 
touching words, to the Epistles of “our beloved brother Paul.”* We see 
how entirely all past differences are forgotten, — how all earthly misun- 


1 A spiritual sense is assigned to the word 
“live,” in this passage, by Abp. Whately (Lec- 
tures en the Characters of our Lord’s Apostles, 
1853, p. 193), and by Bp. Hinds (Scripture and 
the Authorized Version, 1853, p. 18). The 
Archbishop says, rather strongly, that he be- 
lieves that “any competent judge, who care- 
fally examines the original,” will acknowledge 
the following to be the true sense of the passage : 
“Tf thou, though a Jew by birth, yet hast life 
(i. e. spiritual life) on the same terms as the 
Gentiles, and not by virtue of thy being a Jew, 
why dost thou urge the Gentiles to Judaize?” 
It is, however, certain that many competent 
persons have examined the passage carefully 
without coming to this conclusion; and we 
eannot seo that there is any real difficulty in 
taliowing the natural translation of the words : 


— “Tf thou art in the habit of living with the 
freedom of a Gentile, and not the strictness of a 
Jew, why dost thou attempt to coeree the Gen- 
tiles into Judaism?” 

2 The quotation is from Psalm cxliii. 3, 
which is also quoted in the same connection, 
Rom. iii. 20. There is much difference of 
opinion among commentators on Gal. ii. as %& 
the point where Paul’s address to Peter termi 
nates. Many writers think it continues to the 
end of the chapter. We are inclined to believe 
that it ends at v. 16; and that the words which 
follow are intended to meet doctrinal objec- 
tions (similar to those in Rom. iii. 3, 5, vi. 1, 
15, vii. 7, 18) which the Galatians might nate 
rally be supposed to make. 

5 2 Pet. iii. 15, 16. 


202 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. CHAP. vin 


derstandings are absorbed and lost in the contemplation of Christ and 
eternal life. Not only did the Holy Spirit overrule all contrarieties, so 
that the writings of both Apostles teach the Church the same doctrine : 
but the Apostle who was rebuked “ is not ashamed to call the attention of 
the Church to epistles in one page of which his own censure is recorded.” ! 
It ig an eminent triumph of Christian humility and love. We shall not 
again have occasion to mention St. Peter and St. Paul together, until we 
come to the last scene of all.? But, though they might seldom meet 
whilst laboring in their Master’s cause, their lives were united, “ and in 
their deaths they were not divided.” 











7 My 
HVS 
MG 





Coin of Antioch.® 
1 Dr. Vaughan’s Harrew Sermons (1846), * From the British Museum. See Mr. 
p. 410. Scharf’s drawing above, p. 116, and what is 


2 The martyrdom at Rome. See Mrs. said there of the emblematical representation 
Jameson’s Work, especially pp. 180-183, 1988— of Antioch. On this coin the seated figure bears 
195. a palm-branch, as the emblem of victory. 








CHAPTER VII 


Political Divisions of Asia Minor. — Difficulties of the Subject. — Provinces m the Reigns of 
Claudius and Nero.—I. ASIA.—II. BITHYNIA.— Il. PAMPHYLIA. —IV. GALA. 
TIA.—V. PONTUS.— VI. CAPPADOCIA. — VII. — CILICIA. — Visitation of the 
Churches proposed. — Quarrel and Separation of Paul and Barnabas. — Paul and Silas in 
Cilicia. — They cross the Taurus. — Lystra. — Timothy. — His Circumcision. — Journey 
through Phrygia. — Sickness of St. Paul. — His Reception in Galatia.—Journey to the 
Aigean. — Alexandria Troas. — St. Paul’s Vision. 


VFNHE life of St. Paul being that of a traveller, and our purpose being 

to give a picture of the circumstances by which he was surrounded, 
it is often necessary to refer to the geography, both physical and political, 
of the countries through which he passed. This is the more needful in 
the case of Asia Minor, not only because it was the scene of a very great 
portion of his journeys, but because it is less known to ordinary readers 
than Palestine, Italy, or Greece. We have already described, at some 
Jength, the physical geography of those southern districts which are in 
the immediate neighborhood of Mount Taurus.! And now that the 
Apostle’s travels take a wider range, and cross the Asiatic peninsula from 
Syria to the frontiers of Europe, it is important to take a general view of 
the political geography of this part of the Roman Empire. Unless such 
a view is obtained in the first place, it is impossible to understand the 
topographical expressions employed in the narrative, or to conjecture the 
social relations into which St. Paul was brought in the course of his jour- 
neys” through Asia Minor. 

It is, however, no easy task to ascertain the exact boundanes of the 
Roman provinces in this part of the world at any given date between 
Augustus and Constantine. In the first place, these boundaries were con- 
tinually changing. The area of the different political districts was liable 
to sudden and arbitrary alterations. Such terms as “ Asia,” ® “¢ Pam- 
phylia,”’ * &c., though denoting the extent of a true political jurisdiction, 
implied a larger or smaller territory at one time than another. And 
again, we find the names of earlier and later periods of history mixed 


1 Ch. I. pp. 19-21. Ch. VI. pp. 141, 8 Acts ii. 9, vi. 9, xvi. 6, xix. 10, 27, 31, 
42. xx. 16, 18, xxvii, 2; 1 Cor. xvi. 19; 2 Cor. i: 
24. ¢. the journeys in Acts xvi.and Acts 8; 2 Tim.i.15; 1 Pet.i. 1. 
viii. * Acts ii. 10, xiii. 13, xv. 38, xxvii. 5. 
203 


204 THE LIVE AND EPISTLES OF 8ST. PAUL Omar, WIL. 


up together in inextricable confusion. Some of the oldest geographical 
terms, such as “ AMolis,” “ Ionia,” “ Caria,” “ Lydia,” were disappearing 
from ordinary use in the time of the Apostles:' but others, such as 
“ Mysia”* and “Lycaonia,”* still remained: Obsolete and existing 
divisions are presented to us together: and the common maps of Asia 
Minor‘ are as unsatisfactory as if a map of France were set before us, 
distributed half into provinces and half into departments. And in the third 
place, some of the names have no political significance at all, but express 
rather the ethnographical relations of ancient tribes. Thus, “ Pisidia” * 
denotes a district which might partly be in one province and partly in 
another; and “ Phrygia”’* reminds us of the diffusion of an ancient 
people, the broken portions of whose territory were now under the juris- 
diction of three or four distinct governors. Cases of this kind are, at 
first sight, more embarrassing than the others. They are not merely 
similar to the twofold subdivision of Ireland, where a province, like 
Ulster, may contain several definite counties: but a nearer parallel is to 
be found in Scotland, where a geographical district, associated with many 
historical recollections, — such as Galloway or Lothian, — may be partly 
in one county and partly in another. 

Our purpose is to elucidate the political subdivisions of Asia Minor as 
they were in the reigns of Claudius and Nero, — or, in other words, to 
enumerate the provinces which existed, and to describe the boundaries 
which were assigned to them, in the middle of the first century of the 
Christian era. The order we shall follow is from West to East, and in so 
doing we shall not deviate widely from the order in which the provinces 
were successively incorporated as substantive parts of the Roman Empire. 
We are not, indeed, to suppose that St. Luke and St. Paul used all their 
topegraphical expressions in the strict political sense, even when such a 
sense was more or less customary. There was an exact usage anda 
popular usage of all these terms. But the first step towards fixing our 
geographical ideas of Asia Minor, must be to trace the boundaries of the 
provinces. When this is done, we shall be better able to distinguish 
those terms which, about the year 50 a.p., had ceased to have any true 
political significance, and to discriminate between the technical and the 
popular language of the sacred writers. 





a ST elle 


ee 


—— 


1 Tacitus, Vitruvius, Justin, &c., speak of political divisions of three er four different 
Pergemus, Ephesus, Cnidus, Thyatira, &.,a9 periods are confused together. In some ef 
towns of Asia, not of Aolis, Ionia, Caria, the more recent, the Roman provincial divis- 
Lydia, &., respectively. See Acts xxvii. 2, ions are indicated, and the emperor’s® ané em 
Rev. i. 11. ate’s provinces distinguished. 

2 Acts xvi. 7, 8. ® Acts xiv. 6, 11. ® Acts xiii. 14, xiv. 24. 

* In the ordimary maps, ethnographical and ® Acta ii. 10, xvi. 6, xviii. 23. 


ASIA. 205 


omar. Fill, 


I. Asts.— There is sometimes a remarkable interest associated with 
the history of a geographical term. One case of this kind is suggested 
by the allusion which has just been made to the British islands. Early 
writers speak of Ireland under the appellation of “ Scotia.’’ Certain of 
its inhabitants crossed over to the opposite coast :' their name spread along 
with their influence: and at length the title of Scotland was entirely trans- 
ferred from one island to the other. In classical history we have a simi- 
lar instance in the name of “Italy,” which at first only denoted the 
southernmost extremity of the peninsula: then it was extended so as to 
include the whole with the exception of Cisalpine Gaul: and finally, 
crossing the Rubicon, it advanced to the Alps; while the name of “ Gaul ” 
retreated beyond them.: Another instance, on a larger scale, is presented 
to us on the south of the Mediterranean. The “ Africa” of the Romans 
spread from a limited territory on the shore of that sea, till it embraced 
the whole continent which was circumnavigated by Vasco diGama. And 
similarly the term, by which we are accustomed to designate the larger 
and more famous continent of the ancient world, traces its derivation to 
the ‘“‘ Asian meadow by the streams of the Cayster,’”’* celebrated in the 
poems of Homer. 

This is the earliest occurrence of the word “ Asia.” We find, how- 
ever, even in the older poets, the word used in its widest sense to denote 
all the countries in the far East. Hither the Greeks, made familiar with 
the original Asia by the settlement of their kindred in its neighborhood, 
applied it as a generic appellation to all the regions beyond it: ‘ or the 
extension of the kingdom of Lydia from the banks of the Cayster to the 
Halys as its eastern boundary, diffused the name of Asia as far as that 
river, and thus suggested the division of Herodotus into “ Asia within 
the Halys” and “ Asia beyond the Halys.”* However this might be, the 
term retained, through the Greek and Roman periods, both a wider and a 
narrower sense ; of which senses we are concerned only with the latter. 
The Asia of the New Testament is not the continent which stretches into 
the remote East from the Black Sea and the Red Sea, but simply the 
western portion of that peninsula which, in modern times, has received 
the name of “‘ Asia Minor.” * What extent of country, and what political 


1 See beginning of Bede’s History. 

® Virgil adopts the phrase from Homer. It 
dees not appear that the Roman prose writers 
ever used the word in its primitive and mar- 
rowest sense. 

® As in AXtschylus. 

* Haying the same general meaning as our 
phrase “The East.” The words “ Levant” 
amd “ Anadoli” (the modern name of Agia 


Minor) have come imto use im the same 
way. 

5 We may compare the case of “ Prles- 
tine,” which at first meant only the country 
of the Philistines, and then was used by the 
Greeks and Romans to designate the whole of 
the land of Canaan. 

¢ The psnineula whick we call Asia Minos 
was never treated by the ancients as a goo 


Eee ee 


206 THH LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. CHAP. Vit. 


significance, we are to assign to the term, will be shown by a statement of 
a few historical changes. 

The fall of Croesus reduced the Lydian kingdom to a Persian satrapy. 
With the rest of the Persian empire, this region west of the Halys fell 
before the armies of Alexander. In the confusion which followed the 
conqueror’s death, an independent dynasty established itself at Pergamus, 
not far from the site of ancient Troy. At first their territory was nar- 
row, and Attalus I. had to struggle with the Gauls who had invaded the 
peninsula, and with the neighboring chieftains of Bithynia, who had 
invited them.’ Antagonists still more formidable were the Greek kings 
of Syria, who claimed to be “ Kings of Asia,” and aimed at the possession 
of the whole peninsula.? But the Romans appeared in the Hast, and 
ordered Antiochus to retire beyond the Taurus, and then conferred 
substantial rewards on their faithful allies. Rhodes became the mistress 
of Caria and Lycia, on the opposite coast ; and Eumenes, the son of Attalus, 
received, in the West and North-west, Lydia and Mysia, and a good 
portion of that vague region in the interior which was usually denominat- 
ed ‘“ Phrygia,” *— stretching in one direction over the district of 
Lycaonia.* Then it was that, as 150 years since the Margraves of Bran- 
denburg became Kings of Prussia, so the Princes of Pergamus became 
“Kings of Asia.” For a time they reigned over a highly-civilized 
territory, which extended from sea to sea. The library of Pergamus was 
the rival of that of Alexandria: and Attaleia, from whence we have 
lately seen the Apostle sailing to Syria® (Acts xiv. 25, 26) and Troas, 
from whence we shall presently see him sailing to Europe (Acts xvi. 11), 
were the southern and northern (or rather the eastern and western) 
harbors of King Attalus Il. At length the debt of gratitude to the 
Romans was paid by King Attalus II]., who died in the year 133 B.c., 
and left by testament the whole of his dominions to the benefactors of 


graphical whole. The common divisions were, 
“Asia within the Halys” and “Asia be- 
yond the Halys” (as above); or, “ Asia with- 
in the Taurus” and “ Asia beyond the Tau- 
rus.” It is very important to bear this in 
mind: for some interpreters of the New Tes- 
- tament imagine that the Asia there spoken of 
is the peninsula of Lesser Asia. The term 
“ Asia Minor ” is first found in Orosius, a writer 
of the fourth century, though “ Asia Major” 
is used by Justin to denote the remote and 
eastern parts of the continent. 

1 See below, p. 207. 

2 In the first book of Maccabees (viii. 6) 
we find Antiochus the Great called by this 
title. And even after his succeseors were 


driven beyond the Taurus by the Romans, we 
see it retained by them, as the title of “ King 
of France ” was retained by our own mon- 
archs until a very recent period. See 1 Mace. 
xi. 13, xii. 39, xiii. $32; 2 Mace. iii. 3. 

8 The case of Mysia, in consequence of 
the difficulties of Acts xvi. 7, 8, will be ex- 
amined particularly, when we come to this 
part of St. Paul’s journey. 

* Thus Iconium, Lystra, and Derbe were 
probably once in “ Asia.” See below, under 
Galatia. 

5 Pp. 177, 178. Another Scripture city, 
the Philadelphia of Rev. i. 11, iii. 7, was also 
built by Attalus II. (Philadelphus). 





cBAr, VIE, BITHYNIA. 207 


his house And now the “ Province of Asia” appears for the first time 
as a new and significant term in the history of the world. The newly- 
acquired possession was placed under a pretor, and ultimately a pro- 
consul.’ The letters and speeches of Cicero make us familiar with the 
names of more than one who enjoyed this distinction. One was the 
orator’s brother, Quintus; another was Flaccus, whose conduct as 
governor he defended before the Senate. Some slight changes in the 
extent of the province may be traced. Pamphylia was withdrawn from 
this jurisdiction. Rhodes lost her continental possessions, and Caria was 
added to Asia, while Lycia was declared independent. The boundary 
on the side of Phrygia is not easily determined, and was probably 
variable.? But enough has been said to give a general idea of what is 
meant in the New Testament by that “Asia,” which St. Paul attempted 
to enter (Acts xvi. 6), after passing through Phrygia and Galatia; which 
St. Peter addressed in his First Epistle (1 Pet. i. 1), along with Pontus, 
Cappadocia, Galatia, and Bithynia; and which embraced the “seven 
churches ” (Rev. i. 11) whose angels are mentioned in the Revelation of 
St. John. 


I]. Brraynia. — Next to Asia, both in proximity of situation and in the 
order of its establishment, was the province of Bithynia. Nor were the 
circumstances very different under which these two provinces passed 
under the Roman sceptre. Asa new dynasty established itself after the 
death of Alexander on the north-eastern shores of the Aigean, so an older 
dynasty secured its independence at the western edge of the Black Sea. 
Nicomedes I. was the king who invited the Gauls with whom Attalus I. 
had to contend: and as Attalus III., the last of the House of Pergamus, 
paid his debt to the Romans by making them his heirs, so the last of the 
Bithynian House, Nicomedes III., left his kingdom as a legacy to the 
same power in the year 75. It received some accessions on the east 
after the defeat of Mithridates ; and in this condition we find it in the list 
given by Dio of the provinces of Augustus; the debatable land between it 
and Asia being the district of Mysia, through which it is neither easy nor 
necessary to draw the exact frontier-line.* Stretching inland from the 


1 We learn from Acts xix. 38 — “there are 
proconsuls (deputies) ” — that it was a pro- 
consular or senatorial province. The impor- 
tant distinction between the emperor’s and the 
senate’s provinces has been carefully stated in 
Ch. V. pp. 129-31. The incidental proof in 
the Acts is confirmed by Strabo and Dio, who 

lus that Augustus made Asia a proconsular 
Provinces. 

y 


2 Hence we find both the sacred and heathen 
writers of the period sometimes including 
Phrygia in Asia and sometimes excluding it. 
In 1 Pet. i. 1 it seems to be included; in Acts 
ii. 9, 10, xvi. 6, it is expressly excluded. 

3 See below, on Acts xvi. 7, 8. 


208 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL oma?. VIE 


shores of the Propontis and Bosphorus, beyond the lakes near the cities of 
Nicwa and Nicomedia, to the upper ravines of the Sangarius, and the 
snowy range of Mount Olympus, it was a province rich in all the chauges 
of beauty and grandeur. Its history is as varied as its scenery, if we trace 
it from the time when Hannibal was an exile at the court of Prusias,’ to — 
the establishment of Othman’s Mohammedan capital in the city which — 
still bears that monarch’s name. It was Hadrian’s favorite provmce, and 
many monuments remain of that emperor’s partiality.” But we cannot — 
say more of it without leaving our proper subject. We have uo reason to 
believe that St. Paul ever entered it, though once he made the attempt.’ 
Except the passing mention of Bithynia in this and one cther place,‘ it — 
has no connection with the apostolic writings. The firs: great passage of — 
its ecclesiastical history is found in the correspondence vi Trajan with its 
governor Pliny, concerning the persecution of the Christians. The second 
is the meeting of the first general council, when tie Nicene Oreed was 
drawn up on the banks of the Lake Ascanius. 


IM. Pampuayia.— This province has been aeady mentioned (Chap. 
VI.) as one of the regions traversed by St. Paui in his first missionary 
journey. But though its physical features bave been described, its 
political limits have not been determined. The true Pamphylia of the 
earliest writers is simply the plain which borders the Bay of Attaleia, and 
which, as we have said (p. 142), retreats itsulf like a bay into the moun- 
tains. How small and insignificant this territory was, may be seen from 
the records of the Persian war, to which Herodotus says that it sent only 
thirty ships; while Lycia, on one side, coutributed fifty, and Cilicia, on 
the other, a hundred. Nor do we find the name invested with any wider 
significance, till we approach the frontier of the Roman period. A 
singular dispute between Antiochus and the king of Pergamus, as te 
whether Pamphylia was really within or beyond Mount Taurus, was de 
cided by the Romans in favor of their ally.’ This could only be effected 
by a generous inclusion of a good portion of the mountainous country 
within the range of this geographical term. Henceforward, if not before, 
Pamphylia comprehended some considerable part of what was anciently 
called Pisidia. We have seen that the Romans united it to the kingdom 


1 The town of Broussa reminds us of this feeling. Hadrian took it from the senate 
another illustrious African exile, Abd-cl-Kader, and placed it under his own jurisdiction. Bui. 
who since the earthquake (after visiting Paris) when St. Paul passed this way, it was undas 
has been permitted to withdraw to Damascus the senate, as may be proved by coins beth of 
(1855). the reign of Claudius and subsequent dates 

2 It was the birthplace of his favorite An- ® Acts xvi. 7, 
tineus; and coins are extaut which illustrate 41 Pet.il. 5 Bee p. 206. 


ouAP, VIE, PAMPHYLIA, — GALATIA. 209 


of Asia. It was, therefore, part of the province of Asia at the death of 
Atialus. It is difficult to trace the steps by which it was detached from 
that province. We find it (along with certain districts of Asia) included 
in the military jurisdiction of Cicero, when he was governor of Cilicia.! 
It is spoken of as a separate province in the reign of Augustus.’ Its 
boundary on the Pisidian side, or in the direction of Phrygia,’ must be 
left indeterminate. Pisidia was included in this province: but, again, 
Pisidia is itself indeterminate: and we have good reasons for believing 
that Antioch in Pisidia was really under the governor of Galatia. Cilicia 
was contiguous to Pamphylia on the east. Lycia was a separate region 
on the west, first as an appendage to Rhodes‘ in the time of the republis, 
and then as a free state under the earliest emperors ; but about the very 
time when Paul was travelling in these countries, Claudius brought it 
within the provincial system, and united it to Pamphylia:® and inscrip- 
tions make us acquainted with a public officer who bore the title of 
“ Proconsul of Lycia and Pamphylia.” 


IV. Gauatia.— We now come to a political division of Asia Minor, 
which demands a more careful attention. Its sacred interest is greater 
than that of all the others, and its history is more peculiar. The Chris 
tians of Galatia were they who received the Apostle “as if he had been 
an angel,” — who, “if it had been possible, would have plucked out their 
eyes and given them to him,” —and then were “so soon removed” by 
new teachers “from him that called them, to another Gospel,” — whe 
began to “run well,”’ and then were hindered, — who were “ bewitched ” 
by that zeal which compassed sea and land to make one proselyte, — and 
who were as ready, in the fervor of their party spirit, to “bite and de- 
vour one another,” as they were willing to change their teachers and 
their gospels.’7_ It is no mere fancy which discovers, in these expressions 
of St. Paul’s Epistle, indications of the character of that remarkable 
race of mankind, whick all writers, from Cesar to Thierry, have de- 
scribed as susceptible of quick impressions and sudden changes, with a 
fGickleness equal to their courage and enthusiasm, and a constant liability 


1 Ep. ad Ait. v. 21. 

2 Dio Cassius tells us that the Pamphylian 
districts bestowed on Amyntas were restored 
by Augustus to their own province. The 


- game author is referred to below (n. 5) a a 


change in the reign of Claudius. 
® Pisidia was often reckoned as a part of 
Phrygia, under the neme of “Pisidian Phry- 
aq 77 


£ See abova n 206 


a 


5 This we have on the authority of Dio 
Cassius and Suetonius. The latter writer says, 
that about the same time Claudias made ever 
to the senate the provinces of Macedonia and 
Achaia. Hence we fine a proeonsul at Corinth. 
Acts xviii. 12. 

6 At a later period Lycia was a distinet 


province, with Myra as its eapital. See Ch 
SXTIL 


7 Gal. iv. 15, i 6. v. 7, i 1, i. 7. v- 15. 


210 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8ST. PAUL. 


to that disunion which is the fruit of excessive vanity, — that race, which 
has not only produced one of the greatest nations of modern times,’ but 
which, long before the Christian era, wandering forth from their early 
European seats, burnt Rome and pillaged Delphi, founded an empire in 
Northern Italy more than co-extensive with Austrian Lombardy,’ and 
another in Asia Minor, equal in importance to one of the largest 
pachalics. 

For the “ Galatia” of the New Testament was really the “ Gaul” of 
the Hast. The “ Epistle to the Galatians ”’ would more literally and more 
correctly be called the “ Epistle to the Gauls.” When Livy, in his 
account of the Roman campaigns in Galatia, speaks of its inhabitants, he 
always calls them “ Gauls.”’* When the Greek historians speak of the 
inhabitants of ancient France, the word they use is “ Galatians.”* The 
two terms are merely the Greek and Latin forms of the same “ bar- 
barian ”’ appellation.® 

That emigration of the Gauls, which ended in the settlement in Asia 
Minor, is less famous than those which led to the disasters in Italy and 
Greece: but it is, in fact, identical with the latter of these two emigra- 
tions, and its results were more permanent. The warriors who roamed 
over the Cevennes, or by the banks of the Garonne, re-appear on the 
Halys and at the base of Mount Dindymus. They exchange the super- 
stitions of Druidism for the ceremonies of the worship of Cybele. The 
very name of the chief Galatian tribe is one with which we are familiar in 
the earliest history of France ; and Jerome says that, in his own day, the 
language spoken at Ancyra was almost identical with that of Tréves.* 
The Galatians were a stream from that torrent of barbarians which poured 


into Greece in the third century before our era, and which recoiled in — 
confusion from the cliffs of Delphi. Some tribes had previously separated — 


from the main army, and penetrated into Thrace. There they were 
joined by certain of the fugitives, and together they appeared on the 
coasts, which are separated by a narrow arm of the sea from the rich 
plains and valleys of Bithynia. The wars with which that kingdom was 


1 The French travellers (as Tournefort and 


“Kelts ” are the same word. See Arnold’ : 


Texier) seem to write with patriotic enthusi- 
asm when they touch Galatia; and we have 
found our Lest materials in Thierry’s history. 

2 This was written before 1859. 

8 The country of the Galatians was some- 
times called Gallogracia. 

* Some have even thought that the word 
translated “‘ Galatia” in 2 Tim. iv. 10, means 
the country commonly called Gaul. 

& And we may add that “Galate” and 


Rome, i. 522. 

6 It, is very likely that there was some Teu- 
tonic element in these emigrating tribes, but it 
is hardly possible now to distinguish it from 
the Keltic. The converging lines of distinct 


nationalities become more faint as we ascend ~ 


towards the point where they meet. Thierry 
considers the Tolistoboii, whose leader was 
Lutarius (Luther or Clothair?), to have been 
a Teutonic tribe. 











CHAP. VII, GALATIA. 211 


harassed, made their presence acceptable. Nicomedes was the Vortigern 
of Asia Minor: and the two Gaulish chiefiains, Leonor and Lutar, may 
be fitly compared to the two legendary heroes of the Anglo-Saxon in- 
vasion. Some difficulties occurred in the passage of the Bosphorus, 
which curiously contrast with the easy voyages of our piratic ancestors. 
But once established in Asia Minor, the Gauls lost no time in spreading 
over the whole peninsula with their arms and devastation. In their first 
crossing over we have compared them to the Saxons. In their first occu- 
pation they may be more fitly compared to the Danes. For they were a 
movable army rather than a nation, — encamping, marching, and plun- 
dering at will. They stationed themselves on the site of ancient Troy, 
and drove their chariots in the plain of the Cayster. They divided nearly 
the whole peninsula among their three tribes. They levied tribute on 
cities, and even on kings. The wars of the Hast found them various 
occupation. They hired themselves out as mercenary soldiers. They 
were the royal guards of the kings of Syria, and the mamelukes of the 
Ptolemies in Egypt. 

The surrounding monarchs gradually curtailed their power, and re- 
pressed them within narrower limits. First Antiochus Soter drove the 
Tectosages,? and then Eumenes drove the Trocmi and Tolistobii, into the 
central district which afterwards became Galatia. Their territory was 
definitely marked out and surrounded by the other states of Asia Minor, 
and they retained a geographical position similar to that of Hungary in 
the midst of its German and Sclavonic neighbors. By degrees they 
coalesced into a number of small confederate states, and ultimately into 
one united kingdom.* Successive circumstances brought them into can- 
tact with the Romans in various ways: first, by a religious embassy sent 
from Rome to obtain peaceful possession of the sacred image of Cybele; 
secondly, by the campaign of Manlius, who reduced their power and left 
them a nominal independence; and then through the period of hazardous 
alliance with the rival combatants in the Civil Wars. The first Deiotarus 
‘was made king by Pompey, fled before Casar at the battle of Pharsalia, 
and was defended before the conqueror by Cicero, in a speech which still 
‘remains to us. The second Deiotarus, like his father, was Cicero’s friend, 
and took charge of his son and nephew during the Cilician campaign. 


1 Even in the time of Julius Casar, we 8 This does not seem to have been effectu- 
find four hundred Gauls (Galatians), who had ally the case till after the campaign of Manlius. 
previously been part of Cleopatra’s body- - The nation was for some time divided inte 
guard, given for the same purpose to Herod. four tetrarchies. Deiotarus was the first sole 
Joseph. War, xx. 3. ruler; first as tetrarch, then as king. 

2 His appellation of Soter or “the Sa- 
viour” was derived from this victory. 


212 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. omas. ve 


Amyntas, who succeeded him, owed his power to Antony,' but prudently 
went over to Augustus in the battle of Actium. At the death of 
Amyntas, Augustus made some modifications in the extent of Galatia, 
and placed it under a governor. It was now a province, reaching from 
the borders of Asia and Bithynia to the neighborhood of Iconium, 
Lystra, and Derbe, “ cities of Lycaonia.” ? . 
Henceforward, like the Western Gaul, this territory was a part of the 
Roman empire, though retaining the traces of its history in the character 
and language of its principal inhabitants. There was this difference, 
however, between the Eastern and the Western Gaul, that the latter was 
more rapidly and more. completely assimilated to Italy. It passed from 
its barbarian to its Roman state, without being subjected to any interme- 
diate civilization? The Gauls of the East, on the other hand, had long 
been familiar with the Greek language and the Greek culture. St. 
Paul’s Epistle was written in Greek. The contemporary inscriptions of 
the province are usually in the same language. The Galatians them- 
selves are frequently called Gallo-Grecians;‘ and many of the inhab- 
itants of the province must have been of pure Grecian origin. Another 
section of the population, the early Phrygians, were probably numerous, 
but in a lower and more degraded position. The presence of great num- 
bers of Jews* in the province, implies that it was, in some respects, fa- 
vorable for traffic; and it is evident that the district must have been 
constantly intersected by the course of caravans from Armenia, the Hel- 
fespont, and the South.£ The Roman itineraries inform us of the lines 
of communication between the great towns near the Halys and the other 
parts of Asia Minor. These circumstances are closely connected with the 


; 


1 He received some parts ef Lycaonia and 
Pamphylia in addition to Galatia Proper. See 
above, Ch. I. p. 22. 

2 The Pamphylian portion was removed 
(see above), but the Lycaonian remained. Thus 
we find Pliny reckoning the Lystreni in Gala- 
tia, though he seems to imply elsewhere that 
the immediate neighborhood of Iconium was 
in Asia. It is therefore quite possible, so far 
as geographical difficulties are concerned, that 
the Christian communities in the neighbor- 
hood of Lystra might be called “ Churches of 
Galatia.” We think, however, as will be 
shown in the Appendix, that other difficul- 
ties are decisive against the view there men- 
tioned. 

* The immediate neighborhood ef Mar 
seilles, which was thoroughly imbued with a 


knowledge of Greek, must of course be 
excepted. 

* See above, p. 210, n. 8. 

& See in Josephus (Ant. xvi. 6) the letter 
which Augustus wrote in favor of the Jews of 
Ancyra, and which was inscribed on a pillar 
in the temple of Cesar. We shall have occa- 
sion hereafter to mention the “ Monumentum 
Ancyranum.” 

6 Gordium, one of the minor towns near 
the western frontier, was ® considerable empo- 
rium. So was Tavium, the capital of the 
Eastern Galatians, the Trocmi, who dwelt 
beyond the Halys. The Tolistoboii were the 
western tribe, near the Sangarius, with Pessi- 
nus as their capital. The chief town of the 
Tectosages in the centre, and the metgopolis 
of the nation, was Ancyra. 





anaP, VIN. PONTUS. 213 


spread of the Gospel, and we shall return to them again when we describe 
St. Paul’s first reception in Galatia. 


VY. Pontus. —The last independent dynasties in the north of the Pen- 
insula have hitherto appeared as friendly or subservient to the Roman 
power. Asia and Bithynia were voluntarily ceded by Attalus and Nico- 
medes ; and Galatia, on the death of Amyntas, quietly fell into the station 
of a province. But when we advance still farther to the Hast, we are 
reminded of a monarch who presented a formidable and protracted 
opposition to Rome. The war with Mithridates was one of the most 
serious wars in which the Republic was ever engaged ; and it was not till 
after a long struggle that Pompey brought the kingdom of Pontus under 
the Roman yoke. In placing Pontus among the provinces of Asia Minor 
at this exact point of St. Paul’s life, we are (strictly speaking) guilty of 
an anachronism. For long after the western portion of the empire of 
Mithridates was united partly with Bithynia and partly with Galatia, the 
region properly calied Pontus? remained under the government of inde- 
pendent chieftains. Before the Apostle’s death, however, it was really 
made a province by Nero.* Its last king was that Polemo II. who was 
alluded to at the beginning of this work, as the contemptible husband of 
one of Herod’s grand-daughters.* In himself he is quite unworthy of 
such particular notice, but he demands our attention, not only because, 
as the last independent king in Asia Minor, he stands at one of the turn- 
ing-points of history, but also because, through his marriage with Bere- 
nice, he must have had some connection with the Jewish population of 
Pontus, and therefore probably with the spread of the Gospel on the 
shores of the Euxine. We cannot forget that Jews of Pontus were at 
Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost,’ that the Jewish Christians of Pontus 
were addressed by St. Peter in his first epistle,* and that ‘‘ a Jew born in 


independent monarchs had ceased to reign. In 
the division of Constantine, Pontus formed 


1 See above, under Pamphylia, for the 
uddition to that province. A tract of country, 


uear the Halys, henceforward called Pontus 
(ialaticus, was added to the kingdom of 
Beiotarus. 

2 Originally, this district near the Euxine 
was considered a part of Cappadocia, and called 
“Cappadocia on the sea (Pontus).” The 
name Pontus gradually came into use, with 
the rising power of the ancestors of Mithridates 
the Great. 

8 Jt is probably impossible to determine 
the boundary which was ultimately arranged 
hetween the two contiguous provinces of Pon- 
mus and Cappadocia, when the last of the 


two provinces, one called Helenopontus in 
honor of his mother, the other still retaining 
the name of Pontus Polemoniacus. 

* P. 22, and p. 23, n. 8. In or about the 
year 60 a.p. we find Berenice again with 
Agrippa in Judwa, on the occasion of St. 
Paul’s defence at Caesarea. Acts xxv., xxvi. 
It is probable that she was with Polemo in 
Pontus about the year 52, when St. Paul was 
travelling in the neighborhood. 

5 Acts ii. 9. 

§ 1 Pet.i 1. 


\ 


214 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. OHAP, VTL 


Pontus ”’' became one of the best and most useful associates of the Apos- 
tle of the Gentiles. 


VI. Cappapocia. — Crossing the country southwards from the birth- 
place of Aquila towards that of St. Paul, we traverse the wide and varied 
region which formed the province of Cappadocia, intermediate between 
Pontus and Cilicia. The period of its provincial existence began in the 






reign of Tiberius. Its last king was Archelaus,’ the contemporary of the — 


Jewish tetrarch of the same name.’ Extending from the frontier of 


Galatia to the river Euphrates, and bounded on the south by the chain — 


of Taurus, it was the largest province of Asia Minor. 
are celebrated in ecclesiastical history.‘ But in the New Testament it is 
only twice alluded to, once in the Acts,° and once in the Hpistles.® 


VII. Cricia. —A single province yet remains, in one respect the most 
interesting of all, for its chief city was the Apostle’s native town. For 
this reason the reader’s attention was invited long ago to its geography 
and history.’ It is therefore unnecessary to dwell upon them further. 
We need not go back to the time when Servilius destroyed the robbers in 
the mountains, and Pompey the pirates on the coast. And enough has 
been said of the conspicuous period of its provincial condition, when Cicero 
came down from Cappadocia through the great pass of Mount Taurus,’ 
and the letters of his correspondents in Rome were forwarded from Tarsus 
to his camp on the Pyramus. Nearly all the light we possess concerning 
the fortunes of Roman Cilicia is concentrated on that particular time. We 
know the names of hardly any of its later governors. One of the few al- 
lusions to its provincial condition about the time of Claudius and Nero, 


which we can adduce from any ancient writer, is that passage in the Acts, 


where Felix is described as inquiring “ of what province” St. Paul was. 
The use of the strict political term’ informs us that it was a separate 
province ; but the term itself is not so explicit as to enable us to state 
whether the province was under the jurisdiction of the Senate or the Em- 
peror." 


1 Acts xviii. 2. © Acts ii. 9. 

2 He was made king by Antony, and fifty ®.1 Pet. i. 1. 
years afterwards was summoned to Rome by 7 Pp. 19-28. See also 45, 46. 
Tiberius, who had been offended by some § Pp. 19, 20. 


disrespect shown to himself in the island of 
Rhodes. 

3 Matt. ii. 22. 

* Especially Nyssa, Nazianzus, and Neocses- 


* See below, pp. 222, 223, 

10 ’"Exapxia. Acts xxiii. 84, the only pas- 
sage where the word occurs in the New Testa- 
ment. For the technical meaning of the term, 


area, the cities of the three Gregories, and 
Csarea, the city of Basil,—to say nothing 
of Tyana and Ssmosata. 


see above, p. 130, n. 4. 
11 We should be disposed to infer from a 
passage in Agrippa’s speech to the Jews (Jo- 


Some of its cities — 


ouaP, VII, VISITATION OF THE CHURCHES PROPOSED. 215 


With this last division of the Heptarchy of Asia Minor we are brought 
to the starting-point of St. Paul’s second missionary journey. Cilicia is 
contiguous to Syria, and indeed is more naturally connected with it than 
with the rest of Asia Minor.! We might illustrate this connection from 
the letters of Cicero; but it is more to our purpose to remark that the 
Apostolic Decree, recently enacted at Jerusalem, was addressed to the 
Gentile Christians “in Antioch, and Syria, and Cilicia,” ? and that Paul 
and Silas travelled ‘‘ through Syria and Cilicia ’* in the early part of their 
progress. 

This second missionary journey originated in a desire expressed by 
Paul to Barnabas, that they should revisit all the cities where they had 
preached the Gospel and founded churches.‘ He felt that he was not 
called to spend a peaceful, though laborious, life at Antioch, but that his 
true work was “ far off among the Gentiles.”° He knew that his cam- 
paigns were not ended, — that, as the soldier of Jesus Christ, he must 
not rest from his warfare, but must ‘“ endure hardness,” that he might 
please Him who had called him.§ As a careful physician, he remembered 
that they, whose recovery from sin had been begun, might be in danger 
of relapse; or, to use another metaphor, and to adopt the poetical lan- 
guage of the Old Testament, he said,— “‘ Come, let us get up early to 
the vineyards: let us see if the vine flourish.””* The words actually re 
corded as used by St. Paul on this occasion are these : —‘* Come, let us 
turn back and visit our brethren in every city, where we have announced 
the word of the Lord, and let us see how they fare.”* We notice here, 
for the first time, a trace of that tender solicitude concerning his con- 
verts, that earnest longing to behold their faces, which appears in the 
letters which he wrote afterwards, as one of the most remarkable, and 


one of the most attractive, features of his character. 
The feelings of Barnabas might not be so 


speaker, and not Barnabas. 


deep, nor his anxiety so urgent.° 


seph. War, ii. 16, 4), where he says that 
Cilicia, as well as Bithynia, Pamphylia, &c., 
was “kept tributary to the Romans without 
an army,” that it was one of the Senate’s 
provinces. Other evidence, however, tends 
the other way, especially an inscription found 
at Caerleon in Monmouthshire. For fuller 
details we must refer to the larger editions. 

1 See p. 98, comparing Acts ix. 30 with 
Gal. i. 21. 

2 Acts xv. 23. 

* Acis xy. 36. 

* 2 Tim. ii. 3, 4. 

7 Cant. vii. 12, quoted by Matthew Henry. 


3 Acts xy. 41. 
5 Acts xxii. 21. 


Paul was the 
Paul thought doubtless of the 


See his excellent remarks on the whole 


5 <Tet us go now at last” would be a 
correct translation. The words seem to ex- 
press something like impatience, especially 
when we compare it with the words “ after 
some days” which precede. The tender feel- 
ing implied in the phrase rendered “how they 
do” fully justifies what we have said in the 
text. 

®° We might almost be inclined to suspect 
that Paul had previously urged the same pro- 
posal on Barnabas, and that he had hesitated 
to comply. 


— PF 





216 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. CHAP. Vin. 


Pisidians and Lycaonians, as he thought afterwards at Athens and 
Corinth of the Thessalonians, from whom he had been lately “ taken, — 
in presence not in heart,— endeavoring to see their face with great 
desire, — night and day praying exceedingly that he might see their face, 
and might perfect that which was lacking in their faith.’’ He was“not 
ignorant of Satan’s devices.”* He feared lest by any means the Tempt- — 
er had tempted them, and his labor had been in vain.® He “stood in — 
doubt of them,” and desired to be “present with them” once more.‘ — 
His wish was to revisit every city where converts had been made. We — 
are reminded here of the importance of continuing a religious work when 
once begun. We have had the institution of presbyters,’ and of coun- 
cils,* brought before us in the sacred narrative; and now we have an , 
example of that system of church visitation, of the happy effects of which — 
we have still some experience, when we see weak resolutions strength- : 
ened, and expiring faith rekindled, in confirmations at home, or in mis- | 
sionary settlements abroad. 

This plan, however, of a combined visitation of the churches was — 
marred by an outbreak of human infirmity. The two apostolic friends 
were separated from each other by a quarrel, which proved that they 
were indeed, as they had lately told the Lystrians, ‘ men of like passions ” 
with others.’ Barnabas was unwilling to undertake the journey unless 
he were accompanied by his relation Mark. Paul could not consent to 
the companionship of one who “ departed from them from Pamphylia, 
and went not with them to the work:”* and neither of them could 
yield his opinion to the ‘other. This quarrel was much more closely 
connected with personal feelings than that which had recently occurred 
between St. Peter and St. Paul,? and it was proportionally more violent. 
There is little doubt that severe words were spoken on the occasion. It 
is unwise to be over-anxious to dilute the words of Scripture, and to 
exempt even Apostles from blame. By such criticism we lose much of 
the instruction which the honest record of their lives was intended to 
eonvey. We are taught by this scene at Antioch, that a good work may 
be blessed by God, though its agents are encompassed with infirmity, and 
that changes, which are violent in their beginnings, may be overruled for 
the best results. Without attempting to balance too nicely the faults on 
either side, our simplest course is to believe that, as in most quarrels, 
there was blame with both. Paul’s natural disposition was impetuous 


“ 


1 1 Thess. ii. 17, iii. 10. * Acts xv. See Chap. VII. 

2 2 Cor ii. 11. 7 Acts xiv. 15. 

* 1 Thess. iii. 5. ® Acts xv. 38 with xiii 13. See op. 
* Gal. iv. 20. 144, 145. 


* Acta xiv. 23. See p. 176, and Chap. XIII. * Pp. 198-200. 


e8aP. VO. SEPARATION OF PAUL AND BARNABAS. 217 


and impatient, easily kindled to indignation, and (possibly) overbearing. 
Barnabas had shown his weakness when he yielded to the influence of 
Peter and the Judaizers.'!_ The remembrance of the indirect censure he 
then received may have been perpetually irritated by the consciousness 
that his position was becoming daily more and more subordinate to that 
of the friend who rebuked him. Once he was spoken of as chief of those 
prophets at Antioch,’ ? among whom Saul was the last: now his name 
was scarcely heard, except when he was mentioned as the companion of 
Paul.* In short, this is one of those quarrels in which, by placing our- 
selyes in imagination on thé one side and the other, we can alternately 
justify both, and easily see that the purest Christian zeal, when combined 
with human weakness and partiality, may have led to the misunder- 
standing. How could Paul consent to take with him a companion who 
would really prove an embarrassment and a hinderance? Such a task as 
that of spreading the Gospel of God in a hostile world needs a resolute 
will and an undaunted courage. And the work is too sacred to be put in 
jeopardy by any experiments.‘ Mark had been tried once and found 
wanting. ‘‘No man, having put his hand to the plough, and looking 
back, is fit for the kingdom of God.”*® And Barnabas would not be 
without strong arguments to defend the justice of his claims. It was 
hard to expect him to resign his interest in one who had cost him much 
anxiety and many prayers. His dearest wish was to see his young kins- 
man approving himself as a missionary of Christ. Now, too, he had been 
won back to a willing obedience, — he had come from his home at Jeru- 
salem,— he was ready now to face all the difficulties and dangers of the 
enterprise. To repel him in the moment of his repentance was surely 
“to break a bruised reed ” and to “ quench the smoking fiax.”’® 
It is not difficult to understand the obstinacy with which each of the 
disputants, when his feelings were once excited, clung to his opinion as 
to a sacred truth. The only course which now remained was to choose 
two different paths and to labor independently; and the Church saw 
the humiliating spectacle of the separation of its two great missionaries 
to the Heathen. We cannot, however, suppose that Paul and Barnabas 
parted, like enemies, in anger and hatred. it is very likely that they 
made a deliberate and amicable arrangement to divide the region of their 


1 Gal. ii. 13. P. 199. ® See p. 135. 

2 Acts xiii. Pp. 121, 122. Moreover, as * A timid companion in the hour of danger 
a friend suggests, St. Paul was under personal ie one of the greatest evils. Matthew Henry 
obligations to Barnabas for introducing him quotes Prov. xxv. 19: ‘Confidence in an 
to the Apostles (Acts ix. 27), and the féelings unfaithful man, in time of trouble, is like a 
of Barnabas would be deeply hartif he thought broken tooth and like a foot out of joint.” 
has triendship slighted. 5 Luke ix. 62. § Matt. xii. 20. 


218 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. cHar. vm 


first mission between them, Paul taking the continenta/, sad Barnabas 
the insular, part of the proposed visitation.! Of this ué least we are 
certain, that the quarrel was overruled by Divine Providence to a good 


result. One stream of missionary labor had been divided, and the 


regions blessed by the waters of life were proportionally multiplied. St. 


Paul speaks of Barnabas afterwards? as of an Apostle actively engaged — 
in his Master’s service. We know nothing of the aetails of his life 
beyond the moment of his sailing for Cyprus; but we may reasonably . 


attribute to him not only the confirming of the first converts,® but the 
full establishment of the Church in his native island. At Paphos the 
impure idolatry gradually retreated before the presence of Christianity ; 


and Salamis, where the tomb of the Christian Levite‘* is shown,’ has — 
earned an eminent place in Christian history, through the writings of its — 


bishop, Epiphanius.* Mark, too, who began his career as a “‘ minister ”’ 


of the Gospel in this island,’ justified the good opinion of his kinsman. — 
Yet the severity of Paul may have been of eventual service to his — 


character, in leading him to feel more deeply the serious importance of 
the work he had undertaken. And the time came when Paul himself 
acknowledged, with affectionate tenderness, not only that he had again 
become his “ fellow-laborer,” * but that he was “ profitable to the minis- 
try,” ® and one of the causes of his own “ comfort.” 

It seems that Barnabas was the first to take his departure. The 
feeling of the majority of the Church was evidently with St. Paul, for 
when he had chosen Silas for his companion, and was ready to begin his 
journey, he was specially ‘‘ commended by the brethren to the grace of 
God.” " The visitation of Cyprus having now been undertaken by 
others, his obvious course was not to go by sea in the direction of Perga 
or Attaleia,” but to travel by the Eastern passes directly to the neighbor- 
hood of Iconium. It appears, moreover, that he had an important work 


1 If Barnabas visited Salamis and Paphos, relation to him as a witness in which Silas did 
and if Paul, after passing through Derbe, Lys- to Paul. 


tra, and Iconium, went as far as Antioch in * Acts iv. 36. 
Pisidia (see below), the whole circuit of the & MS. note from Capt. Graves, R.N. 
proposed visitation was actually accomplished, § The name of this celebrated father has 
for it does not appear that any converts had _ been given to one of the promontories of the 
been made at Perga and Attaleia. island, the ancient Acamas. 

2 1 Cor. ix. 6: whence also it appears that 7 Acts xiii. 5. 
Barnabas, like St Paul, supported himself by 5 Philemon 24. 
the labor of his hands. *2 Tim. iv. 11. Seep. 144, n. 11. 

3 Paul took the copy of the Apostolic 10 Col. iv 10, 11. 
Decree into Cilicia. If the Judaizing tendency " Acts xv. 40. 
had shown itself in Cyprus, Barnabas would 12 Tf no other causes had occurred to deter- 


still be able to refer to the decision of the mine the direction of his journey, there might 
souncil, and Mark would stand in the same be no vessel at Antioch or Seleucia bound for 





why 


ORAP, VOI. SYRIA AND CILICIA. 219 


to accomplish in Cilicia. The early fortunes of Christianity in that 
province were closely bound up with the city of Antioch and the per- 
sonal labors of St. Paul. When he withdrew from Jerusalem, “ three 
years” after his conversion, his residence for some time was in “ the 
regions of Syria and Cilicia.”! He was at Tarsus in the course of that 
residence, when Barnabas first brought him to Antioch.? The churches 
founded by the Apostle in his native province must often have been 
Jisited by him ; for it is far easier to travel from Antioch to Tarsus, than 
from Antioch to Jerusalem, or even from Tarsus to Iconium. Thus the 
religious movements in the Syrian metropolis penetrated into Cilicia. 
The same great “ prophet”? had been given to both, and the Christians 
in both were bound together by the same feelings and the same doc- 
trines. When the Judaizing agitators came to Antioch, the result was 
anxiety and perplexity, not only in Syria, but also in Cilicia. This is 
nowhere literally stated; but it can be legitimately inferred. We are, 
indeed, only told that certain men came down with false teaching from 
Judea to Antioch.’ But the Apostolic Decree is addressed to “ the 
Gentiles of Cilicia” * as well as those of Antioch, thus implying that the 
Judaizing spirit, with its mischievous consequences, had been at work 
beyond the frontier of Syria. And, doubtless, the attacks on St. Paul’s 
apostolic character had accompanied the attack on apostolic truth,’ and a 
new fulfilment of the proverb was nearly realized, that a prophet in his 
own country is without honor. He had, therefore, no ordinary work 
to accomplish as he went “through Syria and Cilicia confirming the 


churches ;”’® and it must have been with much comfort and joy that he 





was able to carry with him a document, emanating from the Apostles at 
Jerusalem, which justified the doctrine he had taught, and accredited 
his personal character. Nor was he alone as the bearer of this letter, 
but Silas was with him also, ready “ to tell the same things by moath.”’? 
It is a cause for thankfulness that God put it into the heart of Silas to 
“abide still at Antioch” ® when Judas returned to Jerusalem, and to 
accompany St. Paul® on his northward journey. For when the Cilician 
Christians saw their countryman arrive without his companion Barnabas, 
whose name was coupled with his own in the apostolic letter,’ their confi 


Pamphylia; a circumstance not always suffi- time. Much might be accomplished during 
ciently taken into account by those who have the residence at Antioch (xv. 36), which might 


* written on St. Paul’s voyages. very well include journeys to Tarsus. But we 
1 Gal. i. 21; Acts ix. 30. See pp. 97-99. are distinctly told that the churches of Cilicia 
2 Acts xi. 25. See p. 110. were “confirmed ” by St. Paul, when he was 
3 Acts xv. 1. i on his way to those of Lycaonia. 
* Acts xv 23. 5 Pp. 185, 194. 7 Acts xv. 27.. 


5 Acts xv. 41. The work of allaying the ® Or to return thither. See p. 198, n. 2. 
Judaizing spirit in Cilicia would require some ® Acts xv. 40. 10 Acts xv. 25. 


220 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. ouar. vm 


dence might have been shaken, occasion might have been given to the 
enemies of the truth to slander St. Paul, had not Silas been present, as 
one of those who were authorized to testify that both Paul and Barnabas 
were “men who had hazarded their lives for the name of our Lord 
Jesus Christ.” ! 

Where “ the churches” were, which he “ confirmed” on his journey, 
—in what particular cities of “Syria and Cilicia,”’—we are not in- 
formed. After leaving Antioch by the bridge over the Orontes,’ he 
would cross Mount Amanus by the gorge which was anciently called the 
‘“‘ Syrian Gates,” and is now known as the Beilan Pass.* Then he would 
come to Alexandria and Issus, two cities that were monuments of the 
Macedonian conqueror; one as retaining his name, the other as the 
scene of his victory. After entering the Cilician plain, he may have 
visited Adana, Aigez, or Mopsuetia, three of the conspicuous cities on the 
old Roman roads.‘ With all these places St. Paul must have been more 
or less familiar: probably there were Christians in all of them, anxiously 
waiting for the decree, and ready to receive the consolation it was 
intended to bring. And one other city must certainly have been visited. 
If there were churches anywhere in Cilicia, there must have been one at 
Tarsus. It was the metropolis of the province; Paul had resided there, 
perhaps for some years, since the time of his conversion; and if he 
loved his native place well enough to speak of it with something like 
pride to the Roman officer at Jerusalem,’ he could not be indifferent to 
its religious welfare. Among the “ Gentiles of Cilicia,” to whom the 
letter which he carried was addressed, the Gentiles of Tarsus had no 
mean place in his affections. And his heart must have overflowed with 
thankfulness, if, as he passed through the streets which had been familiar 
to him since his childhood, he knew that many households were around 
him where the Gospel had come “not in word only but in power,” and 
the relations between husband and wife, parent and child, master and 
slave, had been purified and sanctified by Christian love. No doubt the 


1 Acts xv. 26. 

2 See the description of ancient Antioch 
above, Chap. IV. p. 113; also p. 124 

8 The “ Syrian Gates” are the entrance in- 
to Cilicia from Syria, as the “ Cilician Gates” 
are from Cappadocia. The latter pass, how- 
ever, is by far the grander and more important 
of the two. Intermediate between these two, 
in the angle where Taurus and Amanus meet, 
is the pass into Syria by which Darius fled 
after the battle of Issus. Both entrances from 
Syria into Cilicia are alluded to by Cicero, as 
well as the great entrance from Cappadocia. 


* If the itineraries are examined and com- 
pared together, the Roman roads will be 
observed to diffuse themselves among these 
different towns in the Cilician plain, and then 
to come together again at the bend of the bay, 
before they enter the Syrian Gates. Mopsne 
tia and Adana were in the direct road from 
Issus to Tarsus; Aige was on the coast-road 
to Soli. Bais also was an important tows 
situated to the S. of Issus. 

© Acts xxi. 39. 





@iar. 610, PAUL AND SILAS IN CILICIa. 


city still retained all the aspect of the cities of that day, where art and 
amusement were consecrated to a false religion. The symbols of idolatry 
remained in the public places, — statues, temples, and altars, — and 
the various “ objects of devotion,” which in all Greek towns, as well as 
in Athens (Acts xvii. 23), were conspicuous on every side. But the 
silent revolution was begun. Some families had already turned “ frem 
idols to serve the living and true God.”’! The “ dumb idols” to which, 
as Gentiles, they had been “ carried away even as they were led,”’? had 
been recognized as “ nothing in the world,’ * and been “ cast to the moles 
and to the bats.”* The homes which had once been decorated with the 
emblems of a vain mythology, were now bright with the better ornaments 
of faith, hope, and love. And the Apostle of the Gentiles rejoiced in 
looking forward to the time when the grace which had been triumphant 
in the household should prevail against principalities and powers, — 
when “every knee should bow at the name of Jesus, and every tongue 


confess that He is Lord, to the glory of God the Father.” ® 
But it has pleased God that we should know more of the details of 


early Christianity in the wilder and remoter regions of Asia Minor. 


To 


these regions the footsteps of St. Paul were turned after he had accom- 


plished the work of confirming the churches in Syria and Cilicia. 


The 


task now before him was the visitation of the churches he had formed iz 


4 1 Thess. i. 9. 

2 1 Cor. xii. 2. 

® 1 Cor. viii. 4. 

* Isai. ii. 20. These remarks have been 
suggested by a recent discovery of much inter- 
est at Tarsus. Ina mound which had formerly 
rested against a portion of the city wall, since 
removed, was discovered a large collection of 
terra-cotta figures and lamps. At first these were 
thought to be a sherd-wreck, or the refuse of 
some Ceramicus or pottery-work. But, on ob- 
serving that the lamps had been used, and that 
the earthenware gods (Di jictiles) bore no trace 
or having been rejected because of defective 
workmanship, but, on the contrary, had evi- 
dently been used, it has been imagined that 
these terra-cettas must have been thrown away, 
as connected with idolatry, on the occasion of 
some conversion to Christianity. The figures 
are such as these, — a head of Pan, still show- 
ing the mortar by which it was set up in some 
garden or vineyard; the boy Mercury; Cybe- 
Is, Jupiter, Ceres crowned with corn, Apollo 
with rays, a lion devouring a bull (precisely 
cimilar to that engraved, p. 28), with other 


symbols of general or local mythology. There 
are, moreover, some ears, legs, &c., which 
sesm to have been votive offerings, and which, 
therefore, it would have been sacrilege te 
remove; amd a great number of lamps er 
incense-burners, with a carbonaceous stain en 
them. 

The date when these things were thrown 
‘to the moles and bats” seems to be ascer- 
tained by the dressing of the hair in ene of 
the female figures, which is that of the peried 
ef the early emperors, as shown in busts of 
Domitia, or Julia, the wife of Titus, the same 
that is censured by the Roman satirist and by 
the Christian Apostle. Some ef them are 
undoubtedly of an earlier period. 

We owe the opportunity of seeing these 
remains, and the foregoing criticisms on them 
(by Mr. Abington, of Hanley, in Stafford- 
shire), to the kindness of W. B. Barker, Esq., 
who was for many years a resident at Tarsus, 
and who has recently given much infermation 
en the history of Cilicia in his work entitled 
Lares and Penates. 

§ Phil. ii. 10, 11. 


222 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. ouar. vin. 
conjunction with Barnabas. We proceed to follow him in his second 
journey across Mount Taurus. i 
The vast mountain-barrier which separates the sunny plains of Cilicia 
and Pamphylia from the central table-land has frequently been men- 
tioned. On the former journey? St. Paul travelled from the Pamphylia 
plain to Antioch in Pisidia, and thence by Iconium to Lystra and Derbe. 
His present course across the mountains was more to the eastward; and 
she last-mentioned cities were visited first. More passes than one lead up 
into Lycaonia and Cappadocia through the chain of Taurus from Cilicia.* 
And it has been supposed‘ chat the Apostle travelled through one of the 
minor passes, which quits the lower plain at Pompeiopolis,’ and enters the 
upland plain of Iconium, not far from the conjectural site of Derbe. But 
there is no sufficient reason to suppose that he went by any other than 
the ordinary road. A traveller wishing to reach the Valais conveniently 
from the banks of the Lago Maggiore would rather go by the Simplon, 
than by the difficult path across the Monte Moro; and there is one great 
pass in Asia Minor which may be called the Simplon* of Mount Taurus, 
described as a rent or fissure in the mountain-chain, extending from 
north to south through a distance of eighty miles,’ and known in ancient 
days by the name of the “ Cilician Gates,’ — which has been, in all ages, 
the easiest and most convenient entrance from the northern and central 
parts of the peninsula to the level by the seashore, where the traveller 
pauses before he enters Syria. The securing of this pass was the great- 
est cause of anxiety to Cyrus, when he marched into Babylonia to de- 
throne his brother. Through this gorge Alexander descended to that 
Cilician plain, which has been finally described by a Greek historian as a 
theatre made by Nature’s hand for the drama of great battles. Cicero 


followed in the steps of Alexander, as he tells his friend Atticus in a 


1 Especially pp. 19, 45, 98, 145-151, 165, 
175-177. 

2 Acts xiii. 14. 

8 The principal passes are enumerated in 
the Modern Traveller. 

* Wieseler thinks that this would be the 
route adopted, because it leads most directly to 
Derbe (Divle). But, in the first place, the 
site of this town is very doubtful; and, sec- 
ondly, the shortest road across a mountain- 
chain is not necessarily the best. The road 
by the Cilician Gates was carefully made and 
kept up, and enters the Lycaonian plain near 
where Derbe must have been situated. 

5 For Pompeiopolis or Soli, see p. 20, and 
the note. 


® Mr. Ainsworth points out some interest 
ing particulars of resemblance and contrast 
between the Alps and this part of the Taurus. 
Travels and Researches in Asia Minor, §c. 
(1842), 11. 80. 

7 Gen. Chesney in the Huphrates Expedition, 
i. 353. 

8 Mannert and Forbiger both think that he 
went by a pass more to the east; but the ar- 
guments of Mr. Ainsworth for the identity of 
Dana with Tyana, and the coincidence of the 
route of Cyrus with the “ Cilician Gates,” 
appear to be conclusive. Travels tx: the Track, 
§c., p. 40. 









. 
; 





CHAP, VL, THEY OROSS THE TAURDS. 22% 


letter wiitten with characteristic vanity. And to turn to the centuries 
which have elapsed since the time of the Apostles and the first Roman 
emperor?: twice, at least, this pass has been the pivot on which the 
struggle for the throne of the East seemed to turn, — once, in the war 
describe‘! by obscure historians,! when a pretender at Antioch made the 
Taurus his defence against the Emperor of Rome; and once in a war 
which we remember, when a pretender at Alexandria fortified it and 
advanced beyond it in his attempt to dethrone the Sultan.? In the wars 
betweer: the Crescent and the Cross, which have filled up much of the 
intervening period, this defile has decided the fate of many an army. 
The Greek historians of the first Saracen invasions describe it by a word, 
unknown to classical Greek, which denotes that when this passage 
(between Cappadocia and Cilicia) was secure, the frontier was closed. 
The Crusaders, shrinking from the remembrance of its precipices and 
dangers, called it by the more awful name of the “ Gates of Judas.” 
Through this pass we conceive St. Paul to have travelled on his way 
from C'licia to Lycaonia. And if we say that the journey was made in 
the spring of the year 51, we shall not deviate very far from the actual 
date. By those who have never followed the Apostle’s footsteps, the suc- 
cessive features of the scenery through which he passed may be compiled 
from t]e accounts of recent travellers, and arranged in the following 
order.* — After leaving Tarsus, the way ascends the valley of the Cydunus, 
which, for some distance, is nothing more than an ordinary mountain 
valley, with wooded eminences and tributary streams. Beyond the point 
where the road from Adana comes in from the right, the hills suddenly 
draw together and form a narrow pass, which has always been guarde 
by precipitous cliffs, and is now crowned by the ruins of a medieval castle. 


1 The war between Severus and Pescennius 
Niger. , 

2 This was emphatically the case in the 
first war between Mahomet Ali and the Sul- 
fan, when Ibrahim Pasha crossed the Taurus 
and fought the battle of Konieh, in December, 
1832. In the second war, the decisive battle 
was fought at Nizib, in June, 1839, further to 
the Hast: but even then, while the negotia- 
tions were pending, this pass was the military 
boundary between the opposing powers. See 
Mr. Ainsworth’s Travels and Researches, quoted 
below. He was arrested in his journey by 
the battle of Nizib. For a slight notice of the 
two campaigns, see Yates’s Egypt, 1.xv. In 
the second volume (ch. v.) is a curious ac- 
count of an interview with Ibrahim Pasha at 


Tarsus, in 1838, with notices of the surround 
ing country. 

8 We have no means of exactly determin- 
ing either the year or the season. He left 
Corinth in the spring (Acts xviii. 21) after 
staying there a year and a half (Acts xviii. 
11). He arrived, therefore, at Corinth in the 
autumn ; and probably, as we shall see, in the 
autumn of the year 52. Wieseler calculates that 
a year might be occupied in the whole journey 
from Antioch through Asia Minor and Macedo- 
nia to Corinth. Perhaps it is better to allow 
a year and a half; and the spring is the more 
likely season to have been chosen for the com- 
mencement of the journey. See p. 146. 

* Very full descriptions may be seen im 
Ainswor*h and Kinneir. 


Oe Ve eee ; 


224 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. OMAP, YL 
In some places the ravine contracts to a width of ten or twelve paces, 
leaving room for only one chariot te pass. It is an anxious place to any 
one in command of a military expedition. To one who is unburdened by 
such responsibility, the scene around is striking and impressive. A 
canopy of fir-trees is high overhead. Bare limestone cliffs rise above on 
either hand to an elevation of many hundred feet. The streams which 
descend towards the Cydnus are close by the wayside, and here and there 
undermine it or wash over it. When the higher and more distant of 
these streams are left behind, the road emerges upon an open and 
elevated region, 4,000 feet above the level of the sea. This space of high 
land may be considered as dividing the whole mountain journey into two 
parts. For when it is passed, the streams are seen to flow in a new direc- 
tion. Not that we have attained the point where the highest land of Asia 
Miner’ turns the waters north and south. The torrents which are seen 
descending to the right are merely the tributaries of the Sarus, another 
river of Cilicia. The road is conducted northwards through this new 
ravine; and again the rocks close in upon it, with steep naked cliffs, 
among cedars and pines, forming “ an intricate defile, which a handful of 
men might convert into another Thermopyle.”’ When the highest peaks 
of Taurus are left behind, the road to Tyana is continued in the same 
northerly direction ;? while that to Iconium takes a turn to the left, and 
passes among wooded slopes with rocky projections, and over ground com- 
paratively level, to the great Lycaonian plain. 

The whole journey from Tarsus to Konieh is enough, in modern times, 
to eccupy four laborious days;* and, from the nature of the ground, the 
time required can never have been much less. The road, however, was 
doubtless more carefully maintained in the time of St. Paul than at the 
present day, when it is only needed for Tatar couriers and occasional 
traders. Antioch and Ephesus had a more systematic civilization then 
than Aleppo or Smyrna has now; and the governors of Cilicia, Cap 
padocia, and Galatia, were more concerned than a modern Pacha in keep- - 
ing up -the lines of internal communication.‘ At various parts of the 


1 This is the Anti-Taurus, which, though 
far less striking in appearance than the Tau- 
rus, is really higher, as is proved by the course 
of the Sarus and other streams. 

2 The roads towards Syria from Cssarea 
in Cappadocia, and Angora in Galatia, both 
meet at Tyana. The place is worthy of notice 
as the native city of Apollonius, the notorious 
philosopher and traveller. See the beginning 
of Chap. X. 

5 Mr. Ainsworth, in the month of Novem- 
bar, was six days in travelling from Iconium 


to Adana. Major Rennell, who enters very 
fully into all questions relating to distances — 
and rates of travelling, says that more than 
forty hours are occupied in crossing the Tau- 
rus from Eregli to Adana, though the distance 
is only 78 miles; and he adds, that fourteen 
more would be done on common ground ia 
the same time. (Geog. of Western Asia. i 

* Inscriptions in Asia Minor, relating to 
the repairing of roads by the governors of ‘ 
provinces and other officials, are not —_ 
quent. 


, 


APPROACH TO LYSTRA. Bs 


omar. Vill. 


journey from Tarsus to Iconium traces of the old military way are visible, 


marks of ancient chiselling, substructions, and pavement; stones that 
have fallen over into the rugged river-bed, and sepulchres hewn out in 


the cliffs, or erected on the level ground.' Some such traces still follow 
the ancient line of road where it enters the plain of Lycaonia, beyond 
Cybistra,? near the spot where we conceive the town of Derbe to have 
been formerly situated.’ 

As St. Paul emerged from the mountain-passes, and came among the 
lower heights through which the Taurus recedes to the Lycaonian levels, 
the heart which had been full of affection and anxiety all through the 
journey would beat more quickly at the sight of the well-known objects 
before bim. The thought of his disciples would come with new foree 
upon his mind, with a warm thanksgiving that he was at length allowed 
to revisit them, and to “see how they fared.”* The recollection of 
friends, from whom we have parted with emotion, is often strongly asso- 
ciated with natural scenery, especially when the scenery is remarkable. 
And here the tender-hearted Apostle was approaching the home of his 
Lycaonian converts. On his first visit, when he came as a stranger, he 
had travelled in the opposite direction: * but the same objects were again 
before his eyes, the same wide-spreading plain, the same black summit of 
the Kara-Dagh. In the farther reach of the plain, beyond the “ Black 
Mount,” was the city of Iconium; nearer to its base was Lystra; and 
nearer still to the traveller himself was Derbe,® the last point of his pre- 
vious journey. Here was his first meeting now with the disciples he 
had then been enabled to gather. The incidents of such a meeting, — the 
inquiries after Barnabas, — the welcome given to Silas,—the exhorta 
tions, instructions, encouragements, warnings, of St. Paul, — may be lef 
to the imagination of those who have pleasure in picturing to themselves 
the features of the Apostolic age, when Christianity was new. 


1 See Ainsworth and Kinneir. 

2 See the map with the line of Roman 
road, p. 166. Cybistra (Eregli) was one of 
Cicero’s military stations. Its relation to the 
Taurss is very clearly pointed out in his let 
ters. Writing from this place, he was very 
near Derbe. He had come from Iconium, 
and afterwards went through the pass to Tar 
sus; so that his route must have nearly coin- 
cided with that of St. Paul. The bandit 
chief, Antipater of Derbe, is one of the per 
seuages who play a considerable part in this 
pazeage of Cicero’s life. 

8 Ses above, p. 167, n.1, and p.175. Mr. 
Hamiitol) gives a detailed account of his 
journmsy im this direction, and of the spots 


15 


where he saw ruins, inscriptions. er tombe. 
He heard of Divle when he was ina yailah on 
the mountains, but did not visit it in conse 
quence of the want of water. There was 
none within eight hours. Compare what is 
said of the drought of Lycaenia by Strabo, as 
referred to above, p. 165. 

Texier is of opinion that the true site of 
Derbe is Divle, which he describes as a vit 
lage in a wild valley among the mountaima, 
with Byzantine remains. Asie Mineure, & 
129, 180. 

* See above, p. 216. 

5 Compare Acts xiv. with 2 Tim. iii 16, 11. 

® See the account of the topography ef 
this district, Ch. VL pp. 163, &. 





226 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8ST. PAUL. 


‘Chap. Vin 


This is all we can say of-Derbe, for we know no details either of the 
. former or present visit to the place. But when we come to Lystra, we 
are at once in the midst of all the interest of St. Paul’s public ministry 
and private relations. Here it was that Paul and Barnabas were regarded — 
as Heathen divinities ;! that the Jews, who had first cried “ Hosanna” 
and then crucified the Saviour, turned the barbarians from homage to 
insult ;* and that the little Church of Christ had been fortified by the 
assurance that the kingdom of heaven can only be entered through “‘ much 
tribulation.” * Here too it was that the child of Lois and Eunice, taught © 
the Holy Scriptures from his earliest years, had been trained to a religious 
life, and prepared, through the Providence of God, by the sight of - | 
Apostle’s sufferings, to be his comfort, support, and companion.‘ : 
Spring and summer had passed over Lystra since the Apostles had | 
preached there. God had continued to “bless” them, and given them 
“rain from heaven and fruitful seasons, filling their hearts with food and 
gladness.” * But still “ the living God, who made the heavens, and the 
earth, and the sea, and all things that are therein,” was recognized only 
by a few. The temple of the Lystrian Jupiter still stood before the 
gate, and the priest still offered the people sacrifices to the imaginary © 
protector of the city.6 Heathenism was invaded, but not yet destroyed. : 
Some votaries had been withdrawn from that polytheistic religion, which 
wrote and sculptured in stone its dim ideas of “ present deities ;”* crowd- 
ing its thoroughfares with statues and altars, ascribing to the King of the - 
gods the attributes of beneficent protection and the government of atmos- 
pheric changes,’ and vaguely recognizing Mercury as the dispenser of 
fruitful seasons and the patron of public happiness.” But many years of 
difficulty and persecution were yet to elapse before Greeks and Barbarians 
fully learnt, that the God whom St. Paul preached was a Father every- 
where present to His children, and the One Author of every “ good and 
perfect gift.” 
Lystra, however, contributed one of the principal agents in the accom- 








1 Acts xiv. 12-18, pp. 170, &. 

2 Acts xiv. 19, pp. 172, 173. 

3 Acts xiv. 22, p. 176. 

* See pp. 174, 175. 

& See the words used in St. Paul’s address 
to the Lystrians, Acts xiv., and the remarks 
made, pp. 171,172. New emphasis is given 
to the Apostle’s words, if we remember what 
Strabo says of the absence of water in the 
pastures of Lycaonia. Mr. Weston found that 
water was dearer than milk at Bin-bir-Kilisseh, 
and that there was only one spring, high up 
the Kara-Dagh. 


* Some think that a statue, not a temple, of 
Jupiter is meant. 

7 See note in the larger editions. 

® See the remarks on Tarsus above, p. 221, 
and the note. é 

® Jupiter was often spoken of to this effect 
in poetry and inscriptions. Compare St 
Paul’s words, Acts xiv. 17. 

19 Such were the attributes of Mercury ac 
represented in works of art. 






hy he ie ey 
CRAG 
eed 
, 


cuAR VIL." TIMOTHY. 227 
plishment of this result. We have seen how the seeds of Go..vel truth 
were sown in the heart of Timotheus.! The instruction received in 
childhood,—the sight of St. Paul’s sufferings, — the hearing of his 
words, — the example of the ‘‘ unfeigned faith, which first dwelt in his 
grandmother Lois and his mother Eunice,’ *— and whatever other influ- 
ences the Holy Spirit had used for his soul’s good, — had resulted in the 
full conviction that Jesus was the Messiah. And if we may draw an 
obvious inference from the various passages of Scripture, which describe 
the subsequent relation of Paul and Timothy, we may assert that natural 
qualities of an engaging character were combined with the Christian faith 
of this young disciple. The Apostle’s heart seems to have been drawn 
towards him with peculiar tenderness. He singled him out from the 
other disciples. ‘‘ Him would Paul have to go forth with him.”* This 
feeling is in harmony with all that we read, in the Acts,and the Epistles, 
of St. Paul’s affectionate and confiding disposition. He had no relative 
ties which were of service in his apostolic work ; his companions were few 
and changing ; and though Silas may well be supposed to have supplied 
the place of Barnabas, it was no weakness to yearn for the society of one 
who might become, what Mark had once appeared to be, a son in the Gos- 
pel. Yet how could he consistently take an untried youth on so difficult 
an enterprise? How could he receive Timothy into “ the glorious com- 
pany of Apostles,’ when he had rejected Mark? Such questions might 
be raised, if we were not distinctly told that the highest testimony was 
given to Timothy’s Christian character, not only at Lystra, but at Iconium 
also.© We infer from this, that diligent inquiry was made concerning his 
fitness for the work to which he was willing to devote himself. To omit, 
at present, all notice of the prophetic intimations which sanctioned the ap- 
pointment of Timothy,® we have the best proof that he united in himself 
those outward and inward qualifications which a careful prudence would 
require. One other point must be alluded to, which was of the utmost 
moment at that particular crisis of the Church. The meeting of the 
Council at Jerusalem had lately taken place. And, though it had been 


1 Pp.174,175. It is well known that com- 
Mentators are not agreed whether Lystra or 
Derbe was the birthplace of Timothy. But 
the former opinion is by far the more probable. 
The latter rests on the view which some critics 
take of Acts xx. 4. The whole aspect of 
Acts xvi. 1, 2, is in favor of Lystra. 

22 Tim. i. 5. 

§ Acts xvi. 3. The wish was spontaneous, 
not suggested by others. 

* This is literally what he afterwards said 
of Timothy: “ Ye know that, as a son with the 


Sather, he has served with me in the Gospel.” 
Philip. ii. 22. Compare also the phrases “my 
son,” “my own son in the faith.” 1 Tim. 
i. 2, 18, and 2 Tim. ii, 1. 

5 Acts xvi. 2. 

61 Tim.i.18. Seeiv.14 We.ought to 
add, that “‘ the brethren” who gave testimony 
in praise of Timothy were the very converts 
of St. Paul himself, and, therefore, witnesses 
in whom he had good reason to place the ut 
most confidences. 





228 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8T. PAUL “oar. vIn 


decided that the Gentiles were not to be forced into Judaism on embra 
cing Christianity, and though St. Paul carried with him? the decree, to be — 
delivered ‘ to all the churches,”’ — yet still he was in a delicate and diff. — 
cult position. The Jewish Christians had naturally a great jealousy on 
the subject of their ancient divine Law; and in dealing with the two — 
parties the Apostle had need of the utmost caution and discretion. We 
see, then, that in choosing a fellow-worker for his future labors, there was 
a peculiar fitness in selecting one ‘‘ whose mother was a Jewess, while — 
his father was a Greek.’’? 

We may be permitted here to take a short retrospect of the childhood 
and education of St. Paul’s new associate. The hand of the Apostle him- 
self has drawn for us the picture of his early years. That picture rep- 
resents to us a mother and a grandmother, full of tenderness and faith, 
piously instructing the young Timotheus in the ancient Scriptures, making 
his memory familiar with that “ cloud of witnesses” which encompassed 
all the history of the chosen people, and training his hopes to expect the 
Messiah of Israel.‘ It is not allowed to us to trace the previous his 
tory of these godly women of the dispersion. It is highly probable that 
they may have been connected with those Babylonian Jews whom Anti- 
ochus settled in Phrygia three centuries before:* or they may have been 
conducted into Lycaonia by some of those mercantile and other changes 
which affected the movements of so many families at the epoch we are 
writing of; such, for instance, as those which brought the household of 
the Corinthian Chloe into relations with Ephesus,® and caused the prose- 
lyte Lydia to remove from Thyatira to Philippi? There is one difficulty 
which, at first sight, seems considerable ; viz. the fact that a religious 
Jewess, like Eunice, should have been married to a Greek. Such a mar- 
riage was scarcely in harmony with the stricter spirit of early Judaism, 
and in Palestine itself it could hardly have taken place.® But among the 
Jews of the dispersion, and especially in remote districts, where but few 
of the scattered people were established, the case was rather different. 
Mixed marriages, under such circumstances, were doubtless very frequent. 
We are at liberty to suppose that in this case the husband was a prose 
lyte. We hear of no objections raised to the circumcision of Timothy, 
and we may reasonably conclude that the father was himself inclined to 


























1 Acts xvi. 4. 

® Acta xvi. 1. 

3 2 Tim. i. 5, iii. 15, &e. 

+ If it is allowable to allude to an actual 
picture of a scene of this kind, we may mention 
the drawing of “Jewish women reading the 
Seriptures,” in Wilkie’s Oriental Sketches. 

5 See Ch. II. p. 36, also Ch. L pp. 15, 16. 


The authority for the statement made there is 
Joseph. Ant. xii. 3, 4. 

© 1 Cori 2. 7 Acts xvi. le. 

8 Learned men (Selden and Michaelis for 
instance) take different views of the lawfulness 
of such marriages. Thecases of Esther and of 
various members of the Herodian family obv> 
ously cocur to us. : 






omar. YEE OIRCUMOISION OF TIMOTHY. 229 


Judaism :' if, indeed, he were not already deceased, and Eunice a widow. 
This very circumstance, however, of his mixed origin gave to Timothy an 
intimate connection with both the Jewish and Gentile worlds. Though 
far removed from the larger colonies of Israclitish families, he was 
brought up in a thoroughly Jewish atmosphere: his heart was at Jeru- 
salem while his footsteps were in the level fields near Lystra, or on the 
volcanic crags of the Black Mount: and his mind was stored with the 
Hebrew or Greek? words of inspired men of old in the midst of the rude 
idolaters, whose language was “the speech of Lycaonia.” And yet he 
could hardly be called a Jewish boy, for he had not been admitted within 
the pale of God’s ancient covenant by the rite of circumcision. He was 
in the same position, with respect to the Jewish Church, as those, with 
respect to the Christian Church, who, in various ages, and for various 
reasons, have deferred their baptism to the period of mature life. And 
“the Jews which were in those quarters,” * however much they may have 
respected him, yet, knowing “ that his father was a Greek,” and that he 
himself was uncircumcised, must have considered him all but an “ alien 
from the commonwealth of Israel.” 

Now, for St. Paul to travel among the Synagogues with a companion 
in this condition, and to attempt to convince the Jews that Jesus was 
the Messiah, When his associate and assistant in the work was an uncir 
cumcised Heathen, -— would evidently have been to encumber his prog- 
ress and embarrass his work. We see in the first aspect of the case a 
complete explanation of what to many has seemed inconsistent, and what 
some have ventured to pronounce as culpable, in the conduct of St. Paul. 
“He took and circumcised Timotheus.” How could he do otherwise, if 
he acted with his usual far-sighted caution and deliberation? Had 
Timothy not been circumcised, a storm would have gathered round the 
Apostle in his further progress. The Jews, who were ever ready to per- 
secute him from city to city, would have denounced him still more 
violently in every Synagogue, when they saw in his personal preferences, 
and in the co-operation he most valued, a visible revolt against the law 
of his forefathers. To imagine that they could have overlooked the 
absence of circumcision in Timothy’s case, as a matter of no essential 
importance, is to suppose they had already become enlightened Chris- 


1 The expression in the original (xvi. 3) But the Hellenistic element would be likely te 
means, “he was a born Greek.” The most predominate. In reference to this subject, Mr. 
Satoral inference is, that his fathe: was living, Grinfield, in his recent work on the Septuagint, 
and most probably not a proselyte of righteous- p. 53, notices the two quotations from shat 
neas, if a proselyte at all. version in St. Paul’s letters to Timothy 1 

2 We cannot tell how far this family isto be Tim. v. 18; 2 Tim. ii. id. 
reckoned Hellenistic or Aramaic { see Ch. IL). ® Acts xvi. 3. 


230 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. cmar. VID . 


tians. Even in the bosom of the Church we have seen! the difficulties — 


which had recently been raised by scrupulousness and bigotry on this 
very subject. And the difficulties would have been increased tenfold in 
the untrodden field before St. Paul by proclaiming everywhere on his 
very arrival that circumcision was abolished. His fixed line of procedure 
was to act on the cities through the synagogues, and to preach the Gospel 
first to the Jew, and then to the Gentile? He had no intention of 
abandoning this method, and we know that he continued it for many 
years.* But such a course would have been impossible had not Timothy 


been circumcised. He must necessarily have been repelled by that people — 


who endeavored once (as we shall see hereafter) to murder St. Paul, 
because they imagined he had taken a Greek into the Temple.‘ The very 
intercourse of social life would have been hindered, and made almost im- 
possible, by the presence of a half-heathen companion: for, however far 
the stricter practice may have been relaxed among the Hellenizing Jews 
of the dispersion, the general principle of exclusiveness everywhere 
remained, and it was still “an abomination ” for the circumcised to eat 
with the uncircumcised.’ 

it may be thought, however, that St. Paul’s conduct in circumcising 
Timothy was inconsistent with the principle and practice he maintained 
at Jerusalem when he refused to circumcise Titus.6 But the two cases 
were entirely different. Then there was an attempt to enforce circum- 
cision as necessary to salvation: now it was performed as a voluntary act, 
and simply on prudential grounds. Those who insisted on the ceremony 
in the case of Titus were Christians, who were endeavoring to burden the 
Gospel with the yoke of the Law: those for whose sakes Timothy became 
obedient to one provision of the Law were Jews, whom it was desirable 
not to provoke, that they might more easily be delivered from bondage. 
By conceding in the present case, prejudice was conciliated and the 
Gospel furthered: the results of yielding in the former case would have 
been disastrous, and perhaps ruinous, to the cause of pure Christianity. 

If it be said that even in this case there was danger lest serious results 
should follow,— that doubt might be thrown on the freedom of the 
Gospel, and that color might be given to the Judaizing propensity ; — 
it is enough to answer that indifferent actions become right or wrong 
according to our knowledge of their probable consequences, — and that 
St. Paul was a better judge of the consequences likely to follow from 
Timothy’s circumcision than we can possibly be. Are we concerned 


1 Ch. VII. * Acts xxi. 29 with xxii. 22. 
3 Acts xiii. 5,14, xiv. 1, xvii. 1, 2, 10, xviii, § See pp 181, 182. 
¢, 19, xix. 8, 9; and compare Rom. i. 16, ii. 9, 10. § Gal. ii 3. See p. 194. 


5 See Acts xxviii. 





EE re Oe Oe EEE 





CHAP, VII. PLACE OF TIMOTHY’S ORDINATION. 231 


about the effects likely to have been produced on the mind of Timotheus 
himself? There was no risk, at least, lest he should think that circum- 
cision was necessary to salvation, for he had been publicly recognized as 
a Christian before he was circumcised ;! and the companion, disciple, 
and minister of St. Paul was in no danger, we should suppose, of becom- 
ing a Judaizer. And as for the moral results which might be expected 
to follow in the minds of the other Lycaonian Christians,— it must be 
remembered that at this very moment St. Paul was carrying with him 
and publishing the decree which announced to all Gentiles that they were 
not to be burdened with a yoke which the Jews had never been able to 
bear. St. Luke notices this circumstance in the very next verse after the 
mention of Timothy’s circumcision, as if to call our attention to the con- 
tiguity of the two facts.? It would seem, indeed, that the very best 
arrangements were adopted which a divinely enlightened prudence could 
suggest. Paul carried with him the letter of the Apostles and elders, 
that no Gentile Christian might be enslaved to Judaism. He circum- 
cised his minister and companion, that no Jewish Christian might have 
his prejudices shocked. His language was that which he always used, — 
* Circumcision is nothing, and uncircumcision is nothing. The renova- 
tion of the heart in Christ is every thing.* Let every man be persuaded 
in his own mind.”* No innocent prejudice was ever treated roughly by 
St. Paul. To the Jew he became a Jew, to the Gentile a Gentile: ‘he 
was all things to all men, if by any means he might save some.”’® 
Iconium appears to have been the place where Timothy was circumcised. 
The opinion of the Christians at Iconium, as well as those at Lystra, had 
been obtained before the Apostle took him as his companion. These 
towns were separated only by the distance of a few miles ;*® and constant 
communication must have been going on between the residents in the two 
places, wliether Gentile, Jewish, or Christian. Iconium was by far the 
more populous and important city of the two,— and it was the point of 
intersection of all the great roads in the neighborhood.’ For these 
reasons we conceive that St. Paul’s stay in Iconium was of greater mo- 


1 xvi, 1-3. 

2 See vv. 3, 4. 

§ Gal. v. 6, vi 15. St. Panl’s own conduct 
on the confines of Galatia is a commentary on 
the words he uses to the Galatians. 

* Rom. xiv. 5. 

5 1 Cor. ix. 20-22. 

® To what has been said before (pp. 163, 
165, &c.), add the following note from a MS. 
Journal already quoted. “ Oct. 6.— Left 
Konieh at 12. Traversed the enormous plains 


for 54 hours, when we reached a small Turco- 
man village. . . . Oct 7.— At 11.30 we ap- 
proached the Kara-Dagh, and in about an hour 
began to ascend its slopes. We were thus 
about 11 hours crossing the plain from Konieh. 
This, with 2 on the other side, made in all 13 
hours. We were heartily tired of the plain.” 

7 Roads from Iconium to Tarsus in Cilicia, 
Side in Pamphylia, Ephesus in Asia, Angora 
in Galatia, Cesarea in Cappadocia, &c., are all 
mentioned in the ancient authorities. 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8ST. PAUL 


ment than his visits to the smaller towns, such as Lystra. Whether the 
ordination of Timothy, as well as his circumcision, took place at this par- 
ticular place and time, is a point not easy to determine. But this view 
is at least as probable as any other that can be suggested: and it gives a 
new and solemn emphasis to this occasion, if we consider it as that to 
which reference is made in the tender allusions of the pastoral letters, — 
where St. Paul reminds Timothy of his good confession before “ many 
witnesses,” of the “ prophecies ” which sanctioned his dedication to God’s 
service,’ and of the “ gifts” received by the laying-on of “ the hands of the 
presbyters””’* and the Apostle’s “own hands.”* Such references to the 
day of ordination, with all its well-remembered details, not only were full 
of serious admonition to Timothy, but possess the deepest interest for us.’ 
And this interest becomes still greater if we bear in mind that the “ wit- 
nesses”’ who stood by were St. Paul’s own converts, and the very “ brethren” 
who gave testimony to Timothy’s high character at Lystra and Iconium ;* 
— that the “ prophecy” which designated him to his office was the same 
spiritual gift which had attested the commission of Barnabas and Saul at 
Antioch,’ — and that the College of Presbyters,® who, in conjunction with 
the Apostle, ordained the new minister of the Gospel, consisted of those 
who had been “ordained in every Church”’® at the close of that first 
journey. 

On quitting Iconium St. Paul left the route of his previous expedition ; 
unless indeed he went in the first place to Antioch in Pisidia, — a journey 
to which city was necessary in order to complete a full visitation of the 
churches founded on the continent in conjunction with Barnabas. It is 
certainly most in harmony with our first impressions, to believe that this 
city was not unvisited. No mention, however, is made of the place, and 
it is enough to remark that a residence of a few weeks at Iconium as his 
headquarters would enable the Apostle to see more than once all the 
Christians at Antioch, Lystra, and Derbe.” It is highly probable that he 
did so : for the whole aspect of the departure from Iconium, as itis related 





2} Tha. vi 12, 

$1 Tim. i. 18. 

8 | Tim. iv. 14, © 3 Tim. i. 6. 

5 This is equally true, if the ordination is te 
be considered coincident with the “laying-on 
of hands,” by which the miraculous gifts of the 
Hoty Ghost were first communicated, as in the 
easa of Cornelius (Acts x. 44). the Somaritans 
(viii. 17), the disciples at Ephesus (xix. §}, and 
St. Paul himself (ix. 17). See the Eessy on 
Ghe Apostolical Office in Stanley’s Sermons and 
Eesays, especially p. 71. These gifts doubtless 


pointed out the offices to which individuals were 





specially called. Compare together the three — 


important passages : Rom. xii. 6-8; 1 Cor. xii 
28-30 ; Eph. iv. 11,12; also 1 Pet. iv. 10, 11. 

* Compare Acts xvi. 2 with Acts xiii. 51- 
xiv. 21. 

7 Compare | Tim. i. 18 with Acts xiii. 1-3. 

§\ Tim. iv. 14 Sae? Tim i 6. 

* Acis xiv. 25. 

10 Tt would also be very easy for St. Pan! te 
visit Antioch on his route from Iconium throug? 
Phrygia and Galatia. See below, p. 234. 


EE — 


% 


agar, YUL DEPARTURE FROM ICONIUM. 238 


to us in the Bible, is that of a new missionary enterprise, undertaken afte: 
the work of visitation was concluded. St. Paul leaves Iconium, as for- 
merly he left the Syrian Antioch, to evangelize the Heathen in new 
countries. Silas is his companion in place of Barnabas, and Timothy is 
with hima “ for his minister,” as Mark was with him then. Many roads 
were before him. By travelling westwards he.would soon cross the fron- 
tier of the province of Asia,’ and he might descend by the valley of the 
Meander to Ephesus, its metropolis: * or the roads to the south’ mighi 
have conducted him to Perga and Attaleia, and the other cities on the 
coast of Pamphylia. But neither of these routes was chosen. Guided 
by the ordinary indications of Providence, or consciously taught by the 
Spirit of God, he advanced in a northerly direction, through what is called, 
in the general language of Scripture, ‘“‘ Phrygia and the region of Galatia.”’ 

We have seen‘ that the term “ Phrygia” had no political significance 
in the time of St. Paul. It was merely a geographical expression, denot- 
ing a debatable country of doubtful extent, diffused over the frontiers of 
the provinces of Asia and Galatia, but mainly belonging to the former. 
We believe that this part of the Apostle’s journey might be describe 
under various forms of expression, according as the narrator might speak 
politically or popularly. A traveller proceeding from Cologne to Hano 
ver might be described as going through Westphalia or through Prussia 
The course of the railroad would be the best indication of his real path 
So we imagine that our best guide in conjecturing St. Paul’s path through 
this part of Asia Minor is obtained by examining the direction of the 
ancient and modern roads. We have marked his route in our map along 
the general course of the Roman military way, and the track of Turkish 
caravans, which leads by Laodicea, Philomelium, and Synnada, — or, te 
use the existing terms, by Ladik, Ak-Sher, and Eski-Karahissar. Thie 
road follows the northern side of that ridge which Strabo describes as sepa- 
rating Philomelium and Antioch in Pisidia, and which, as we have seen,! 
materially assisted Mr. Arundell in discovering the latter city. If St. 
Paul revisited Antioch on his way,‘ — and we cannot be sure that he did 
not, — he would follow the course of his former journey,’ and then regain 


1 It is impossible, as we have seen (p. 207), 
to determine the exact frontier. 

2 The great road from Ephesus to the Eu- 
phrates ascended the valley of the Mseander to 
the neighborhood of Laodicea, Hierapolis, and 
Colosass (Col. iv. 13-16), and thence passed by 
Apamea to Iconium. This was Cicero’s route, 
when he travelled from Ephesus to Cilicia. 

* The Peutinger Table has a direct road 
from Iconium to Side, on the coast of Pam- 
phylia. Thence arother road follows the coast 


to Perga, and'goes thence across Westert 
Pisidia to the valley of the Msander. None of 
the Itineraries mention any direct road from 
Antioch in Pisidia to Perga and Attaleia, 
corresponding to the journeys of Paul and 
Barnabas. Side was a harbor of considerable 
importance. 

4 Pp. 204, 206, 207, 209, &c., and the notes 

5 See pp. 150, 151. 

5 See above, p. 232, n. 16. 

1 Acts xiv. 





234 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. | omar, yo. 
the road to Synnada by crossing the ridge to Philomelium. We must 
again repeat that the path marked down here is conjectural. We have 
nothing either in St. Luke’s narrative or in St. Paul’s own letters to lead 
us to any place in Phrygia, as certainly visited by him on this occasion, 
and as the home of the converts he then made. One city indeed, which 
is commonly reckoned among the Phrygian cities, has a great place in 
St. Paul’s biography, and it lay on the line of an important Roman road.’ 
But it was situated far within the province of Asia, and for several reasons 
we think it highly improbable that he visited Colosse on this journey, if 
indeed he ever visited it at all. The most probable route is that which 
lies more to the northwards in the direction of the true Galatia. 

The remarks which have been made on Phrygia, must be repeated, 
with some modification, concerning Galatia. Itis true that Galatia was 
a province: but we can plainly see that the term is used here in its 
popular sense, — not as denoting the whole territory which was governed 
by the Galatian propretor, but rather the primitive region of the te- 
trarchs and kings, without including those districts of Phrygia or Lycao- 
nia which were now politically united with it.2 There is absolutely no 
city in true Galatia which is mentioned by the Sacred Writers in connec- 
tion with the first spread of Christianity. From the peculiar form of 
expression * with which the Christians of this part of Asia Minor are 
addressed by St. Paul in the Epistle which he wrote to them,* and 
alluded to in another of his Epistles,,— we infer that “ the churches of 
Galatia” were not confined to any one city, but distributed through 
various parts of the country. If we were to mention two cities, which, 
both from their intrinsic importance, and from their connection with the 
leading roads,* are likely to have been visited and revisited by the 
Apostle, we should be inclined to select Pessinus and Ancyra. The first 
of these cities retained some importance as the former capital of one of 
the Galatian tribes,’ and its trade was considerable under the early Emper- 


1 Xenophon reckons Colosss in Phrygia. 
So Strabo. It was on the great road mentioned 
above, from Iconium to Ephesus. We come 
here upon a question which we need not antici- 
pate ; 3iz. whether St. Paul was ever at Colossa. 

2 See p. 211, and the notes. 

3 “ The churches of Galatia,” in the plural. 
The occurrence of this term in the salutation 
gives the Epistle to the Galatians the form of a 
circular letter. The same phrase, in the Sec- 
oud Epistle to the Corinthians, conveys the 
impression that there was no great central 
church in Galatia, like that of Corinth in 
‘Achaia, or that of Ephesus in Asia. 


* Gal. i. 2. 

5 1 Cor. xvi. 1. 

® The route is conjecturally laid down in 
the map from Synnada to Pessinus and Ancyra. 
Mr. Hamilton travelled exactly along this line, 
and describes the bare and dreary country at 
length. Near Pessinus he found an insertption 
relating to the repairing of the Roman road, 
on a column which had probably been « mile 
stone. Both the Antonine and Jerusalem 
Itineraries give the road between Pessinus an? 
Ancyra, with the intermediate stages. 

7 The Tolistoboii, or Western Galatians. 





SICKNESS OF ST. PAUL. 235 


» Vii. 


ers. Moreover, it had an ancient and wide-spread renown, as the seat 
of the primitive worship of Cybele, the Great Mother.! Though her 
oldest and most sacred image (which, like that of Diana at Ephesus? 
had “fallen down from heaven”) had been removed to Rome,— her 
wership continued to thrive in Galatia, under the superintendence of her 
effeminate and fanatical priests or Galli,’ and Pessinus was the object of 
one of Julian’s pilgrimages, when Heathenism was on the decline.‘ 
Ancyra was a place of still greater moment: for it was the capital of the 
province.© The time of its highest eminence was not under the Gaulish 
but the Roman government. Augustus built there a magnificent temple 
of marble,’ and inscribed there a history of his deeds, almost in the style 
of an Asiatic sovereign.’ This city was the meeting-place of all the 
great roads in the north of the peninsula.* And, when we add that Jews 
had been established there from the time of Augustus,’ and probably 
earlier, we can hardly avoid the conclusion that the Temple and Inscrip- 
tion at Angora, which successive travellers have described and copied 
during the last three hundred years, were once seen by the Apostle of 
the Gentiles. 

However this may have been, we have some information from his own 
pen, concerning his first journey through “ the region of Galatia.” We 
know that he was delayed there by sickness, and we know in what spirit 
the Galatians received him. 

St. Paul affectionately reminds the Galatians ® that it was “ bodily sick- 
ness which caused him to preach the Glad Tidings to them at the first.” 
The allusion is to his first visit: and the obvious inference is, that he was 
passing through Galatia to some other district (possibly Pontus," where 
we know that many Jews were established), when the state of his bodily 
health arrested his progress.“ Thus he became, as it were, the Evangelist 
of Galatia against his will. But his zeal to discharge the duty that was 


1 See above, p. 210. 
2 Herodian’s expression concerning this 


the recently deciphered record of the victories 
of Darius Hystaspes on the rock at Behistoun. 


image is identical with that in Acts xix. 35. 
3 Jerome connects this term with the name 
of the Galatians. See, however, Smith’s Dic- 


5 This appears from its coins at this period. 
It was also called “‘ Sebaste,”’ from the favor 
ef Augustus. 

* This temple has been described by a long 
seties of travellers, from Lucas and Tournefort 
to Hamilton and Texier. 

_ 7 Full comments on this inscription will be 
found in Hamilton. We may compare it with 


See Vaux’s Nineveh and Persepolis. 

® Colonel Leake’s map shows at one glance 
what we learn from the Itineraries. We see 
there the roads radiating from it in every 
direction. 

9 See the reference to Josephus, p. 212, n. 5. 

10 Gal. iv. 13. 

U See above, p. 213. 

2 There can be no doubt that the literal 
translation is, “on account of bodily weakness.” 
And there seems no good reason why we 
should translate it differently, though most 
of the English commentators take a different 
view. Bétiger, in harmony with his hypothesis 


236 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8ST. PAUL omar. VIL 


laid on him did not allow him to be silent. He was instant “in season 
and out of season.” ‘“ Woe” was on him if he did not preach the Gospel. 
The same Providence detained him among the Gauls, which would not 
allow him to enter Asia or Bithynia:' and in the midst of his weakness 
he made the Glad Tidings known to all who would listen to him. We 
cannot say what this sickness was, or with absolute certainty identify 


with that “ thorn in the flesh”*® to which he feelingly alludes in his 
Epistles, as a discipline which God had laid on him. But the remembrance — 
of what he suffered in Galatia seems so much to color all the phrases in 


this part of the Epistle, that a deep personal interest is connected with 
the circumstance. Sickness in a foreign country has a peculiarly depress- 
ing effect on a sensitive mind. And though doubtless Timotheus watched 
over the Apostle’s weakness with the most affectionate solicitude, — yet 
those who have experienced what fever is in a land of strangers will know 
how to sympathize, even with St. Paul, in this human trial. The climate 
and the prevailing maladies of Asia Minor may have been modified with 
the lapse of centuries: and we are without the guidance of St. Luke’s 
medical language,* which sometimes throws a light on diseases alluded to 
in Scripture: but two’Christian sufferers, in widely different ages of the 
Shurch, occur to the memory as we look on the map of Galatia. We 
could hardly mention any two men more thoroughly imbued with the 
spirit of St. Paul than John Chrysostom and Henry Martyn.‘ And when 
we read how these two saints suffered in their last hours from fatigue, pain, 
rudeness, and cruelty, among the mountains of Asia Minor which sur- 
round the place ® where they rest, — we can well enter into the meaning 
of St. Paul’s expressions of gratitude to those who received him kindly 
in the hour of his weakness. 

The Apostle’s reception among the frank and warm-hearted Gauls was 
peculiarly kind and disinterested. No Church is reminded by the Apostle 
so tenderly of the time of their first meeting. The recollection is used 
by him to strengthen his reproaches of their mutability, and to enforce 
the pleading with which he urges them to return to the true Gospel. 





that St. Luke’s Galatia means the neighbor- 
hoed of Lystra and Derbe, thinks that the 
bodily weakness here alluded to was the result 
of the stoning at Lystra. Acts xiv. 

1 Acts xvi. 6, 7. 

22 Cor. xii. 7-10. Paley (on Gal. iv. 
11-16) assumes the identity, and he is probably 
right. 

® See the paper alluded to, p. 88, n. 5. 

* There was a great similarity in the last 
sufferings of these apostolic men;—the same 
imtolerable pain im the head, the same inclem- 


ent weather, and the same cruelty on the part 
ef those who arged on the journey. Im the 
larger editions, the details of Martyn’s last 
journal are compared with similar passages im 
the Benedictine life of Chrysostom. 

6 It is remarkable that Chrysostom and 
Martyn are buried in the same place. They 
both died on a journey, at Tocat er Comana 
in Pontus. 

® The references have been gives sbove in 
the account of Galatia, p. 209. 


t 


eke. ‘van. JOURNEY TO THE AGEAN. 231 


That Gospel had been received in the first place with the same affection 
which they extended to the Apostle himself And the subject, the manner, 
and the results of his preaching are not obscurely indicated in the Epistle 
iwelf. The great topic there, as at Corinth and everywhere, was “ the 
cross of Christ’ —“ Christ crucified” set forth among them.! The Divine 
evidence of the Spirit followed the word, spoken by the mouth of the 
Apostle, and received by “the hearing of the ear.”? Many were con- 
verted, both Greeks and Jews, men and women, free men and slaves. 
The worship of false divinities, whether connected with the old supersti- 
tion at Pessinus, or the Roman idolatry at Ancyra, was forsaken for that 
of the true and living God.‘ And before St. Paul left the “ region of 
Galatia” on his onward progress, various Christian communities’ were 
added to those o1 Cilicia, Lycaonia, and Phrygia. 

In following St. Paul on his departure from Galatia, we come to a pas- 
sage of acknowledged difficulty in the Acts of the Apostles.‘ Not that the 
words themselves are obscure. The difficulty relates, not to grammatical 
construction, but to geographical details. The statement contained in 
St. Luke’s words is as follows : — After preaching the Gospel in Phrygia 
and Galatia they were hindered from preaching it in Asia; accordingly, 
when in Mysia or its neighborhood, they attempted to penetrate into 
Bithynia; and this also being forbidden by the Divine Spirit, they passed 
by Mysia, and came down to Troas. Now every thing depends here on the 
sense we assign to the geographical terms. What is meant by the words 
“ Mysia,” “ Asia,” and “ Bithynia”? It will be remembered that all 
these words had a wider and a more restricted sense.* They might be 
used popularly and vaguely; or they might be taken in their exacter 
political meaning. It seems to us that the whole difficulty disappears by 
understanding them in the former sense, and by believing (what is much 
the more probable, @ priori) that St. Luke wrote in the usual popular 
language, without any precise reference to the provincial boundaries. We 
need hardly mention Bithynia ; for, whether we speak of it traditionally or 
politically, it was exclusive both of Asia and Mysia.* In this place it is 


1 Mempare Gal. iii. 1 with 1 Cer. i 13, 17, T See above, p. 204. 


ii. 2, &e. 5 Mysia was at one time an apple of discord 
2 Gal. fi. 2. Se at Thesselonica’ 2 between the kings of Pergamus and Bithynia; 

Thess. ii. 13. and the latter were for a certain period masters 
* Gal. iii. 27, 28. ef aconsiderable tract on the shore of the 
* Ses the remarks above (p. 221), im refer- Propontis. But this was at an end when the 

euca to Tarsus. Romans began to interfere in the affairs of 
* The plural (Gal. i. 2 and 1 Cor. xvi. 1) the East. 

implies this. See p. 234. It may be well to add a few words on the his- 


* Acts xvi. 6,7. Fora similar accumula- tory of Mysia, which was purposely deferred to 
ton of participles, see Acts xxv. 6-8. this place. See p. 206, 2.3. Under the Persians 


238 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 
evident that Mysia is excluded also from Asia, just as Phrygia is above ;’ 
not because these two districts were not parts of it in its political character 
of a province, but because they had a history and a traditional character 
of their own sufficiently independent to give them a name in popular 
usage. As regards Asia, it is simply viewed as the western portion of Asia 
Minor. Its relation to the peninsula has been very well described by say- 
ing that it occupied the same relative position which Portugal occupies 
with regard to Spain.” The comparison would be peculiarly just in the 
passage before us. For the Mysia of St. Luke is to Asia what Gallicia is 
to Portugal; and the journey from Galatia and Phrygia to the city of 
Troas has its European parallel in a journey from Castile to Vigo. 

We are evidently destitute of materials for laying down the route of 
St. Paul and his companions. All that relates to Phrygia and Galatia 
must be left vague and blank, like an unexplored country in a map (as 
in fact this region itself is in the maps of Asia Minor),’ where we are at 
liberty to imagine mountains and plains, rivers and cities, but are unable 
to furnish any proofs. As the path of the Apostle, however, approaches 
the Aigean, it comes out into comparative light: the names of places are 
again mentioned, and the country and the coast have been explored and 
described. The early part of the route then must be left indistinct. 
Thus much, however, we may venture to say,— that since the Apostle 
usually turned his steps towards the large towns, where many Jews were 
established, it is most likely that Ephesus, Smyrna, or Pergamus was the 
point at which he aimed, when he sought “ to preach the Word in Asia.” 
There is nothing else to guide our conjectures, except the boundaries of 
the provinces and the lines of the principal roads. 
Angora ‘ in the general direction above pointed out, he would cross the 
river Sangarius near Kiutaya,® which is a great modern thoroughfare, and 
has heen mentioned before (Ch. VI. p. 150) in connection with the 





: 


If he moved from > 


4 


route from Adalia to Constantinople ; and a little farther to the west, 


near Aizani, he would be about the place where the boundaries of Asia, 


this corner of Asia Minor formed the satrapy 2 Paley’s Hore Pauline. (1 Cor. No. 2.) 


of Little Phrygia: under the Christian Emper- 
~ ors it was the province of The Hellespont. In 
the intermediate period we find it called “ Mys- 
‘a,” and often divided into two parts: viz. 
Little Mysia on the north, called also Mysia on 
the Hellespont, or Mysia Olympene, because it 
lay to the north of Mount Olympus; and 
Great Mysia, or Mysia Pergamene, to the 
south and east, containing the three districts 
of Troas, Molis, and Teuthrania. 
1 Acts xvi. 6. 


8 Kiepert’s map, which is the best, shows 
this. Hardly any region in the peninsula has 
been less explored than Galatia and Northern 
Phrygia. 

* Mr. Ainsworth mentions a nill near 
Angora in this direction, the Baulos-Dagh 
which is named after the Apostle. 

5 Kiutaya (the ancient Cotysum) is now 
one of the most important towns in the penin- 
sula. It lies too on the ordinary road between 
Broussa and Konieh. 





owar. VDI. JOURNEY TO THE ZXGEAN. Ys 


Bithynia, and Mysia meet together, and on the water-shed which separates 
the waters flowing northwards to the Propontis, and those which feed the 
rivers of the Aigean. 

Here then we may imagine the Apostle and his three companions to 
pause, — uncertain of their future progress, — on the chalk downs which 
lie between the fountains of the Rhyndacus and those of the Hermus, — 
in the midst of scenery not very unlike what is familiar to us in Eng- 
land! The long range of the Mysian Olympus to the north is the 
boundary of Bithynia. The summits of the Phrygian Dindymus on the 
south are on the frontier of Galatia and Asia. The Hermus flows 
through the province of Asia to the islands of the Aigean. The Rhyn- 
dacus flows to the Propontis, and separates Mysia from Bithynia. By 
following the road near the former river they would easily arrive at 
Smyrna or Pergamus. By descending the valley of the latter and then 
crossing Olympus,” they would be in the richest and most prosperous 
part of Bithynia. In which direction shall their footsteps be turned ? 
Some Divine intimation, into the nature of which we do not presume to 
inquire, told the Apostle that the Gospel was not yet to be preached in 
the populous cities of Asia.* The time was not yet come for Christ to be 
made known to the Greeks and Jews of Ephesus, — and for the churches 
of Sardis, Pergamus, Philadelphia, Smyrna, Thyatira, and Laodicea, to 
be admitted to their period of privilege and trial, for the warning of 


future generations. 
This also is forbidden. 


1 See Mr. Hamilton’s account of the course 
of the Rhyndacus, his comparison of the dis- 
trict of Azanitis to the chalk scenery of Eng- 
land, and his notice of Dindymus, which seems 
to be part of the water-shed that crosses the 
country from the Taurus towards Ida, and 
separates the waters of the Mediterranean and 
#igean from those of the Euxine and Propon- 
tis. In the course of his progress up the 
Rhyndacus he frequently mentions the aspect 
of Olympus, the summit of which could not 
be reached at the end of March in consequence 
of the snow. 

2-The ordinary road from Broussa to 
Kintayah crosses a part of the range of 
Olympus. The Peut. Table has a road join- 
ing Broussa with Pergamus. 

8 Tt will be observed that they were merely 
forbidden to preach the Gospel in Asia. We 
are not told that they did not. enter Asia. 
Their road lay entirely through Asia (politi- 
tally speaking) from the moment of leaving 


Shall they turn, then, in the direction of Bithynia ? ‘ 
St. Paul (so far as we know) never crossed the 


Galatia till their arrival at Troas. On the 
other hand, they were not allowed to enter 
Bithynia at all. Meyer’s view of the word 
“ Asia” in this passage is surprising. He 
holds it to mean the eastern continent as 
opposed to “Europe.” (See p. 205, &c.) He 
says that the travellers, being uncertain 
whether Asia in the more limited sense were 
not intended, made a vain attempt to enter 
Bithynia, and finally learned at Troas that 
Europe was their destination. 

* The route is drawn in the map past 
Aizani into the valley of the Hermus, and 
then northwards towards Hadriani on the 
Rhyndacus. This is merely an imaginary 
line, to express to the eye the changes of 
plan which occurred successively to St. Paul. 
The scenery of the Rhyndacus, which is 
interesting as the frontier river, has been fully 
explored and described by Mr. Hamilton, who 
ascended the river to its source, and thes 
crossed over to the fountains of the Hermus 






THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


Mysian Olympus, or entered the cities of Nicwa and Chalcedon, illus 
trious places in the Christian history of a later age. By revelations, 
which were anticipative of the fuller and clearer communication at 
Troas, the destined path of the Apostolic Company was pointed out, 
through the intermediate country, directly to the West. Leaving the 
greater part of what was popularly called Mysia to the right," they came 
ts the shores of the AMgean, about the place where the deep gulf of 
Adramyttium, over against the island of Lesbos, washes the very base of — 
Mount Ida.’ 

At Adramyttium, if not before, St. Paul is on the line of a great 
Roman road.’ We recognize the place as one which is mentioned again 
in the description of the voyage to Rome. (Acts xxvii. 2.) It was a 
mercantile town, with important relations both with foreign harbors, and 
the cities of the interior of Asia Minor.‘ From this point the road 
follows the northern shore of the gulf,— crossing a succession of the 
streams which flow from Ida,’ — and alternately descending to the pebbly 
beach and rising among the rocks and overgreen brushwood, — while 
Lesbos appears and re-appears through the branches of the rich forest 
trees,*— till the sea is left behind at the city of Assos. This also is a 
city of St. Paul. The nineteen miles of road’ which lie between it and 
Troas is the distance which he travelled by land before he rejoined the 
ship which had brought him from Philippi (Acts xx. 13): and the town 
across the strait, on the shore of Lesbos, 1s Mytilene,® whither the vessel 


proceeded when the Apostle and his companions met on board. 


and Msander, near which he saw an ancient 
road, probably connecting Smyrna and Phila- 
delphia with Angora. 

1 The phrase in Acts xvi. 8 need not be 
pressed too closely. They passed along the 
frontier of Mysia, as it was popularly under- 
stood, and they passed by the whole district, 
without staying to evangelize it. Or, as a 
German writer puts it, they hurried through 
Mysia, because they knew that they were not 
to preach the Gospel in Asia. 

2 Hence it was sometimes called the Gulf 
of Ida. 

* The characteristics of this bay, as seen 
from the water, will be mentioned hereafter 
when we come to the voyage from Assos to 
Mytilene (Acts xx. 14). At present we allude 
only to the reads along the coast. Two roads 
converge at Adramyttium: one which follows 
the shore from the sonth, mentioned in the 
Peutingerian Table; the other from Pergamus 
and the interior, mentioned also in the Anto- 
aine Itimerary. The united route then pro 


ceeds by Assos to Alexandria Troas, and se 
to the Hellespont. 

* Fellows says that there are no traces of 
antiquities to be found there now, except a few 
coins. He travelled in the direction just mea- 
tioned, from Pergamus by Adramyttium and 
Assos to Alexandria Troas. 

5 Poets of all ages— Homer, Ovid, Ten- 
nyson — have celebrated the streams which 
flow from the “ many-fountained” cliffs of 
Ida. 

® See the description in Fellows. He was 
two days in travelling from Adramit to Assos. 
He says that the hills are clothed with ever 
greens to the top, and therefore vary little with 
the season; and he particularly mentions the 
flat stones of the shingle, and the woods of 
large trees, especially planes. 

T This is the distance given in the Antonine 
Itinerary. 

5 The strait between Assos and Methymna — 
is narrow. Strabo calls it 60 stadia; Pliny? 
miles. Mytilene is farther to the south. 


=P, VEL ALEXANDRIA TROAS. 24\ 


But to return to the present journey. Troas is the name either of a 
district or atown. As a district it had a history of its own. Though 
geographically a part of Mysia, and politically a part of the province of 
Asia, it was yet usually spoken of as distinguished from both. This 
small region,’ extending from Mount Ida to the plain watered by the 
Simois and Scamander, was the scene of the Trojan war; and it was due 
to the poetry of Homer that the ancient name of Priam’s kingdom 
should be retained. This shore has been visited on many memorable oc- 
easions by the great men of this world. Xerxes passed this way when 
he undertook to conquer Greece. Julius Caxsar was here after the battle 
of Pharsalia. But, above all, we associate the spot with a European von- 
queror of Asia, and an Asiatic conqueror of Europe; with Alexander of 
Macedon and Paul of Tarsus. For here it was that the enthusiasm of 
Alexander was kindled at the tomb of Achilles, by the memory of hia 
heroic ancestors ; here he girded on their armor; and from this goal he 
started to overthrow the august dynasties of the East. And now the 
great Apostle rests in his triumphal progress upon the same poetic shore: 
here he is armed by heavenly visitants with the weapons of a warfare 
that is not carnal; and hence he is sent forth to subdue all the powers of 
the West, and bring the civilization of the world into captivity to the 
obedience of Christ. 

Turning now from the district to the city of Troas, we must remember 
that its full and correct name was Alexandria Troas. Sometimes, as in 
the New Testament, it is simply called Troas;? sometimes, as by Pliny 
and Strabo, simply Alexandria. It was not, however, one of those cities 
(amounting in number to nearly twenty) which were built and named by 
the conqueror of Darius. This Alexandria received its population and 
its name under the successors of Alexander. It was an instance of that 
centralization of small scattered towns into one great mercantile city, 
which was characteristic of the period. Its history was as follows: — 
Antigonus, who wished to leave a monument of his name on this classical 
ground, brought together the inhabitants of the neighboring towns to one 
point on the coast, where he erected a city, and called it Antigonia Troas. 
Lysimachus, who succeeded to his power on the Dardanelles, increased 
and adorned the city, but altered its name, calling it, in honor of “ the 
man of Macedonia’ * (if we may make this application of a phrase which 


1 If we are not needlessly multiplying img, a district which has retained a distinctive 
topographical illustrations, we may compare name, and has feund its own historian. 
the three principal districts of the province of ® Acts xvi. 8, 11, me. 5; 2 Cor. ff. 18; 
Ama, vis. Phrygia, Lydia, and Mysia, to the 2 Tim. iv. 13. 
three Ridings of Yorkshire. Troas will ther ® Not the Vir Maceds of Herace (Qc. mn 
be im Mysia what Craven is in the West Rid- 
16 


242 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL 






















Holy Writ! has associated with the place), Alexandria Troas. his 
name was retained ever afterwards. When the Romans began their 
eastern wars, the Greeks of Troas espoused their cause, and were thence- 
forward regarded with favor at Rome. But this willingness to recom- 
pense useful service was combined with other feelings, half poetical, 
half political, which about this time took possession of the mind of the 
Romans. They fancied they saw a primeval Rome on the Asiatic shore. 
The story of Aineas in Virgil, who relates in twelve books how the glory 
of Troy was transferred to Italy?—the warning of Horace, who ad- 
mouishes his fellow-citizens that their greatness was gone if they rebuilt 
the ancient walls,’ — reveal to us the fancies of the past and the future, 
which were popular at Rome. Alexandria Troas was a recollection of 
the city of Priam, and a prophecy of the city of Constantine. The Ro- 
mans regarded it in its best days as a‘‘ New Troy: ” ‘ and the Turks even 
now call its ruins “‘ Old Constantinople.” > Itis said that Julius Caesar, 
in his dreams of a monarchy which should embrace the East and the 
West, turned his eyes to this city as his intended capital: and there is no 
doubt that Constantine, “‘ before he gave a just preference to the situation 
of Byzantium, had conceived the design of erecting the seat of empire 
on this celebrated spot, from whence the Romans derived their fabulous” 
origin.” * Augustus brought the town into close and honorable connec- 
tion with Rome by making it a colonia,’ and assimilated its land to that 
of Italy by giving it the jus Jtaliewm.2 When St. Paul was there, it had 


xvi. 14), the Macedenian Man of Demosthenes attracted the notice of all who sailed through 


(Phi. 1.), but his more eminent son. 
1 See Acts xvi. 9. 
- Bee especially Book vi. 
“ Ne nimium pii 
Tecta velint reparare Trojx.” 
Od. 111. iii. 

* This name applies more strictly to New 
Ilium, which, after many vicissitudes, was 
made a place of some importance by the Ro- 
mans, and exempted from all imposts. The 
strong feeling of Julius Cxsar for the people 
of lium, his sympathy with Alexander, and 
the influence of the tradition which traced the 
origin of his nation, and especially his own 
family, to Troy, are described by Strabo. 
Wew Ilium, however, gradually sank into in- 
significance, and Alexandria Troas remained 
as the representative of the Roman partiality 
for the Troad. 

5 Eski-Stamboul. 

® Gibbon, ch. xv11. He adds that, “though 
the undertaking was soon relinquished, the 
stately remains of unfinished walls and towers 


the Hellespont.” 

7 Its full name on coins of the Antonines 
is, “ Col. Alexandria Augusta Troas.” 

8 Deferring the consideration of colonial 
privileges to its proper place, in connection 
with Philippi (Acts xvi. 12), we may state 
here the general notion of the Jus Italicum. 
It was a privilege entirely relating to the /and. 
The maxim of the Roman law was: “ Ager 
Italicus immunis est : ager provincialis vecti- 
galis est.” “Italian land is free: provincial 
land is taxed.’’ The Jus Italicum raised pro- 
vincial land to the same state of immunity from 
taxation which belonged to land in Italy. But 
this privilege could only be enjoyed by those 
who were citizens. Therefore it would have 
been an idle gift to any community not pos- 
sessing the civitas ; and we never find it giver 
except to a celonia. Conversely, however, all 
colonies did not possess the Jus Italicum. 
Carthage was a colony for two centuries before 
it received it. 




























OHA, VII. ST, PAUL’S VISION. 243 


not attained its utmost growth as a city of the Romans. The great 
aqueduct was not yet built, by which Herodes Atticus brought water from 
the fountains of Ida, and the piers of which are still standing.’ The 
enclosure of the walls, extending above a mile from east to west, and 
near a mile from north to south, may represent the limits of the city in 
the age of Claudius. The ancient harbor, even yet distinctly traceable, 
and not without a certain desolate beauty, when it is the foreground of a 
picture with the hills of Imbros and the higher peak of Samothrace in 
the distance,’ is an object of greater interest than the aqueduct and the 
walls. All further allusions to the topography of the place may be de- 
ferred till we describe the Apostle’s subsequent and repeated visits.* At 
present he is hastening towards Europe. LHvery thing in this part of our 
narrative turns our eyes to the West. 

When St. Paul’s eyes were turned towards the West, he saw that 
remarkable view of Samothrace over Imbros, which has just been 
mentioned. And what were the thoughts in his mind when he looked 
towards Europe across the Aijgean? Though ignorant of the precise 
nature of the supernatural intimations which had guided his recent 
journey, we are led irresistibly to think that he associated his future 
work with the distant prospect of the Macedonian hills. We are re- 
minded of another journey, when the Prophetic Spirit gave him partial 
revelations on his departure from Corinth, and on his way to Jerusalem. 
“ After I have been there I must also see Rome *’—I have no more place 
in these parts* —I know not what shall befall me, save that the Holy 
Ghost witnesseth that bonds and afflictions abide me.”’? 

Such thoughts, it may be, had been in the Apostle’s mind at Trozs, 
when the sun set beyond Athos and Samothrace,’ and the shadows fell 


1 See Clarke’s Travels. 

2 See Pococke’s Travels. 

8 The author of Hothen was much struck 
by the appearance of Samothrace seen aloft 
over Imbros, when he recollected how Jupiter 
is described in the Iliad as watching from thence 

_ the scene of action before Troy. “Now I 
| knew,” he says, “that Homer had passed 
along here, — that this vision of Samothrace 
Over-towering the nearer island was common 
to him and to me.” — P. 64. The same train 
of thought may be extended to our present 
_ subject, and we may find a sacred pleasure in 
: looking at any view which has been common 
| to St. Paul and to us. 

* Acts xvi., xx; 2 Cor. ii.; 2 Tim. iv. 

5 Acts xix. 21. 

* Rom. xv. 23. It will be remembered that 


the Epistle to the Romans was written just 
before this departure from Corinth. 

7 Acts xx. 22, 23. 

8 Athos and Samothrace are the highest 
points in this part of the Migean. They are 
the conspicuous points from the summit of Ida, 
along with Imbros, which is nearer. (Wal- 
pole’s Memoirs, p. 122.) Seethe notes at the 
beginning of the next chapter. “Mount 
Athos is plainly visible from the Asiatic coast 
at sunset, but not at other times. Its distance 
hence is about 80 miles. Reflecting the red 
rays of the sun, it appears from that coast 
like a huge mass of burnished gold. . . . Mx. 
Turner, being off the N. W. end of Mytilene 
(Lesbos) 22d June, 1814, says, ‘The evening 
being clear, we plainly saw the immense 
Mount Athos, which appeared in the form of 


AR 


244 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


on Ida and settled dark on Tenedos and the deep. With the view of the 
distant land of Macedonia imprinted on his memory, and the thought of 
Europe’s miserable Heathenism deep in his heart, he was prepared, like 
Peter at Joppa,' to receive the full meaning of the voice which spoke to 
him in a dream. In the visions of the night, a form appeared to come 
and stand by him;? and he recognized in the supernatural visitant “a 
man of Macedonia,’* who came to plead the spiritual wants of his 
country. It was the voice of the sick inquiring for a physician, — of the 
ignorant seeking for wisdom, — the voice which ever since has been call- 
ing on the Church to extend the Gospel to Heathendom, — “ Come over 
and help us.” 

Virgil has described an evening‘ and a sunrise * on this coast, before 
and after an eventful night. That night was indeed eventful in which 
St. Paul received his commission to proceed to Macedonia. The com 
mission was promptly executed. The morning-star appeared over the 
cliffs of Ida. The sun rose and spread the day over the sea and the islands 
as far as Athos and Samothrace. The men of Troas awoke to their trade 
and their labor. Among those who were busy about the shipping in the 
harbor were the newly-arrived Christian travellers, seeking for a passage 
to Europe, — Paul, and Silas, and Timotheus, — and that new companion, 
“ Luke! the beloved Physician,” who, whether by pre-arrangement, or by 
a providential meeting, or (it may be) even in consequence of the 
Apostle’s delicate health,* now joined the mission, of which he afterwards 
wrote the history. God provided a ship for the messengers He had 
chosen: and (to use the language of a more sacred poetry than thai 


an equilateral triangle.’” Sailing Directory, 


oma. vm, 


en the significance of this vision are well 


p. 150. In the same page a sketch is given of 
Mount Athos, N. by W. } W.,45 miles. Com- 
pare Mr. Bowen’s recent work, p. 26. “ At 
sunset we were half way between Tenedos and 
the rngged Imbros. In the disk of the setting 
sun I distinguished the pyramidal form of 
Mount Athos.” 

1 See the remarks on St. Peter’s vision, p. 
87. See also p. 97, n. 2, and p. 183. 

2 Acts xvi. 9. 

5 St. Paul may have known, by his dress, or 
by his words, or by an immediate intuition, 
that he was “a man of Macedonia.” Grotius 
suggests the notion of a representative or 
gnerdian angel of Macedonia, as the “ prince 
of Persia,” &., in Dan. x. The words “‘heip 
es.” imply that the man who appeared to St. 
Pavl was a representative of many. This is 
mmarked by Baumgarten, whose observations 


worth considering. Apostelgesch., ii. p. 19% 
(Eng. Trans. ii. 110.) 

* din. 11. 250, 

6 #n. 1. 801. 

5 Acts xvi. 10. 


7 We should notice here not only the 


ehange of persen from the third to the first, 
but the simultaneous transition (as it has been 
well expressed) from the historical to the aw 
toptical style, as shown by the fuller enumera- 
tion of details. We shall returm to this mb 


ject again, when we come to the point where 


St. Luke parts from St. Panl at Philippi: 
meantime we may remark that itis highly prob 
able that they had already met and labored 
together at Antioch. 

5 We must remember the recent sickness & 
Galatis, p. 235. See below, p. 286. 








geese 
i, 


——— rrr 





ORCSSING OVER TO EUEOPE. 


zi$ 


which has made those coasts illustrious)! “ He brought the wind eut of 
His treasuries, and by His power He breught in the south wind,” ‘ and 


prospered the voyage of His servants. 


2The classical reader will remember 
that the throne of Neptune in Homer, 
whenee he iooks over Ida and the scene 
of the Trojan war, is on the peak of 
Samofhrace (J]. xm. 10-14), and his 
eave deep under the water between Im- 
bros and Tenedos (Jl. xm. 32-35). 

Rs. exxxy. 7, Ixxviii. 26. For argu- 
ments to prove that the wind was liter- 





ally a south wind in this ease, see the 
beginning of the next chapter. 

‘From the British Museum. It may 
be observed that this coin illustrates the 
mode of strengthening sails by rope- 
bands, mentioned in Mr. Smith’s impor- 
tant work on the Voyage and Shipwreck 
of St. Paul, 1848, p. 163. 


CHAPTER IX. 


Voyage by Samothrace to Neapolis. — Philippi. — Constitution of a Colony. — Lydia. — The 
Demoniac Slave.— Paul and Silas arrested.— The Prison and the Jailer.— The Magis- 
trates. — Departure from Philippi. — St. Luke. — Macedonia described. — Its Condition as « 
Province. — The Via Egnatia. — St. Paul’s Journey through Amphipolis and Apollonia. — 
Thessalonica. — The Synagogue. — Subjects of St. Paul’s Preaching. — Persecution, Tumult, 
and Flight. — The Jews at Berwa.— St. Paul again persecuted. — Proceeds to Athens. 


HE weather itself was propitious to the voyage from Asia to 

Europe. It is evident that Paul and his companions sailed from 
Troas with a fair wind. On a later occasion we are told that five days 
were spent on the passage from Philippi to Troas.1_ On the present 
occasion the same voyage, in the opposite direction, was made in two. 
If we attend to St. Luke’s technical expression,’ which literally means 
that they “ sailed before the wind,” and take into account that the pas- 
sage to the west, between Tenedos and Lemnos, is attended with some 
risk,? we may infer that the wind blew from the southward. The 
southerly winds in this part of the Archipelago do not usually last long, 
but they often blow with considerable force. Sometimes they are 
sufficiently strong to counteract the current which sets to the southward — 
from the mouth of the Dardanelles.’ However this might be on the day — 


1 Compare Acts xvi. 11, 12, with xx. 6. 
For the expression, “sailed from Philippi” 
(xx. 6), and the relation of Philippi with its 
harbor, Neapolis, see below, p. 249, n. 4. 

2 It oceurs again in Acts xxi. 1, evidently 
im the same sense. 

2 “ All ships should pass to the eastward 
of Tenedos. . . . Ships that go to the west- 
ward in calms may drift on the shoals of Lem- 
nos, and the S. E. end of that island being 
very low is not seen above nine miles off. . . . 
It is also to be recollected, that very dangerous 
' shoals extend from the N. W. and W. ends of 
Tenedos.” —Purdy’s Sailing Directory, pp. 
158,189. Captain Stewart says (p. 63): “ To 
work up to the Dardanelles, I prefer going in- 
side of Tenedos ... you cau go by your 
tead, and, during light winds, you may anchor 

246 


anywhere. If you go outside of Tenedos, and — 
it falls calm, the current sets you towards the 
shoal off Lemnos.” (The writer has heard 
this and what follows confirmed by those who 
have had practical experience in the merchant- 
service in the Levant.) 

* The same inference may be drawn from ~ 
the fact of their going to Samothrace at all 
Had the wind blown from the northward or 
the eastward, they probably would not have 
done so. Had it blown from the westward, 
they could not have made the passage in two 
days, especially as the currents are contrary. 
This consistency in minute details shonli he 
carefully noticed, as tending to confirm the 
veracity of the narrative. 

5 “The current from the Dardanelles h-cins © 
to run strongly to the southward at Teredos, 





MAAN | i ) i iathis hata 
RDA ANH RC be i RU Wan ea ee CMa 
Cite ’ 7 Me tan 





: 


CHAP. XX. SAMOTHERACK. 247 


when St. Paul passed over these waters, the vessel in which he sailed 
would soon cleave her way through the strait between Tenedos and the 
main, past the Dardanelles, and near the eastern shore of Imbros. On 
rounding the northern end of this island, they would open Samothrace, 
which had hitherto appeared as a higher and more distant summit over 
the lower mountains of Imbros.’ The distance between the two islands 
is about twelve miles.? Leaving Imbros, and bearing now a little to the 
west, and having the wind still (as our sailors say) two or three points 
abaft the beam, the helmsman steered for Samothrace ; and, under the 
shelter of its high shore, they anchored for the night.*, 

Samothrace is the highest land in the north of the Archipelago, with 
the exception of Mount Athos.‘ These two eminences have been in all 
ages the familiar landmarks of the Greek mariners of the Algean. 
Even from the neighborhood of Troas, Mount Athos is seen towering 
over Lemnos, like Samothrace over Imbros.° And what Mount Athos is, 
in another sense, to the superstitious Christian of the Levant,® the peak 
of Samothrace was, in the days of Heathenism, to his Greek ancestors in 
the same seas. It was the “ Monte Santo,” on which the Greek mariner 
looked with awe, as he gazed on it in the distant horizon, or came to 
anchor under the shelter of its coast. It was the sanctuary of an ancient 
superstition, which was widely spread over the neighboring continents, 
and the history of which was vainly investigated by Greek and Roman 
writers. If St. Paul had staid here even a few days, we might be 
justified in saying something of the “ Cabiri;” but we have no reason 
to suppose that he even landed on the island. At present it possesses 


put there is no difficulty in turning over it 
with a breeze.” — Purdy, p. 159. “ The cur- 
rent in the Archipelago sets almost contin- 
ually to the southward, and is increased or re- 
tarded according to the winds. In lying at 
Tenedos, near the north of the Dardanelles, I 
have observed a strong south wind entirely 
stop it; but it came strong to the southward 
the moment the gale from that point ceased.” 
— Captain Stewart, ib. p. 62. For the winds, 
see pp. 63 and 163. 

1 “The island Imbro is separated from 
Samothraki by a channel twelve miles in 
breadth. Itis much longer and larger, but not 
so high, as that island.” Purdy, p. 152. 

2 See the preceding note. 

3 Acts xvi. 11. 

* “Samothraki is the highest land in the 
Archipelago, except Candia and Mount Athos.” 
— Puiay, p. 152. 

* Aw evening view has been quoted before 


(p- 248, n. 4). The following is a morning 
view. ‘“ Nov. 26, 1828, 8, a. um. — Morning 
beautifully clear. Lemnos just opening 
Mount Athos was at first taken for an island 
about five leagues distant, the outline and 
shades appearing so perfectly distinct, though 
nearly fifty miles off. The base of it was 
covered with haze, as was the summit soon 
afterward ; but toward sunset it became clear 
again. It is immensely high; and, as there is 
no other mountain like it to the northward of 
Negropont, it is an excellent guide for this 
part of the coast.” — Purdy, p. 150. 

® See the account of Mount Athos (Monte 
Santo) in Curzon’s Monasteries of the Levant, 
Pt. ry., and the view, p. 327. In his sail from 
the Dardanelles to the mountain, — the breeze, 
the shelter and smooth water on the shore of 
Lemnos, &c.,— there are points ef resem: 
blance with St. Paul’s voyage. 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8ST. PAUL 





no good harbor, though many places of safe anchorage :' and if the wind 
was from the southward, there would be smooth water anywhere on the 
north shore. The island was, doubtless, better supplied with artificial 
advantages in an age not removed by many centuries from the flourishing 
period of that mercantile empire which the Pheenicians founded, and the 
Athenians inherited, in the Algean Sea. The relations of Samothrace 
with the opposite coast were close and frequent, when the merchants of 
Tyre had their miners at work in Mount Pangswus, and when Athens 
diffused her citizens as colonists or exiles on all the neighboring shores.’ 
Nor can those relations have been materially altered when both the 
Phoenician and Greek settlements on the sea were absorbed in the wider 
and continental dominion of Rome. Ever since the day when Perseus 
fied to Samothrace from the Roman conqueror,‘ frequent vessels had 
been passing and repassing between the island and the coasts of Mace 
donia and Thrace. 

The Macedonian harbor at which St. Paul landed was Neapolis. Ite 
direction from Samothrace is a little to the north of west. But a 
southerly breeze would still be a fair wind, though they could not 
literally “run before it.” A run of seven or eight hours, notwithstand- 
ing the easterly current,’ would bring the vessel under the lea of the 
island of Thasos, and within a few miles of the coast of Macedonia. 
The shore of the mainland in this part is low, but mountains rise to a 
considerable height behind. To the westward of the channel which 
separates it from Thasos, the coast recedes and forms a bay, within 
which, on a promontory with a port on each side,’ the ancient Neapolis 
was situated. : 

Some difference of opinion has existed concerning the true position of 
this harbor :* but the traces of paved military roads approaching the 
peomontory we have described, in two directions corresponding with those — 


Santo (Athos), from the 8. W., a 
the castward, by Thasse.” — p. 152. - 
®§ Bee Purdy, p. 152, and the accurate 
delineation of the coast in the Admiralty — 
charts ? 


1 See Purdy, p. 152. 

2 Herod. vii. 112. Thasos was the head- 
quarters of the Phenician mining operations 
in this part of the Aigean. Herodotus visited 
tae island, and was much struck with the traces 


of their work (vi. 47). 

® It is hardly necessary to refer to the for- 
mation of the commercial empire of Athens 
before the Peloponnesian war, to the mines of 
Scapte Hyle, and the exile of Thucydides. 
Bee Grote’s Greece, ch. xxvi., xlvii., &e. 

* Liv. xlv. 6. 

5 “Inside ef Thasso, and past Samothraki, 
the current sets to the oastward.” — Purdy, p. 
2. “The current at times tarns by Monte 


7 Clarke’s Thavels, ch. xii. and xili. An 
important paper on Neapolis and Philippi bas — 
been written (after a recent visit to these 
places) by Prof. Hackett, in the Br. Sacra for — 
October, 1860. 

8 Cousinéry, in his Veyage dans la Mace — 
deine, identifies Neapelis with Eski-Cavallo, » 
harbor more to the west; but his argumons 
are quite inconclusive. Colonel Leake, whose 
opinion is of great weight, though he did sof 


: 


on 29, Ul. NEAPOLIb. 24% 


indicated in the ancient itineraries; the Latin inscriptions which have 
been found on the spot; the remains of a great aqueduct on two tiers of 
Roman arches, and of cisterns like those at Baiz near the other Neapolis 
on the Campanian shore, seem to leave little doubt that the small Turkish 
village of Cavallo is the Naples of Macedonia, the “ Neapolis” at which 
St. Paul landed, and the seaport of Philippi,— the “ first city”! which 
the traveller reached on entering this “‘ part of Macedonia,” and a city of 
no little importance as a Roman military “ colony.” * 

A ridge of elevated land, which connects the range of Pangewus with the 
higher mountains in the interior of Thrace, is crossed between Neapolis 
and Philippi. The whole distance is about ten miles. The ascent of the 
ridge is begun immediately from the town, through a defile formed by 
some precipices almost close upon the sea. When the higher ground is 
attained, an extensive and magnificent sea-view is opened towards the 
south. Samothrace is seen to the east; Thasos to the south-east; and, 
more distant and farther to the right, the towering summit of Athos.‘ 
When the descent on the opposite side begins and the sea is lost to view, 
another prospect succeeds, less extensive, but not less worthy of our nutice. 
We look down on a plain, which is level as an inland sea, and which, if 
the eye could range over its remoter spaces, would be seen winding far 
within its mountain-enclosure, to the west and the north.’ Its appearance 
is either exuberantly green, — for its fertility has been always famous, — 
or cold and dreary, — for the streams which water it are often diffused 
into marshes, — according to the season when we visit this corner of Mace- 


personally visit Philippi aud Neapolis, agrees 
with Dr. Clarke. 

1 Acts xvi. 12. 

_? For the meaning of these terms ses p. 
251, &e. 

5 Hence it was unnecessary for Meyer te 
deride Olshansen’s remark, that Philippi was 
the “ first city” in Macedonia visited by the 
Apostle, because Neapolis was its harbor. 
Olshausen was quite right. The distance of 
Neapolis from Philippi is only twice as great 
as that from the Pireus to Athens, not much 
greater than that from Cenchrea te Corinth, 
and less than that from Seleucia to Antioch, 
ez from Ostia to Reme. 

* We may quote here twe passages from 
Dr. Clarke, one describing this approach te 
Neapolis from the neighborhood, the other 
his departure in the direction of Constantine- 
ple. ‘ Ascending the mountainous boundary 
ef the plain on its north-eastern side by a 
teond ancient paved way, we had not daylight 


enough to enjoy the fine prospect of the 22a 
and the town of Cavallo upon a promontory. 
At some distance lies the isle of Theses, now 
ealled Tasso. It was indistinctly discerned 
by us; but every other object, excepting the 
town, began to disappear as we descended 
toward Cavallo.” — Ch. xii. “Upon quitting 
the town, we ascended a part of Mount Pan- 
gmus by a paved road, and had a fine view of 
the bay of Neapolis. The top of the hill, 
towards the left, was covered with ruined 
walls, and with the ancient aqueduct, which 
here crosses the road. From hence we de- 
seended by a paved road as before . . . the 
isle ef Thasos being in view towards the S. E. 
Looking te the E., we saw the high top of 
Samothrace, which makes such a conspicuous 
figure from the plains of Troy. To the S., 
towering above a region of clouds, appeared 
the loftier summit of Mount Athos.” — 

5 See the very full descriptions of the plait 






250 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


donia; whether it be when the snows are white and chill on the summits 
of the Thracian Hemus,' or when the roses, of which Theophrastus and — 
Pliny speak, are displaying their bloom on the warmer slopes of the 
Pangwan hills.? 

This plain, between Hamus and Pangeus, is the plain of Philippi, 
where the last battle was lost by the republicans of Rome. The whole 
region around is eloquent of the history of this battle. Among the moun- 
tains on the right was the difficult path by which the republican army 
penetrated into Macedonia; on some part of the very ridge on which we 
stand were the camps of Brutus and Cassius ;* the stream before us is the 
river which passed in front of them ;‘ below us, “‘ upon the left hand of 
the even field,” ° is the marsh* by which Antony crossed as he approached 
his antagonist ; directly opposite is the hill of Philippi, where Cassius died ; 
behind us is the narrow strait of the sea, across which Brutus sent his 
body to the island of Thasos, lest the army should be disheartened before 
the final struggle.’ The city of Philippi was itself a monument of the 
termination of that struggle. It had been founded by the father of 
Alexander, in a place called, from its numerous streams, “The Place of 
Fountains,” to commemorate the addition of a new province to his king- 
dom, and to protect the frontier against the Thracian mountaineers. For 
similar reasons the city of Philip was gifted by Augustus with the privi- 
leges of a colonia. It thus became at once a border-garrison of the prov- 
ince of Macedonia, and a perpetual memorial of his victory over Brutus.* 
And now a Jewish Apostle came to the same place, to win a greater vic- 
tory than that of Philippi, and to found a more durable empire than that 
of Augustus. It is a fact of deep significance, that the “ first city” at 
which St. Paul arrived,’ on his entrance into Europe, should be that 


of Serrés, in the various parts of its extension, 
given by Leake and Cousinéry. 

1 Lucan’s view is very winterly. 
i. 680. 

2 The “ Rosa centifolia,” which the latter 
mentions as cultivated in Campania and in 
Greece, near Philippi. 

3 The republicans were so placed as to be 
in communication with the sea. The triremes 
were at Neapolis. 

* The Gangas or Gangites. 

5 Julius Cesar, act v. sc. i. 
phy of Shakspeare is perfectly accurate. In 
this passage Octavius and Antony are looking 
at the field from the opposite side. 

6 The battle took place in autumn, when 
the plain would probably be inundated. 


Phars. 


Leake, p. 217. 


The topogra- — 


7 Plutarch’s Life of Brutus. 

8 The full and proper Roman name was 
Colonia Augusta Julia Philippensis. See the 
coin engraved at the end of Ch. XXVL 
Cousinéry (ch. x.) enters fully into the pres- 
ent condition of Philippi, and gives coins and 
inscriptions. 

® We regard the phrase in Acts xvi. 12 as 
meaning the first city in its geographical rela- 
tion to St. Paul’s journey ; not the first politi- 
cally (“chief city,” Auth. Vers.), either of 
Macedonia or a part of it. The chief city of 
the province was Thessalonica ; and, even if 
we suppose the subdivisions of Macedonia 
Prima, Secunda, &c., to have subsisted at this 
time, the chief city of Macedonia Prima was 
not Philippi, but Amphipolis. 


onar, Ix, PHILIPPI. 251 


“ colony,’ which was more fit than any other in the empire to be con- 
sidered the representative of Imperial Rome. 

The characteristic of a colonia was, that it was a miniature resemblance 
of Rome. Philippi is not the first city of this kind to which we have 
traced the foosteps of St. Paul; Antioch in Pisidia (p. 152), and Alex- 
andria Troas (p. 242), both possessed the same character : but this is the 
first place where Scripture calls our attention to the distinction ; and the 
events which befell the Apostle at Philippi were directly connected with 
the privileges of the place as a Roman colony, and with his own privileges 
as a Roman citizen. It will be convenient to consider these two subjects 
together. A glance at some of the differences which subsisted among 
individuals and communities in the provincial system will enable us to see 
very clearly the position of the citizen and of the colony. 

We have had occasion (Ch. I. p. 21) to speak of the combination of 
actual provinces and nominally independent states through which the 
power of the Roman emperor was variously diffused ; and again (Ch. V. 
p. 129), we have described the division of the provinces by Augustus into 
those of the Senate, and those of the Emperor. Descending now to ex- 
amine the component population of any one province, and to inquire into 
the political condition of individuals and communities, we find here again 
a complicated system of rules and exceptions. As regards individuals, 
the broad distinction we must notice is that between those who were 
citizens and those who were not citizens. When the Greeks spoke of the 
inhabitants of the world, they divided them into “ Greeks” and “ Bar- 
barians,”’! according as the language in which poets and philosophers had 
written was native to them or foreign. Among the Romans the phrase 
was different. The classes into which they divided mankind consisted of 
those who were politically ‘“‘ Romans,” ? and those who had no link (except 
that of subjection) with the City of Rome. The technical words were Cives 
and Peregrint, — “ citizens” and “strangers.”” The inhabitants of Italy 
were “‘ citizens ;”” the inhabitants of all other parts of the Empire (until 
Caracalla extended to the provinces* the same privileges which Julius 
Cxsar had granted to the peninsula) * were naturally and essentially 
“strangers.” Italy was the Holy Land of the kingdom of this world. 
We may carry the parallel further, in order to illustrate the difference 
which existed among the citizens themselves. Those true-born Italians, 
who were diffused in vast numbers through the provinces, might be called 


1 Thus St. Paul, in writing his Greek epis- politically in the New Testament. John xi- 
(les, uses this distinction. Rom. i. 14; Col. 48; Acts xvi, xxii., xxiii., xxviii. 
iti. 11. Hence, also, Acts xxviii. 2, 4; 1 Cor. 3 See Milman’s Gibbon, i. p. 281 and note. 
xty. 11. * By the Julia Lex de Civitate (s.c. 90), 
2 The word “Roman” is always used supplemented by other laws. 








352 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL 
Citizens of the Dispersion ; while those strangers who, at various 
and for various reasons, had received the gift of citizenship, were in the 
condition of political Proselytes. Such were Paul and Silas,’ in their re 
lation to the empire, among their fellow-Romans in the colony of Philippi. 
Both these classes of citizens, however, were in full possession of the same 
privileges ; the most important of which were exemption from scourging, 
and freedom from arrest, except in extreme cases; and in all cases = 
right of appeal from the magistrate to the Emperor.’ 

The remarks which have been made concerning individuals may be 
extended, in some degree, to communities in the provinces. The City of 
Rome might be transplanted, as it were, into various parts of the empire, 
and reproduced as a colonia ; or an alien city might be adopted, under the 
title of a municipiwm,* into a close political communion with Rome. Leavy- 
ing out of view all cities of the latter kind (and indeed they were limited 
entirely to the western provinces), we will confine ourselves to what was 
called a colonia. A Roman colony was very different from any thing which 
we usually intend by the term. It was no mere mercantile factory, such 
as those which the Pheenicians established in Spain,‘ or on those very 
shores of Macedonia with which we are now engaged ;* or such as moderna 
nations have founded in the Hudson’s Bay territory or on the coast of 
India. Still less was it like those incoherent aggregates of human beings 
which we have thrown, without care or system, on distant islands and 
continents. It did not even go forth, as a young Greek republic left its 
parent state, carrying with it, indeed, the respect of a daughter for a 
mother, but entering upon a new and independent existence. The 
Roman colonies were primarily intended as military safeguards of the fron- 
tiers, and as checks upon insurgent provincials. Like the military roads, 
they were part of the great system of fortification by which the Empire 


1We can hardly help inferring, from the 
narrative of what happened at Philippi, that 
Silas was a Roman citizen as well as St. Paul. 
As to the mode in which he obtained the citi- 
zenship, we are more ignorant than in the 
case of St. Paul himself, whose father was a 
citizen (Acts xxii. 28). All that we are able 
to say on this subject has been given before, 
pp. 42-44. 

* Two of these privileges will come more 
particularly before us, when we reach the nar- 
rative of St. Paul’s arrest at Jerusalem. It 
appears that Paul and Silas were treated with 
a cruelty which was only justifiable in the case 
of a slave, and was not usually allowed in the 
case of any freeman. It would seem, that an 


accused citizen could only be imprisoned 
before trial for a very heinous offence, or when 
evidently guilty. Bail was generally allowed, 
or retention in a magistrate’s house was held 
sufficient. 

8 The privilege of a colonia was transplanted 
citizenship, that of a muntcipium was ingrafted 
citizenship. We have nothing to do, however, — 
with municipia in the history of St. Paul. We 
are more concerned with liber@ civitates, and 
we shall presently come to one of them in the 
case of Thessalonica. 

‘ Especially in the mountains on the coast 
between Cartagena and Almeria. 

5 See above p. 248, n. 2. 


— a 


oe, Li CONSTITUTION OF A COLONY. 253 


was made safe. They served also ac convenient possessions for rewarding 
veterans who had served in the wars, and for establishing freedmen and 
other Italians whom it was desirable to remove to a distance. The colo 
nists went out with all the pride of Roman citizens, to represent and re 
produce the City in the midst of an alien population. They proceeded to 
their destination like an army with its standards ;' and the limits of the 
anew city were marked out by the plough. Their names were still enrolled 
in one of the Roman tribes. Every traveller who passed through a colonia 
saw there the insignia of Rome. He heard the Latin language, and was 
amenable, in the strictest sense, to the Roman law. The coinage of the 
city, even if it were in a Greek province, had Latin inscriptions.? Cyprian 
tells us that in his own episcopal city, which once had been Rome’s 
greatest enemy, the Laws of the XII Tables were inscribed on brazen 
tableta in the market-place.? Though the colonists, in addition to the 
poll-tax, which they paid as citizens, were compelled to pay a ground-taz 
(for the land on which their city stood was provincial land, and therefore 
tributary, unless it were assimilated to Italy by a special exemption) ;* 
yet they were entirely free from any intrusion by the governor of the prov- 
ince. Their affairs were regulated by their own magistrates. These 
officers were named Duumviri; and they took a pride in cailing them 
selves by the Roman title of Prestors (orgarjyos).° The primary settlers 
in the colony were, as we have seen, real Italians; but a state of things 
seems to have taken place, in many instances, very similar to what hap 
pened in the early history of Rome itself. A number of the native pro- 
vincials grew up in the same city with the governing body ; and thus two. 
(or sometimes three) co-ordinate communities were formed, which ulti- 
mately coalesced into one, like the Patricians and Plebeians. Instances 
of this state of things might be given from Corinth and Carthage, and from 
the colonies of Spain and Gaul; and we have no reason to suppose that 
Philippi was different from the rest. 

Whatever the relative proportion of Greeks and Romans at Philippi 
may have been, the number of Jews was small. This is sufficiently 
accounted for, when we remember that it was a military, and not a 
mercantile, city. There was no synagogue in Philippi, but only one of 
those buildings called Proseuche, which were distinguished from the 


1 See the standards on one of the coms of a contrast with the coins of Philippi we may 
Antioch in Pisidia, p. 178. The wolf, with mention those of Thessalonica. 
Kormulus and Remus, which will be observed 8 De Grat. Dei, 10. 
on the other coin, was common on colonial « Philippi had the Jus Italicum, like Alex- 
moneys. Philippi was in the strictest sense a andria Troas. This is explained above, p. 242. 
wilitary colony, formed by the establishment § An instance of this is mentioned by Cics 
of a cohers preteria emerita. ro in the case of Capus. See Hor. Sat. 5 
S ‘This has been noticed before, p. 152. As vi. 


254 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


regular places of Jewish worship by being of a more slight and tem- 


porary structure, and frequently open to the sky.’ For the sake of 
greater quietness, and freedom from interruption, this place of prayer 


was “outside the gate;” and, in consequence of the ablutions? which — 
were connected with the worship, it was ‘by the river-side,” on the 


bank of the Gaggitas,’ the fountains of which gave the name to the city 
before the time of Philip of Macedon,‘ and which, in the great battle of 
the Romans, had been polluted by the footsteps and blood of the contend- 
ing armies. 

The congregation, which met here for worship on the Sabbath, con- 
sisted chiefly, if not entirely, of a few women;* and these were not all 
of Jewish birth, and not all residents at Philippi. Lydia, who is men- 
tioned by name, was a proselyte;* and Thyatira, her native place, was a 


1 Extracts to this effect might be quoted 
from Epiphanius. A Proseucha may be con- 
sidered as a place of prayer, as opposed to a 
Synagogue, or a heuse of prayer. It appears, 
however, that the words were more or less 
convertible, and some consider them nearly 
‘equivalent. Josephus (Life, § 54) describes a 
Proseucha as “a large building, capable of 
holding a considerable crowd:” and Philo 
mentions, under the same denomination, build- 
ings at Alexandria, which were so strong that 
it was difficult to destroy them. Probably, it 
was the usual name of the meeting-place of 
Jewish congregations in Greek cities. 

Other passages in ancient writers, which 
bear upon the subject, are alluded to in the 
following extract from Biscoe: ‘‘ The seashore 
was esteemed by the Jews a place most pure, 
and therefore proper to offer up their prayers 
and thanksgiving to Almighty God. Philo 
tells us that the Jews of Alexandria, when 
Flaccus the governor of Egypt, who had been 
their great enemy, was arrested by order of 
the Emperor Cains, not being able to assemble 
at their synagogues, which had been taken 
from them, crowded out at the gates of the 
city early in the morning, went to the neigh- 
boring shores, and standing in a most pure 
place, with one accord lifted up their voices in 
praising God. Tertullian says, that the Jews 
in his time, when they kept their great fast, 
left their synagogues, and on every shore sent 
forth their prayers to heaven: and in another 
place, among the ceremonies used by the Jews, 
mentions orationes littorales, the prayers they 
made upen the shores. And long before Ter- 


tullian’s time there was a decree made at Hali- 
carnassus in favor of the Jews, which, among 
other privileges, allows them to say their 
prayers near the shore, according to the custom 
of their country. (Joseph. Ant. xiy. 10, 23.) 
It is hence abundantly evident, that it was 
common with the Jews to choose the shore as 
a place highly fitting to offer up their prayers.” 
P. 251. He adds that the words in Acts xvi. 
13 “ may signify nothing more than that the 
Jews of Philippi were wont to go and offer up 
their prayers at a certain place by the river- 
side, as other Jews who lived near the sea 
were accustomed to do upon the seashore.” 
See Acts xxi. 5. 

2 See the passage adduced by Biscoe from 
Josephus. 

3 Many eminent German commentators 





make a mistake here in saying that the river — 


was the Strymon. The nearest point on the 
Strymon was many miles distant. This mis- 
take is the more marked when we find that 
“out of the gate” and not “out of the city ” is 
probably the right reading. No one would 


describe the Strymon as a stream outside the © 


gate of Philippi. We may add that the men- 
tion of the gate is an instance of St. Luke’s 
autoptical style in this part of the narrative. 


It is possible that the Jews worshipped outside — 
the gate at Philippi, because the people would — 


not allow them to worship within. Compare 
what Juvenal says of the Jews by the fountain 
outside the Porta Capena at Rome (iii. 11). 

* Crenides was the ancient name. 

§ Acts xvi. 18. 

® Acts xvi. 14 





ee 

























































































LYDIA. 258 





eity of the province of Asia.1 The business which brought her to 
Philipp’ was connected with the dyeing trade, which had flourished from 
a very early period, as we learn from Homer,’ in the neighborhood ot 
Thyatira, and is permanently commemorated in inscriptions which relate 
to the “ guild of dyers”’ in that city, and incidentally give a singular 
confirmation of the veracity of St. Luke in his casual allusions.* 

In this unpretending place, and to this congregation of pious women, 
the Gospel was first preached by an Apostle within the limits of Europe.‘ 
St. Paul and his companions seem to have arrived in the early part of 
the week ; for “some days” elapsed before “ the sabbath.” On that day 
the strangers went and joined the little company of worshippers at their 
prayer by the river-side. Assuming at once the attitude of teachers, 
they ‘‘ sat down,” * and spoke to the women who were assembled together. 
The Lord, who had summoned His servants from Troas to preach the 
Gospel in Macedonia,’ now vouchsafed to them the signs of His presence, 
by giving Divine energy to the words which they spoke in His name. 
lydia “‘ was one of the listeners,’”’” and the Lord “ opened her heart, that 
she took heed to the things that were spoken of Paul.” ® 

Lydia. being convinced that Jesus was the Messiah, and having made a 
profession of her faith, was forthwith baptized. The place of her 
‘aptism was doubiless the stream which flowed by the proseucha. The 
waters of Europe were “ sanctified to the mystical washing-away of sin.” 
With the baptism of Lydia that of her “household” was associated. 
Whether we are to understand by this term her children, her slaves, or 
the work-people engaged in the manual employment connected with her. 
trade, or all these collectively, cannot easily be decided.® But we may 


1 See Rev. i. 11. 

2 Ti, iv. 141. 

5 We may observe that the communication 
at this period between Thyatira and Philippi 
was very easy, either directly from the harbor 

_ of Pergamus, or by the road mentioned in the 
last chapter, which led through Adramyttium 
to Troas. 

* At least this is the first historical account 
of the preaching of an apostle in Europe. 
The traditions concerning St. Peter rest on no 
real proof. We do not here inquire into the 
knowledge of Christianity which may have 
spread, even to Rome, through those who 
returned from Pentecost (Acts ii.), or those 
who were dispersed in Stephen’s persecution 
(Acts viii.), or other travellers from Syria to 
the West. 

5 Acts xvi. 13. 
end Luke iv. 20. 


Compare Acts xiii. 14, 


§ Acts xvi. 10. 

7 The verb is in the imperfect. Acts. xvi. 14, 
From the words used here we infer that Lydia 
was listening to conversation rather than preach- 
ing. The whole narrative gives us the impres- 
sion of the utmost modesty and simplicity in 
Lydia’s character. 

Another point should be noticed, which 
exemplifies St. Luke’s abnegation of self, and 
harmonizes with the rest of the Acts; viz. 
that, after saying “‘ we spake”’ (v. 13), he sinks 
his own person, and says that Lydia took heed 
“to what was spoken by Paul” (v.14). Paul 
was the chief speaker. The phrase and the 
inference are the same at Antioch in Pisidia 
(Acts xiii. 45), when Barnabas was with St. 
Paul. See p. 160, n. 2. 

8 y. 14. 

9 Meyer thinks they were female assistants 
in the business connected with her trade. Ii 





Omar. ts. 


256 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL 
observe that it is the first passage in the life of St. Paul where we 
have an example of that family religion to which he often alludes in his 
Epistles. The ‘ connections of Chloe,”? the “ household of Stephanas,’’ * 
the “ Church in the house” of Aquila and Priscilla,’ are parallel cases, 
to which we shall come in the course of the narrative. It may also be 
tightly added, that we have here the first example of that Christian 
hospitality which was so emphatically enjoined, and so lovingly prac- 
tised, in the Apostolic Church. The frequent mention of the “ hosts ” 
who gave shelter to the Apostles,’ reminds us that they led a life of hard- 
ship and poverty, and were the followers of Him “ for whom there was 
no room im the inn.” The Lord had said to His Apostles, that, when 
they entered into a city, they were to seek out “ those who were worthy,” 
and with them to bide. The search at Philippi was not difficult. 
Lydia voluntarily pvesented herself to her spiritual benefactors, and 
said to them, earnestiy and humbly,* that, “ since they had regarded her 
as a believer on the Lord,” her house should be their home. She 
admitted of no refusal to her request, and “ their peace was on that 
house.”’7 

Thus the Gospel had obtained a home in Europe. It is true that the 
family with whom the Apostles lodged was Asiatic rather than European ; 
and the direct influence of Lydia may be supposed to have contributed 
more to the establishment of the church of Thyatira, addressed by St. 
John,® than to that of Philippi, which received the letter of St. Paul. 
But still the doctrine and practice of Christianity were established in 
Europe; and nothing could be more calm and tranquil than its first 
beginnings on the shore of that continent, which it has long overspread. 
The scenes by the river-side, and in the house of Lydia, are beautiful 
prophecies of the holy influence which women,’ elevated by Christianity 
to their true position, and enabled by Divine grace to wear “ the orna- 
ment of a meek and quiet spirit,” have now for centuries exerted over 
domestic happiness and the growth of piety and peace. If we wish te 
see this in a forcible light, we may contrast the picture which is drawn 


‘s well known that this is one of the passages 
often adduced in the controversy concerning 
infant baptism. We need not urge this view 
of it: for the belief that infant baptism is 
‘most agreeable with the institution of Christ” 
‘Art. xxvii.) does not rest oa this text 

1 1 Cori. il. 

2 1 Cor. i. 16, xvi. 15. 

* Rom. xvi. 5. Compare Philem. 2. 

* Heb. xiii. 2. 1 Tim. vy. 10, &e. 

® Rom. xvi. 23, &. 


Gee above, p. 255,m.7. * Mast x. 38. 


8 Rev. ii 
® Observe the frequent mention of women 


in the salutations in St. Paul’s epistles, and 


more particularly in that to the Philippians 
Rilliet, in his Commentary, makes a jos 
remark on the peculiar importance of female 
agency in the then state of society : — “ L’or. 
ganisation ue la société civile faisait des 


femmes uu intermédiaire néceseaire pour que 
la prédication de ’Evangile parvint jusqu’ans 
personnes da leur sexe.” Ses Quarterly Re 


wiow, for Oct. 1960 


: 


OMAP, 3. 


BELIEF IN EVIL SPIRITS. : 207 
for us by St. Luke — with another representation of women in the same 
neighborhood given by the Heathen poets, who tell us of the frantie 
excitement of the Edonian matrons, wandering, under the name of 
religion, with dishevelled hair and violent cries, on the banks of the 
Strymon.! 

Thus far all was peaceful and hopeful in the work ef preaching the 
Gospel to Macedonia: the congregation met in the house or by the river- 
side ; souls were converted and instructed; and a Church, consisting 
both of men and women,’ was gradually built up. This continued for 
“ many days.” It was difficult to foresee the storm which was to over 
cast so fair a prospect. A bitter persecution, however, was unexpectedly 
provoked: and the Apostles were brought into collision with heathen 
superstition in one of its worst forms, and with the rough violence 
of the colonial authorities. As if to show that the work of Divine 
grace is advanced by difficulties and discouragements, rather than 
by ease and prosperity, the Apostles, who had been supernaturally 
summoned to a new field of labor, and who were patiently cultivating 
it with good success, were suddenly called away from it, silenced, and 
imprisoned. 

In tracing the life of St. Paul we have not as yet seen Christianity 
directly brought into conflict with Heathenism. The sorcerer who had 
obtained influence over Sergius Paulus in Cyprus was a Jew, like the 
Apostle himself.? The first impuise of the idolaters of Lystra was to 
worship Paul and Barnabas; and it was only after the Jews had per 
verted their minds, that they began to persecute them.‘ But as we 
travel farther from the East, and especially through countries where the 
Israelites were thinly scattered, we must expect to find Pagan creeds im 
immediate antagonism with the Gospel; and not merely Pagan creeds, 
but the evil powers themselves which give Paganism its supremacy over 
the minds of men. The questions which relate to evil spirits, false 
divinities, and demoniacal possession, are far too difficult and extensive 
to be entered on here. We are content to express our belief, that in 


1 Hor. Od. 11. vii. 27, &e. modation to popular belief; the other that 


2 This is almost necessarily implied in “the 
brethren ” (v. 40) whom Paul and Silas vis- 
ited and exhorted in the house of Lydia, after 
their release from prison. 

8 Ch. V. p. 133. 

* Ch. VI. pp. 170, &. 

5 The arguments on the two sides of this 
question — one party contending that the 
demoniacs of Scripture were men afflicted with 
insanity, melancholy, and epilepsy, and that 
the language used of them is merely an accom- 

17 


these unhappy sufferers were really possessed 
by evil spirits— may be seen in a series of 
pamphlets (partly anonymous) published im 
London in 1737 and 1738. For a candid state- 
ment of both views, see the article on “ Demo- 
niacs” in Dr. Kitto’s Cyclopedia of Biblical 
Titerature. Compare that on the word “ Bes- 
essene,’ in Winer’s Real-Worterbuch; and, 
above all, Dean Trench’s profound remarks im 
his work on the Miracles, pp. 150, &. 


258 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 87. PAUL. 





the demoniacs of the New Testament allusion is really made to persona) 
spirits who exercised power for evil purposes on the human will. The 
unregenerate world is represented to us in Scripture as a realm of darkness, 
in which the invisible agents of wickedness are permitted to hold sway 
under conditions and limitations which we are not able to define. The 
degrees and modes in which their presence is made visibly apparent may 
vary widely in different countries and in different ages.' In the time of © 
Jesus Curist and His Apostles, we are justified in saying that their 
workings in one particular mode were made peculiarly manifest.? As it 
was in the life of our Great Master, so it was in that of His imme-— 
diate followers. The demons recognized Jesus as “the Holy One of : 
God ;” and they recognized His Apostles as the “ bondsmen of the Most — 
High God, who preach the way of salvation.” Jesus “cast out de- 
mons ;”’ and, by virtue of the power which He gave, the Apostles were 
able to do in His name what He did in His own. 

If in any region of Heathendom the evil spirits had pre-eminent sway, 
it was in the mythological system of Greece, which, with all its beautiful 
imagery and all its ministrations to poetry and art, left man powerless 
against his passions, and only amused him while it helped him to be 
anholy. In the lively imagination of the Greeks, the whole visible and 
invisible world was peopled with spiritual powers or demons. The same 
terms were often used on this subject by Pagans and by Christians. But 
in the language of the Pagan the demon might be either a beneficent or 
a malignant power; in the language of the Christian it always denoted 
what was evil. When the Athenians said‘ that St. Paul was introdu- 
cing “‘ new demons” among them, they did not necessarily mean that he 
was in league with evil spirits; but when St. Paul told the Corinthians‘ 
that though “idols” in themselves were nothing, yet the sacrifices 
offered to them were, in reality, offered to “‘ demons,” he spoke of those 
false divinities which were the enemies of the True.® 


















1 For some suggestions as to the probable interlinked; and it is nothing wonderful that 


reasons why demoniacal possession is seldom 
witnessed now, see Trench, p. 162. 

2 Trench says, that “if there was any thing 
that marked the period of the Lord’s coming 
in the flosh, and that immediately succeeding, 
it was the wreck and confusion of men’s spir- 
itual life . . . the sense of utter disharmony. 
/. .. The whole period was the hour and 
power of darkness ; of a darkness which then, 
immediately before the dawn of a new day, 
was the thickest. It was exactly the crisis 
for such soul-maladies as these, in which the 
spiritual and bodily should be thus strangely 


they should have abounded at that time.” — 
P. 162. Neander and Trench, however, both 
refer to modern missionary accounts of some- 
thing like the same possession among heathen 
nations, and of their cessation on conversion 
to Christianity. 

® This is expressly stated by Origen and 
Augustine; and we find the same view in 
Josephus. 

* Acts xvii. 18. 

5 1 Cor. x. 20. 

® It is very important to distinguish the 
word AviBodos (‘* Devil’’), which is only used 





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Again, the language concerning physical changes, especially in the 
human frame, is very similar in the sacred and profane writers. Some- 
times it conteats itself with stating merely the facts and symptoms of 
disease ; sometimes it refers the facts and symptoms to invisible persona! 
agency.' One class of phenomena, aifecting the mind as well as the 
body, was mor? particularly referred to preternatural agency. These 
were the prophetic conditions of mind, showing themselves in stated 
oracles or in more irregular manifestations, and accompanied with con- 
vulsions and violent excitement, which are described or alluded to by 
almost all Heathen authors. Here again we are brought to a subject which 
is surrounded with difficulties. How far, in such cases, imposture was 
combined with real possession; how we may disentangle the one from 
the other; how far the supreme will of God made use of these prophetic 
powers and overruled them to good ends; such questions inevitably 
suggest themselves, but we are not concerned to answer them here. It 
is enough to say that we sve no reason to blame the opinion of those 
writers, who believe that a wicked spiritual agency was really exerted 
in the prophetic sanctuaries and prophetic personages of the Heathen 
world. The heathens themselves attributed these phenomena to the 
agency of Apollo,’ the deity of Pythonic spirits; and such phenomena 
were of very frequent occurrence, and displayed themselves under many 
varieties of place and circumstance. Sometimes those who were pos- 
sessed were of the highest condition; sometimes they went about the 
streets like insane impostors of the lowest rank. It was usual for the 
prophetic spirit to make itself known by an internal muttering or ven- 
triloquism.? We read of persons in this miserable condition used by 
others for the purpose of gain. Frequently they were slaves; and there 
were cases of joint proprietorship in these unhappy ministers of public 
superstition. 

In the case before us it was a “ female slave ’* who was possessed with 
‘a spirit of divination: ”* and she was the property of more than one 


in the singular, from daivev or daovev 
(“demon”), which may be singular or plural. 


lepsy as the result of supernatural possession. 
Some symptoms, he says, were popularly attrib- 


The former word is used, for instance, in Matt. 
xxy. 41; John viii. 44; Acts xiii. 10; 1 Pet. 
y. 8, &c.; the latter in John vii. 20; Luke x. 
17; 1 Tim. iv. 1; Rev. ix. 20; also James 


ii. 15. For farther remarks on this subject, 


see below on Acts xvii. 18. 

1 This will be observed in the Gospels, if 
we carefully compare the different accounts of 
our Lord’s miracles. Among heathen writers 
we may allude particularly to Hippocrates, 
since he wrote against those who treated epi- 


uted to Apollo, some to the Mother of the 
Gods, some to Neptune, &c. 

2 Python is the name of Apollo in his 
oracular character. 

® Such persons spoke with the mouth 
closed, and were called Pythons (the very 
word used here by St. Luke, Acts xvi. 16). 

* Acts xvi. 16. The word is the same m 
xii. 13. 

5 Literally “a spirit of Python” or “x 
Pythonic spirit.” 





260 THE LIVE AND EPISTLES OF 8ST. PAUL 


master, who kept her for the purpose of practising on the credulity of 
the Philippians, and realized “ much profit” in this way. We all know 
the kind of sacredness with which the ravings of common insanity are 
apt to be invested by the ignorant; and we can easily understand the 
notoriety which the gestures and words of this demoniac would obtain in 
Philippi. It was far from a matter of indifference, when she met the 
members of the Christian congregation on the road to the prosewcha, and 
began to follow St. Paul, and to exclaim (either because the words she 
had overheard mingled with her diseased imaginations, or because the 
evil spirit in her was compelled! to speak the truth): “These men are 
the bondsmen of the Most High God, who are come to announce unto 
you the way of salvation.” This was continued for “ several days,” and 
the whole city must soon have been familiar with her words. Paul was 
well aware of this; and he could not bear the thought that the credit 
even of the Gospel should be enhanced by such unholy means. Possibly 
one reason why our Blessed Lord Himself forbade the demoniaes to make 
Him known was, that His holy cause would be polluted by resting on 
such evidence. And another of our Saviour’s feelings must have found 
an imitation in St. Paul’s breast, — that of deep compassion for the poor 
victim of demoniac power. At length he could bear this Satanic inter 
ruption no longer, and, “ being grieved, he commanded the evil spirit to 
come out of her.’ It would be profaneness to suppose that the Apostle — 
spoke in mere irritation, as it would be ridiculous to imagine that Divine ~ 
help would have been vouchsafed to gratify such a feeling. No doubt 
there was grief and indignation, but the grief and indignation of an 
Apostle may be the impulses of Divine inspiration. He spoke, not in his 
own name, but in that of Jesus Christ, and power from above attended — 
his words. The prophecy and command of Jesus concerning His 
Apostles were fulfilled: that “in His name they should cast out demons.” 
It was as it had been at Jericho and by the Lake of Genesareth. The 
demoniac at Philippi was restored “to her right mind.” Her natural — 
powers resumed their course; and the gains of her masters were gone. 
Violent rage on the part of these men was the immediate result. They © 
saw that their influence with the people, and with it “all hope” of any 


1 See what Trench says on the demoniacs 
in the country of the Gadarenes. “We find 
in the demoniac the sense of 4 misery in which 
he does not acquiesce, the deep feeling of inward 
discord, of the true life utterly shattered, of 
an alien power which has mastered him wholly, 
and now is cruelly lording over him, and ever 
drawing farther away from him in whom only 
any created intelligence can find rest and peace. 


His state is, in the truest sense, ‘a possession ;” é 
another is ruling in the high places of his soul, ; 
and has cast down the rightful lord from his 
seat; and he knows this: and out of his con- ‘ 
sciousness of it there goes forth from him a 
ery for redemption, so soon as ever a glimpse 
of hope is etioded, an unlooked-for a 
draws near.” — p. 159. 


ot he Sl 


ok 


wap. m. PAUL AND SILAS ARRESTED. 281 


future profit, was at end. They proceeded therefore to take » summary 
revenge. Laying violent hold of Paul and Silas (for Timotheus and 
Luke were not so evidently concerned in what had happened), they 
dragged them into the forum’ before the city authorities. The case was 
brought before the Pretors (so we may venture to call them, since this 
was the title which colonial Duumviri were fond of assuming ;)? but the 
complainants must have felt some difficulty in stating their grievance. 
The slave that had lately been a lucrative possession had suddenly be- 
come valueless ; but the law had no remedy for property depreciated by 
exorcism. The true state of the case was therefore concealed, and an ac- 
eusation was laid before the Pretors in the following form. ‘ These men 
are throwing the whole city into confusion; moreover they are Jews;’ 
and they are attempting to introduce new religious observances,‘ which 
we, being Roman citizens, cannot legally receive and adopt.” The accu- 
sation was partly true and partly false. It was quite false that Paul and 
Silas were disturbing the colony; for nothing could have been more calm 
and orderly than their worship and teaching at the house of Lydia, or in 
the proseucha by the water-side. In the other part of the indictment 
there was a certain amount of truth. The letter of the Roman law, even 
under the Republic, was opposed to the introduction of foreign religions 

and though exceptions were allowed, as in the case of the Jews them 
selves, yet the spirit of the law entirely condemned such changes in 
worship as were likely to unsettle the minds of the citizens, cr to produce 
any tumultuous uproar; and the advice given to Augustus, which both 
he and his successors had studiously followed, was, to check religious in- 
novations as promptly as possible, lest in the end they should undermine 
the Monarchy. Thus Paul and Silas had undoubtedly been doing what 
in some degree exposed them to legal penalties; and were beginning a 
change which tended to bring down, and which ultimately did bring 
down, the whole weight of the Roman law on the martyrs of Chris- 
tianity.. The force of another part of the accusation, which was adroitly 
introduced, namely, that the men were “Jews to begin with,” will be 
fully apprehended, if we remember, not only that the Jews were general- 


1 Acts xvi. 19. 

2 See above, p. 258, an. 5. The word 
etparnyac is the usval Greek translation of 
pretor. It is, however, often used generally 
for the supreme magistrates of Greek towns. 
Weitstein tells us that the mayor in Messina 
was in his time still called stradigo. 

5 “ Being Jews to begin with,” is the most 
exact translation. The verb is the same as in 
Gal. ii. 14, “being born a Jew, ’ p. 201. 


* The word is similarly used Acts vi. 14 
xxvi. 8, xxviii. 17. 

5 See the account of the martyrs of Gaul 
in Eusebius, v. 1. The governor, learning 
that Attalus was a Roman citizen, ordered him 
to be remanded to prison till ke should learn 
the emperor's commands. These who had the 
citizenship were beheaded. The rest were sent 
to the wild beasts. 


262 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


ly hated, suspected, and despised,’ but that they had lately been driven 
out of Rome in consequence of an uproar,’ and that it was incumbent 
vn Philippi, as a colony, to copy the indignation of the mother city. 

Thus we can enter into the feelings which caused the mob to rise 
against Paul and Silas,’ and tempted the Praetors to dispense with legal 
formalities and consign the offenders to immediate punishment. The 
mere loss of the slave’s prophetic powers, so far as it was generally 
known, was enough to cause a violent agitation: for mobs are always 
more fond of excitement and wonder than of truth and holiness. The 
Philippians had been willing to pay money for the demoniac’s revelations, 
and now strangers had come and deprived them of that which gratified 
their superstitious curiosity. And when they learned, moreover, that 
these strangers were Jews, and were breaking the laws of Rome, their 
discontent became fanatical. It seems that the prztors had no time to 
hesitate, if they would retain their popularity. The rough words were 
spoken:‘ Go, lictors: strip off their garments: let them be scourged.”’® 
The order was promptly obeyed, and the heavy blows descended. It is 
happy for us that fow modern countries know, by the example of a simi- 
lar punishment, what the severity of a Roman scourging was. The Apos- 
tles received “‘ many stripes ;”’ and when they were consigned to prison, 
bleeding and faint from the rod, the jailer received a strict injunction “ to 
keep them safe.” Well might St. Paul, when at Corinth, look back to 
this day of cruelty, and remind the Thessalonians how he and Silas had 
“ suffered before, and were shamefully treated at Philippi.” ® 

The jailer fulfilled the directions of the magistrates with rigorous and 
conscientious cruelty. Not content with placing the Apostles among 
such other offenders against the law as were in custody at Philippi, 
he “thrust them into the inner prison,’* and then forced their limbs, 
lacerated as they were, and bleeding from the rod, into a painful and 
constrained posture, by means of an instrument employed to confine and 
torture the bodies of the worst malefactors.* Though we are ignorant of 


1 Cicero calls them “ suspiciosa ac maledica cessary. It is quite a mistake to imagine that 





CHAP,:2, 


civitas.”” — Flac, 28. Other authors could be 
quoted to the same effect. 

2 Acts xviii. 2; which is probably the same 
occurrence as that which is alluded to bv 
Suetonius, Claud. 25:— “Judsos mmpuisore 
Christo assidue tumultuantes Roma expulit. 
See pp. 287, 335. 

8 Acts xvi. 22. 

* The official order is given by Seneca. 
Some commentators suppose that the duumviri 
vore off the garments of Paul and Silas with 
thetr own hands; but this supposition is unne- 


they rent their own garments, like the high- 
priest at Jerusalem. 

5 The original word strictly denotes “to 
best with rods,” as it is translated in 2 Cor 
x1. 2. 

© 1 Thess. it. =. 

7 Acts xvi. 24. 

® The SAov was what the Romans called 
nervus. See the note in the Pictorial Bible 
on Job xiii. 27, and the woodcut of stocks 
used in India from Roberts’s Oriental IMustra 
tions. 


Fa 


oHAP, IX. PAUL AND SILAS IN PRISON. 263 


the exact reJation of the outer and inner prisons,’ and of the connection 
of the jailer’s “ house” with both, we are not without very good notions 
of the misery endured in the Roman places of captivity. We must 
picture to ourselves something very different from the austere comfort of 
an English jail. It is only since that Christianity for which the Apostles 
bled has had influence on the hearts of men, that the treatment of felons 
has been a distinct subject of philanthropic inquiry, and that we have 
learnt to pray “for all prisoners and captives.” The inner prisons of 
which we read in the ancient world were like that “dungeon in the 
court of the prison,” into which Jeremiah was let down with cords, and 
where “he sank in the mire.”? They were pestilential cells, damp and 
cold, from which the light was excluded, and where the chains rusted 
on the limbs of the prisoners. One such place may be seen to this 
day on the slope of the Capitol at Rome.’ It is known to the readers 
of Cicero and Sallust as the place where certain notorious conspirators 
were executed. The Tullianum (for so it was called) is a type of the 
dungeons in the provinces; and we find the very name applied, in one 
instapce, to a dungeon in the province of Macedonia.* What kind of 
torture was inflicted by the “stocks,” in which the arms and legs, and 
even the necks, of offenders were confined and stretched, we are sufhi- 
ciently informed by the allusions to the punishment of slaves in the 
_ Greek and Roman writers;* and to show how far the cruelty of 
Heathen persecution, which may be said to have begun at Philippi, was 
afterwards carried in this peculiar kind of torture, we may refer to the 
sufferings “‘ which Origen endured under an iron collar, and in the 
deepest recesses of the prison, when, for many days, he was extended 
and stretched io the distance of four holes on the rack.” ® 
A few hours had made a serious change from the quiet scene by the 
water-side to the interior of a stifling dungeon. But Paul and Silas had 


1 A writer on the subject (Walch) says that 
in a Roman prison there were usually three 
distinct parts: (1) the communiora, where the 
prisoners had light and fresh air; (2) the inée- 
‘ora, shut off by iron gates with strong bars 
and locks; (3) the Tullianum, or dungeon. 
if this was the case at Philippi, Paul and Silas 
were perhaps in the second, and the other pris- 
oners in the first part. The third was rather 
a place of execution than imprisonment. Walch 
says that in the provinces the prisons were not 
890 systematically divided into three parts. He 
adds that the jailer or commentariensis had 
asually optiones to assist him In Acts xvi. 
only one jailer is mentioned. 


2 «Then took they Jeremiah and cast him 
into the dungeon of Malchiah, the son of Ham- 
melech, which was in the court of the prison; and 
they let down Jeremiah with cords. And in 
the dungeon there was no water, but mire; so 
Jeremiah sunk in the mire.” — Jer. xxxviii. 6. 
See the note in the Pictorial Bible. 

3 For an account of it see Sir W. Gell’s 
work on Rome, also Rich’s Dict. of Greek and 
Roman Antiquities, from which the woodcut at 
the end of this chapter is taken. 

* In Apuleius, where the allusion is ta 
Thessaly. 

5 Especially in Plautus. 

§ Euseb. Hist. Eccl. vi 39. 


264 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8ST. PAUL. 






learnt, ‘‘ in whatever state they were, therewith to be content.”! They 
were even able to “ rejoice” that they were “ counted worthy to suffer” 
for the name of Christ.2 And if some thoughts of discouragement came 
ever their minds, not for their own sufferings, but for the cause of their 
Master; and if it seemed “‘ a strange thing” that a work to which they had 
been beckoned by God should be arrested in its very beginning; yet they 
had faith to believe that His arm would be revealed at the appointed time. 
Joseph’s feet, too, had been “hurt in the stocks,”* and he became a — 
prince in Egypt. Daniel had been cast into the lions’ den, and he was 
made ruler of Babylon. Thus Paul and Silas remembered with joy the 
“Lord our Maker, who giveth songs in the night.” * Racked as they were 
with pain, sleepless and weary, they were heard, “ about midnight,” from 
the depth of their prison-house, “ praying and singing hymns to God.” * 
What it was that they sang, we know not; but the Psalms of David have 
ever been dear to those who suffer; they have instructed both Jew and 
Christian in the language of prayer and praise. And the Psalms abound 
in such sentences as these: — ‘‘ The Lord looketh down from His sanc- 
tuary : out of heaven the Lord beholdeth the earth: that He might hear 
the mournings of such as are in captivity, and deliver the children 
appointed unto death.” —“ Oh! let the sorrowful sighing of the prisoners 
eome before thee: according to the greatness of thy power, preserve thou : 
those that are appointed to die.”” —“‘ The Lord helpeth them to right that — 
waffer wrong: the Lord looseth men out of prison: the Lord helpeth 
them that are fallen: the Lord careth for the righteous.”* Such sounds — 
as these were new in a Roman dungeon. Whoever the other prisoners — 
might be, whether they were the victims of oppression, or were suffering — 
the punishment of guilt, — debtors, slaves, robbers, or murderers, — they — 
listened with surprise to the voices of those who filled the midnight of 

the prison with sounds of cheerfulness and joy. Still the Apostles con- 

tinued their praises, and the prisoners listened.’ “‘ They that sit in dark- 

ness, and in the shadow of death; being fast bound in misery and iron ; 

when they cried unto the Lord in their trouble, He delivered them out 

of their distress. For He brought them out of darkness, and out of the 


1 Phil. iv. 11. for the word, see Matt. xxvi. 30, Mark xiv. 26. 

2 Acts v. 41. The psalms sung on that occasion are believed 

8 Ps, cv. 18, Prayer-Book Version. Philo, to be Ps. cxiii—cxviii. Compare Eph. v. 19; 
writing on the history of Joseph (Gen. xxxix. ol. iii. 16. Also Heb. ii. 12. 
21), has some striking remarks on the cruel 6 Ps. cii. 19, 20, xxix. 12, cxlvi. 6-8. Ses 
eharacter of jailers, who live among thieves, also Ps. cxlii. 8, 9, lxix. 34, exvi. 14, lxviii. 6. 
robbers, and murderers, and mever see any 7 The imperfects used in this passage imply — 
thing that is good. continuance. The Apostles were singing, and — 

* Job xxxv. 10. the prisoners were listening, when the earth 

5 Acts xvi. 25. The tense is imperfect: quake came. 


i 


ome. Ix. THE JAILER. 285 


shadow of death, and brake their bonds in sunder. Oh that men would 
therefore praise the Lord for His goodness, and declare the wonders that 
He doeth for the children of men: for He hath broken the gates of brass, 
and smitten the bars of iron in sunder.”! When suddenly, as if in direct 
answer to the prayer of His servants, an earthquake shook the very foun- 
dations of the prison,’ the gates were broken, the bars smitten asunder 
and the bands of the prisoners loosed. Without striving to draw a line 
between the natural and supernatural in this occurrence, and still less 
endeavoring to resolve what was evidently miraculous into the results 
of ordinary causes, we turn again to the thought suggested by that 
single but expressive phrase of Scripture, “‘ the prisoners were listening.” * 
When we reflect on their knowledge of the Apostles’ sufferings (for 
they were doubtless aware of the manner in which they had been 
brought in and thrust into the dungeon),‘ and on the wonder they must 
have experienced on hearing sounds of joy from those who were in pain, 
and on the awe which mast have overpowered them when they felt the 
prison shaken and the chains fall from their limbs ; and when to all this 
we add the effect produced on their minds by all that happened on the 
following day, and especially the fact that the jailer himself became a 
Christian ; we can hardly avoid the conclusion that the hearts of many 

“of those unhappy bondsmen were prepared that night to receive the 
Gospel, that the tidings of spiritual liberty came to those whom, but for 
the captivity of the Apostles, it would never have reached, and that the 
jailer himself was their evangelist and teacher. 

The effect produced by that night on the jailer’s own mind has been 
fully related to us. Awakened in a moment by the earthquake, his first 
thought was of his prisoners :* and in the shock of surprise and alarm, 
— “seeing the doors of the prison open, and supposing that the prisoners 
were fled,’’ — aware that inevitable death awaited him,’ with the stern 
and desperate resignation of a Roman official, he resolved that suicide 
was better than disgrace, and “ drew his sword.” 

Philippi is famous in the annals of suicide. Here Cassius, unable to 
survive defeat, covered his face in the empty tent, and ordered his freed- 
men to strike the blow.’ His messenger Titinius held it to be “a Ro- 
man’s part’ ® to follow the stern example. Here Brutus bade adieu te 
his friends, exclaiming, “ Certainly we must fly, yet not with the feet, but 


1 Ps. evii. 10-16. 2 Acts xvi. 26. 

5 Ses above. 

* See above, on tne form of ancient prisons. 
* Acts xvi. 27. 


5 By the Roman law, the jailer was to 


undergo the same punishment which the male 
factors who escaped by his negligence were to 
have suffered. Biscoe, p. 330. 

7 Plat. Brutus, 43. 

8 Julius Coear, act v. s¢. iti. 


266 THE LIFE AND KPISTLES OF ST. PAUL, 


with the hands ;”! and many, whose names have never reached us, ended 
their last struggle for the republic by self-inflicted death. Here, too, 
another despairing man would have committed the same crime, had not 
his hand been arrested by an Apostle’s voice. Instead of a sudden and 
hopeless death, the jailer received at the hands of his prisoner the gift 
both of temporal and spiritual life. 

The loud exclamation’ of St. Paul, *“ Do thyself no harm; for we are 
all here,” gave immediate re-assurance to the terrified jailer. He laid 
aside his sword, and called for lights, and rushed * to the “ inner prison,” 
where Paul and Silas were confined. But now a new fear of a higher 
kind took possession of his soul. The recollection of all he had heard 
before concerning these prisoners and all that he had observed of their 
demeanor when he brought them into the dungeon, the shuddering 
thought of the earthquake, the burst of his gratitude towards them as the 
preservers of his life, and the consciousness that even in the darkness 
of midnight they had seen his intention of suicide, —all these mingling 
and conflicting emotions made him feel that he was in the presence of a 
higher power. He fell down before them, and brought them out, as 
men whom he had deeply injured and insulted, to a place of greater 
freedom and comfort;° and then he asked them, with earnest anxiety, 
what he must do to be saved. We see the Apostle here self-possessed in 
the earthquake, as afterwards in the storm at sea,® able to overawe and 
control those who were placed over him, and calmly turning the occa- 
sion to a spiritual end. It is surely, however, a mistake to imagine that 
the jailer’s inquiry had reference merely to temporal and immediate 
danger. The awakening of his conscience, the presence of the unseen 
world, the miraculous visitation, the nearness of death, — coupled per- 
haps with some confused recollection of the “ way of salvation” which 
these strangers were ‘said to have been proclaiming, — were enough to 


CLAY, 1X, 





suggest that inquiry which is the most momentous that any human soul 


can make: ‘“ What must I do to be saved?’’' 
faithful Apostles. 
Lord.”’ ® 


Their answer was that of 
They preached “ not themselves, but Christ Jesus the 
“Believe, not in us, but in the Lord Jesus, and thou shalt be 


1 Plut. Brutus, 52. the entrance to the jailer’s dwelling, if indeed 


2 “ The majority of the proscribed who sur- 
vived the battles of Philippi put an end to their 
own lives, as they despaired ot being par- 
doned.”” — Niebuhr’s Lectures, ii. 118. 

5 Acts xvi. 28. 

* The whole phraseology seems to imply 
that the dungeon was subterraneous. Prof. 
Hackett, however, takes a different view. 

§ Hither the outer prison or the space about 


they were not identical. 

§ Acts xxvii. 20-25. 

7 We should compare v. 30 with y. 17. 
The words “save” and “salvation” must 
have been frequently in the mouth of St. Paul. 
It is probable that the demoniac, and possible 
that the jailer, might have heard them. See 
p. 260. 

5 2 Cor. iv. 5 





| 


THE MAGISTRATES. 267 
saved ; and not only thou, but the like faith shall bring salvation to all 
thy house.” From this last expression, and from the words which follow, 
we infer that the members of the jailer’s family had crowded round him 
and the Apostles.'_ No time was lost in making known to them “ the 
word of the Lord.’’ All thought of bodily comfort and repose was 
postponed to the work of saving the soul. The meaning of “ faith in 
Jesus” was explained, and the Gospel was preached to the jailer’s 
family at midnight, while the prisoners were silent around, and the light 
was thrown on anxious faces and the dungeon-wall. 

And now we have an instance of that sympathetic care, that inter- 
change of temporal and spiritual service, which has ever attended the 
steps of true Christianity. As it was in the miracles of our Lord and 
Saviour, where the soul and the body were regarded together, so has it 
always been in His Church. ‘In the same hour of the night’’? the 
jailer took the Apostles to the well or fountain of water which was 
within or near the precincts of the prison, and there he washed their 
wounds, and there also he and his household were baptized. He did 
what he could to assuage the bodily pain of Paul and Silas, and they 
admitted him and his, by the “ laver of regeneration,” ® to the spiritual 
citizenship of the kingdom of God. The prisoners of the jailer were 
now become his guests. His cruelty was changed into hospitality 
and love. “He took them up‘ into his house,” and, placing them in a 
posture of repose, set food before them,> and refreshed their exhausted 
strength. It was a night of happiness for all. They praised God that 
His power had been made effectual in their weakness; and the jailer’s 
family had their first experience of that joy which is the fruit of believ- 
ing in God. 

At length morning broke on the eventful night. In the course of that 
night the greatest of all changes had been wrought in the jailer’s rela- 
tions to this world and the next. From being the ignorant slave of a 
Heathen magistracy he had become the religious head of a Christian 
family. A change, also, in the same interval of time, had come over the 
minds of the magistrates themselves. Wither from reflecting that they 


1 The preaching of the Gospel to the jailer 


and his Jamily seems to have taken place imme- 


mately op coming out of the prison (vv. 30—- 
32); then the baptism of the converts, and the 
washing of the Apostles’ stripes (v. 32); and 
finally the going-up into the house, and tne 
hospitable refreshment there affoided. It does 
not appear certain that they returned from the 
jailer’s house into the dungeon before they 
were taken out of custody (v. 40). 


2 Acts xvi. 33. Here and inv. 34, a change 
of place is implied. 8 Tit. iii. 5. 

* Acts xvi. 34. The word implies at least 
that the house was higher than the prison. 
See p. 266, n. 4. 

€ Tue custom of Greek and Roman meals 
must be borne ik mind. Guests were placed 
on couches, and tasles, with the different 
courses of food, were brought and removed in 
succession. 


268 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL amar. ix 


had acted more harshly than the case had warranted, or from hearing a 
more accurate statement of facts, or through alarm caused by the earth- 
quake, or through that vague misgiving which sometimes, as in the case 
of Pilate and his wife,’ haunts the minds of those who have no distinct 
religious convictions, they sent new orders in the morning to the jailer. 
The message conveyed by the lictors was expressed in a somewhat con- 
temptuous form, “Let those men go.”? But the jailer received it with 


the utmost joy. He felt his infinite debt of gratitude to the Apostles, not — 


vnly for his preservation from a violent death, but for the tidings they 
aad given him of eternal life. He would willingly have seen them freed 
irom their bondage ; but he was dependent on the will of the magistrates, 
and could do nothing without their sanction. When, therefore, the 
lictore brought the order, he went with them’ to announce the intelli- 
gence to the prisoners, and joyfully told them to leave their dungeon and 
“go in peace.” 

But Paul, not from any fanatical love of braving the authorities, but 
calmly looking to the ends of justice and the establishment of Chris 
tianity, refused to accept his liberty without some public acknowledgment 
of the wrong he had suffered. He now proclaimed a fact which had 
1itherto been unknown, — that he and Silas were Roman citizens. . Two 
Roman laws had been violated by the magistrates of the colony in the 
scourging inflicted the day before. And this, too, with signal aggrava- 
tions. They were “ uncondemned.” There had been no form of trial, 
without which, in the case of a citizen, even a slighter punishment would 
have been illegal. And it had been done “ publicly.” In the face of the 
colonial population, an outrage had been committed on the majesty of the 
name in which they boasted, and Rome had been insulted in her citizens. 
“No,” said St. Paul; “they have oppressed the innocent and violated 
the law. Do they seek to satisfy justice by conniving at a secret escape? 
Let them come themselves and take us out of prison. They have pub- 
licly treated us as guilty; let them publicly declare that we are in- 
nocent.”’ ® 

‘“‘ How often,” says Cicero, “ has this exclamation, Jam a Roman citi- 
zen, brought aid and safety even among barbarians in the remotest parts 
of the earth! ’’—The lictors returned to the pretors, and the preetors 
were alarmed. They felt that they had committed an act which, if di- 


1 Matt. xxvii. 19. for St. Paul spoke “‘ to them ;” on which they 
2 Or, as it might be translated, “Let those went and told the magistrates (v. 38). 

fellows go.” * The Lex Valeria (B. 0. 508) and the Lex 
5 It is evident from v. 37 that theycame Porcia (B. c. 300). 

into the prison with the jailer, or found the § y. 87. 


prisoners in the jailer’s house (p. 267, n. 1) 





‘ 


* As 
al 
* 
Sa 
at! 


mar. Ix. ST. LUKE. 268 


vulged at Rome, would place them in the utmost jeopardy. They had 
good reason to fear even for their authority in the colony ; for the people 
of Philippi, “being Romans,” might be expected to resent such a viola- 
tion of the law. They hastened, therefore, immedidtely to the prisoners, 
and became the suppliants of those whom they had persecuted. They 
brought them at once out of the dungeon, and earnestly “ besought them 
to depart from the city.””} 

The whole narrative of St. Paul’s imprisonment at Philippi sets before 
us in striking colors his clear judgment and presence of mind. He might 
have escaped by help of the earthquake and under the shelter of the dark- 
ness ; but this would have been to depart as a runaway slave. He would 
not do secretly what he knew he ought to be allowed to do openly. By 
such a course his own character and that of the Gospel would have been 
disgraced, the jailer would have been cruelly left to destruction, and all 
religious influence over the other prisoners would have been gone. As 
regards these priseners, his influence over them was like the sway he ob 
tained over the crew in the sinking vessel.? It was so great, that not one 
of them attempted to escape. And not only in the prison, but in the 
whole town of Philippi, Christianity was placed on a high vantage-ground 
by the Apostle’s conduct that night. It now appeared that these per- 
secuted Jews were themselves sharers in the vaunted Roman privilege. 


_ Those very laws had been violated in their treatment which they them- 


selves had been accused of violating. That no appeal was made against 
this treatment, might be set down to the generous forbearance of the 
Apostles. Their cause was now, for a time at least, under the protection 
of the law, and they themselves were felt to have a claim on general 
sympathy and respect. 

They complied with the request of the magistrates. Yet, even in their 
departure, they were not unmindful of the dignity and self-possession 
which ought always to be maintained by innocent men in a righteous 
cause. They did not retire in any hasty or precipitate flight, but pro- 
ceeded “ from the prison to the house of Lydia;”* and there they met 
the Christian brethren, who were assembled to hear their farewell words 
of exhortation; and so they departed from the city. It was not, how- 
ever, deemed sufficient that this infant church at Philippi should be left 
alone with the mere remembrance of words of exhortation. Two of the 
Apostolic company remained behind: Timotheus, of whom the Philip- 
pians “ learned the proof” that he honestly cared for their state, that he 
was truly like-minded with St. Paul, “serving him in the Gospel as a son 
serves his father ;”’* and “‘ Luke the Evangelist, whose praise is in the 


1 vy. $8, 39. 2 Acts xxvii. ® Acts xvi. 40. * Phil. ii. 19~25. 


270 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 





Gospel,” though he never praises himself, or relates his own labors, and 
though we only trace his movements in connection with St. Paul by the 
change of a pronoun,' or the unconscious variation of his style. 
Timotheus seems to have rejoined Paul and Silas, if not at Thessa 
lonica, at least at Bereea.?, But we do not see St. Luke again in the Apos- 
tle’s company till the third missionary journey and the second visit to 
Macedonia.’ At this exact point of separation, we observe that he drops 
the style of an eye-witness and resumes that of an historian, until the 
second time of meeting, after which he writes as an eye-witness till the 
arrival at Rome, and the very close of the Acts. To explain and justify 
the remark here made, we need only ask the reader to contrast the de- 
tailed narrative of events at Philippi with the more general account of 
what happened at Thessalonica.t It might be inferred that the writer 
of the Acts was an eye-witness in the former city and not in the latter, 
even if the pronoun did not show us when he was present and when he 
was absent. We shall trace him a second time, in the same manner, when 
he rejoins St. Paul in the same neighborhood. He appears again on a 
voyage from Philippi to Troas (Acts xx. 56), as now he has appeared on 
a voyage from Troas to Philippi. It is not an improbable conjecture that 
his vocation as a physician® may have brought him into connection with 
these contiguous coasts of Asia and Europe. It has even been imagined, 
on reasonable grounds,® that he may have been in the habit of exercising 
his professional skill as a surgeon at sea. However this may have been, 
we see no reason to question the ancient opinion, stated by Kusebius and 
Jerome, that St. Luke was a native of Antioch. Such a city was a likely 


place for the education of a physician.’ 


1 In ch. xvii. the narrative is again in the 
third person; and the pronoun is not changed 
again till we come to xx.5. The modesty 
with which St. Luke leaves out all mention of 
his own labors need hardly be pointed out. 

2 Acts xvii. 14. He is not mentioned in 
the journey to Thessalonica, nor in the ac- 
count of what happened there. 

3 Acts xx. 4-6. 

* Observe, for instance, his mention of run- 
ning before the wind, and staying for the night 
at Samothrace. Again, he says that Philippi 
was the first city they came to, and that it was 
acolony. He tells us that the place of prayer 
was outside the gate and near a river-side. 
There is no such particularity in the account 
of what took place at Thessalonica. See 
above, p. 134, n. 2. Similar remarks might 
be made on the other autoptic passages of the 


It is also natural to suppose 


Acts, and we shall return to the subject again. 
A careful attention to this difference of style is 
enough to refute a theory lately advanced (Dr. 
Kitto’s Journal of Sacred Literature, Sept. 
1850), that Silas was the author of the Acts. 
Silas was at Thessalonica as well as Philippi. 
Why did he write so differently concerning 
the two places ¢ 

5 See Tate’s Continuous History, p. 41. 
Compare the end of the preceding chapter. 

® This suggestion is made by Mr. Smith 
in his work on the Shipwreck, §<., p. 8. It is 
justly remarked, that the ancient ships wer 
often so large that they may reasonably be 
supposed to have sometimes had surgeons on 
board. See p. 244. 

7 Alexandria was famous for the education 
of physicians, and Antioch was in many re 
spects a second Alexandria 


Ana 
Tear 


ea 


CHAP, IX. MACEDONIA DESCRIBED. 272 


that he may have met with St. Paul there, and been converted at an 
earlier period of the history of the Church. His medical calling, or his 
zeal for Christianity, or both combined (and the combination has ever 
been beneficial to the cause of the Gospel), may account for his visits to 
the North of the Archipelago:! or St. Paul may himself have directed 
his movements, as he afterwards directed those of Timothy and Titus.’ 
All these suggestions, though more or less conjectural, are worthy of our 
thoughts, when we remember the debt of gratitude which the Church 
owes to this Evangelist, not only as the historian of the Acts of the 
Apostles, but as an example of long-continued devotion to the truth, and 
of unshaken constancy to that one Apostle, who said with sorrow, in his 
latest trial, that others had forsaken him, and that “only Luke” was 
with him.* 

Leaving their first Macedonian converts to the care of Timotheus and 
Luke, aided by the co-operation of godly men and women raised up 
among the Philippians themselves,‘ Paul and Silas set forth on their 
journey. Before we follow them to Thessalonica, we may pause to take 
a general survey of the condition and extent of Macedonia, in the sense 
in which the term was understood in the language of the day. It has 
been well said that the Acts of the Apostles have made Macedonia a kind 
of Holy Land ;° and it is satisfactory that the places there visited and 
revisited by St. Paul and his companions are so well known, that we 
have no difficulty in representing to the mind their position and their 
relation to the surrounding country. 

Macedonia, in its popular sense, may be described as a region bounded 
by a great semicircle of mountains, beyond which the streams flow 
westward to the Adriatic, or northward and eastward to the Danube and 
the Huxine.6 This mountain barrier sends down branches to the sea on 
the eastern or Thracian frontier, over against Thasos and Samothrace ;’ 


1 Compare the case of Democedes in He- 
tudotus, who was established first in Atgina, 
then in Athens, and finally in Samos. At a 
period even later than St. Luke, Galen speaks 
of the medical schools of Cos and Cnidus, of 
Rhodes and of Asia. 

21 Tim.i.8; 2 Tim. iv. 9, 21; Tit. i. 5, 
iii. 12. 

3 2 Tim. iv. 11. 
St. Luke’s Day. 

* The Christian women at Philippi have 
been alluded to before, p. 256. See especially 
Phil. iv. 2, 3. We cannot well doubt that 
nresbyters also were appointed, as at Thessa- 
Jonica. See below Compare Phil. i. 1. 


See the Christian Year: 


§ “The whole of Macedonia, and in par- 
ticular the route from Berea to Thessalonica 
and Philippi, being so remarkably distin 
guished by St. Paul’s sufferings and adven 
tures, becomes as a portion of Holy Land.” 
— Clarke’s Travels, ch. xi. 

* The mountains on the north, under the 
names of Scomius, Scordus, &c., are connected 
with the Hzmus or Balkan. Those on the 
west run in s southerly direction, and are con- 
tinuous with the chain of Pindus. 

7 These are the mountains near the river 
Nestus, which, after the time of Philip, was 
considered the boundary of Macedonia and 
Thrace. 





272 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. omar. mm 


and on the south shuts out the plain of Thessaly, and rises near the shore 
to the high summits of Pelion, Ossa, and the snowy Olympus.' The 
space thus enclosed is intersected by two great rivers. One of these is 
Homer’s “ wide-flowing Axius,’’ which directs its course past Pella, the 
ancient metroplis of the Macedonian kings, and the birthplace of Alexan- 
der, to the low levels in the neighborhood of Thessalonica, where other — 
rivers? flow near it into the Thermaic gulf. The other is the Strymon, 
which brings the produce of the great inland level of Serres* by Lake © 
Cercinus to the sea at Amphipolis, and beyond which was Philippi, the | 
military outpost that commemorated the successful conquests of Alexan- 
der’s father. Between the mouths of these two rivers a remarkable — 
tract of country, which is insular rather than continental,‘ projects into . 
the Archipelago, and divides itself into three points, on the farthest of — 
which Mount Athos rises nearly into the region of perpetual snow.’ © 
Part of St. Paul’s path between Philippi and Bercea lay across the neck — 
of this peninsula. The whole of his route was over historical ground. — 
At Philippi he was close to the confines of Thracian barbarism, and on — 
the spot where the last battle was fought in defence of the Republic. At 
Borea he came near the mountains, beyond which is the region of Clas- 
sical Greece, and close to the spot where the battle was fought which ~ 
reduced Macedonia to a province.® 

If we wish to view Macedonia as a province, some modifications must 
be introduced into the preceding description. It applies, indeed, with — 
sufficient exactness to the country on its first conquest by the Romans.’ 
The rivers already alluded to define the four districts into which it was 
divided. Macedonia Prima was the region east of the Strymon, of which 


1 The natural boundary between Macedonia 
and Thessaly is formed by the Cambunian 
hills, ranning in an easterly direction from the 
central chain of Pindus. The Cambunian 
range is vividly described in the following 
view from the “giddy height” of Olympus, 
which rises near the coast. ‘‘I seemed to 
stand perpendicularly over the sea, at the 
height of 10,000 feet. Salonica was quite dis- 
tinguishable, lying North-East. Larissa [in 
Thessaly] appeared under my very feet. The 
whole horizon from North to South -West was 
occupied by mountains, hanging on, as tt were, 
to Olympus. This is the range that runs West 
ward along the North of Thessaly, ending in 
Pindus.” — Urquhart’s Spirit of the East, vol. 
i. p. 429. 

3 The Haliacmon, which flows near Berea, 
is the most important of them 


® This is the great inland plain at one ex 
tremity of which Philippi was situated, and 
which has been mentioned above (p. 250). Ite 
principal town at present is Serres, the resi- 
dence of the governor of the whole district, 
and a place. of considerable importance, often 
mentioned by Cousinéry, Leake, and other 
travellers. 

* The peninsula anciently called Chalcidice. 

& The elevation of Mount Athos is between 
4,000 and 5,000 feet. The writer has heard 
English sailors say that there is almost always 
snow on Athos and Olympus, and that, 
though the land generally is higher in this 
part of the Atgean, these mountains are by 
far the most conspicuous. 

6 Pydna is within a few miles of Berea, 
on the other side of the Haliacmon. 

7 See Liv. xlv. 29. 


bl 


4 


EOMAN MACEDONIA. 278 


Amphipolis was the capital ;! Macedonia Secunda lay between the Strymon 
and the Axius, and Thessalonica was its metropolis ; and the other two re- 
gions were situated to the south towards Thessaly, and on the mountains te 
the west. This was the division adopted by Paulus Amilius after the 
battle of Pydna. But the arrangement was only temporary. The whole of 
Macedonia, along with some adjacent territories, was made one province, 
and centralized under the jurisdiction of a proconsul,‘ who resided at 
Thessalonica. This province included Thessaly,’ and extended over the 
mountain-chain which had been the western boundary of ancient Mace- 
donia, so as to embrace a seaboard of considerable length on the shore 
of the Adriatic. The political limits, in this part of the Empire, are far 
more easily discriminated than those with which we have been lately 
occupied (Chap. VIII.). Three provinces divided the whole surface 
which extends from the basin of the Danube to Cape Matapan. All of 
them are familiar to us in the writings of St. Paul. The extent of 
Macedonia has just been defined. Its relations with the other provinces 
were as follows. On the north-west it was contiguous to Illyricum,* 
which was spread down the shore of the Adriatic nearly to the same 
point to which the Austrian territory now extends, fringing the Moham- 
medan empire with a Christian border.’ A hundred miles to the south- 
ward, at the Acroceraunian promontory, it touched Achaia, the boundary 
of which province ran thence in an irregular line to the bay of Ther 
mopyle and the north of Eubeea, including Epirus, and excluding 
Thessaly. Achaia and Macedonia were traversed many times by the 
Apostle ;* and he could say, when he was hoping to travel to Rome, that 
he had preached the Gospel “‘ round about unto Ilyricum.”” 


1 See above. 

2 Macedonia Tertia was between the Axius 
snd Peneus, with Pella for its capital. Pela 
gonia was the capital of Macedonia Quarta. It 
is remarkable that no coins of the third division 
have been found, but only of the first, second, 
and fourth. 

= By Metellus. 

* At first it was one of the Emperer’s prov- 
inces, but afterwards it was placed under the 
Senate. 

5 Thessaly was subject to Macedonia when 
the Roman wars began. At the close of the 
first war, under Flaminius, it was declared 
free; but ultimately it was incorporated with 
the province. 

$ At first the wars of Rome with the peo- 
ple of this coast merely led to mercantile 
treaties for the free navigation of the Adriatic. 
Julius Cesar and Augustus concluded the 

18 


series of wars which gradually reduced it to a 

ViRCe. 

™ The border town was Lissus, the medera 
Alessio, not far frem Scutari. 

® Except in the western portien, the bound- 
ary nearly coincided with that of the moderm 
kingdom of Greece. The previncial arrange 
ments of Achaia will be alluded te more par 
ticularly hereafter. 

® Observe how these previness are mam 
tlened together, Rom. xv. 26; 2 Cor. ix. 2, xi 
9, 10; also 1 Thess. i. 7, 8 

20 Rom. xv. 19. Dalmatia (2 Tim. iv. 16) 
was a district in this prevince. Ses ch. XVIL. 
Nicopolis (Tit. iii. 12) was in Epirus, whieh, 
as we have seen, was a district in the provimes 
of Achaia, but it was connected by a branch 
road with the Via Egnatia from Dyrrhachium, 
which is mentioned below. 























274 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 

When we allude to Rome, and think of the relation of the City to 
provinces, we are inevitably reminded of the military roads; and here, 
across the breadth of Macedonia, was one of the greatest roads of the 
Empire. It is evident that, after Constantinople was founded, a line of 
communication between the Eastern and Western capitals was of the 
utmost moment; but the Via Egnatia was constructed long before that 
period. Strabo, in the reign of Augustus, informs us that it was regu- 
larly made and marked out by milestones, from Dyrrhachium on the 
Adriatic, to Cypselus on the Hebrus in Thrace; and, even before the 
close of the republic, we find Cicero speaking, in one of his orations, of 
“that military way of ours, which connects us with the Hellespont.” 
Certain districts on the European side of the Hellespont had been part 
of the legacy of King Attalus,! and the simultaneous possession of 
Macedonia, Asia, and Bithynia, with the prospect of further conquests in 
the East, made this line of communication absolutely necessary. When 
St. Paul was on the Roman road at Troas? or Philippi, he was on a road 
which led to the gates of Rome. It was the same pavement which he 
afterwards trod at Appii Forum and the Three Taverns.* The nearest 
parallel which the world has seen of the imperial roads is the present 
European railway system. The Hellespont and the Bosphorus, in the 
reign of Claudius, were what the Straits of Dover and Holyhead are 
now; and even the passage from Brundusium in Italy, to Dyrrhachium 
and Apollonia‘ in Macedonia, was only a tempestuous ferry, — only one 
of those difficulties of nature which the Romans would have overcome if 
they could, and which the boldest of the Romans dared to defy. From 
Dyrrhachium and Apollonia, the Via Egnatia, strictly so called, extended 
a distance of five hundred miles, to the Hebrus, in Thrace. Thes- 


1 See the preceding chapter, under “Asia.” 

2 See what is said of the road between 
Troas and Pergamus, &c., p. 240. 

5 Acts xxviii. 15. For notices of the 
Via Appia, where it approaches the Adriatic, 
in the neighborhood of Egnatia (‘‘ Gnatia lym- 
phis iratis extructa”), whence, according to 
some writers, the Macedonian continuation 
received its name, see Horace’s journey, Sat. 
1. vy. Dean Milman’s Horace contains an ex- 
pressive representation of Brundusium, the 
harbor ea the Italian side of the water. 

47. e. Apollonia on the Adriatic, which 
must be carefully distinguished from the other 
town of the same name, and on the same road, 
between Thessalonica and Amphipolis (Acts 
xvii, 1). 

5 See the anecdotes of Cxsar’s bold pro- 


ceedings between Brundusium and the oppo- 
site side of the sea in Plutarch. The same 
writer tells us that Cicero, when departing on 
his exile, was driven back by a storm into 
Brundusium. See below, p. 278,n. 3. The 
great landing-place on the Macedonian side 
was Dyrrhachium, the ancient Epidamnus, © 
called by Catullus “‘ Adris Tabernsy.” 

® The roads from Dyrrhachium and Apollo- 
nia met together at a place called Clodiana. 
and thence the Via Egnatia passed over 
the mountains to Heraclea in Macedonia. It 
entered the plain at Edessa (see below), and — 
thence passed by Pella to Thessalonica. Ths 
stations, as given by the Antonine and Jern- 
salem Itineraries and the Peutinger Table, 
will be found in Cramer’s Ancient Greece, v. i. 
pp. 81-84. 


cuaP, Ix. THE VIA EGNATIA. 275 


salonica was about half way between these remote points, and Philippi 
was the last} important town in the province of Macedonia. Our con- 
cern is only with that part of the Via Egnatia which lay between the two 
last-mentioned cities. 

The intermediate stages mentioned in the Acts of the Apostles are 
Amphipolis and Apollonia. The distances laid down in the Itineraries 
are as follows: — Philippi to Amphipolis, thirty-three miles ; Amphipolis 
to Apollonia, thirty miles; Apollonia to Thessalonica, thirty-seven miles. 
These distances are evidently such as might have been traversed each in 
one day ; and since nothing is said of any delay on the road, but every 
thing to imply that the journey was rapid, we conclude (unless, indeed, 
their recent sufferings made rapid travelling impossible) that Paul and 
Silas rested one night at each of the intermediate places, and thus our 
notice of their journey is divided into three parts. 

From Philippi to Amphipolis, the Roman way passed across the plain 
to the north of Mount Pangeus. A traveller, going direct from Neapolis 
to the mouth of the Strymon, might make his way through an opening in 
the mountains? nearer the coast. This is the route by which Xerxes 
brought his army,’ and by which modern journeys are usually made.‘ 
But Philippi was not built in the time of the Persian war, and now, 
under the Turks, it is a ruined village. Under the Roman emperors, the 
position of this colony determined the direction of the road. The very 
productiveness of the soil,® and its liability to inundations,* must have 
caused this road to be carefully constructed. The surface of the plain, 
which is intersected by multitudes of streams, is covered now with 
plantations of cotton and fields of Indian corn,’ and the villages are so 
numerous, that, when seen from the summits of the neighboring moun- 
tains, they appear to form one continued town. Not far from the coast, 


2 See above, p. 249, n. 3, and p. 250, n. 9. 

2 This opening is the Pieric valley. See 
Leake, p. 180. ‘“ Though the modern route 
from Cavyalla to Orphano and Saloniki, leading 
by Pravista through the Pieric valley along 
the southern side of Mount Pangssum, exactly 
in the line of that of Xerxes, is the most 
direct, it does not coincide with the Roman 
road or the Via Egnatia, which passed along 
the northern base of that mountain, probably 
for the sake of connecting both these impor- 
tant cities, the former of which was a Roman 
colony.” 

8 Herod. vil. 112. 

* Dr. Clarke and Cousinéry both took this 
route. 

<The plain is very fertile, and besides 


yielding abundant harvests of cotton, wheat, 
barley, and maize, contains extensive pastures 
peopled with oxen, horses, and sheep. No 
part of the land is neglected ; and the district, 
in its general appearance, is not inferior te 
any part of Europe.” — Leake, p. 201. 

® See Leake. 

7 “Des plantes de coton, des rizitres im- 
menses, de grandes plantations de tabac, des 
vignes entrecoupées de terres & bié, formaient 
sous nos yeux le plus agréable spectacle. . . . 
Les produits de cette plaine seraient immenses, 
si activité et V’industrie des habitans ré- 
pondaient.& la liberalité de 1a nature.” — Cou- 
sinéry, ii. 4, 5. : 

§ Clarke, ch. xii. At the head of the ehap 


~ 


276 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8T. PAUL. 


amar. 1X 


the Strymon spreads out into a lake as large as Windermere ;' and be- 


tween the lower end of this lake and the inner reach of the Strymonio 
gulf, where the mountains leave a narrow opening, Amphipolis was 
situated on a bend of the river. 

“The position of Amphipolis is one of the most important in Greece. 
It stands in a pass which traverses the mountains bordering the Strymonie 
gulf, and it commands the only easy communication from the coast of 
that gulf into the great Macedonian plains, which extend, for sixty miles, 
from beyond Meleniko to Philippi.”? The ancient name of the place was 
“Nine Ways,” from the great number of Thracian and Macedonian 
roads which met at this point.? The Athenians saw the importance of 
the position, and established a colony there, which they called Amphipo- 
lis, because the river surrounded it. Some of the deepest interest in 
the history of Thucydides, not only as regards military and politica) 
movements,‘ but in reference to the personal experience of the historian 
himself,’ is concentrated on this spot. And again, Amphipolis appears in 
the speeches of Demosthenes as a great stake in the later struggle be 
tween Philip of Macedon and the citizens of Athens.* It was also the 
scene of one striking passage in the history of Roman conquest: here 
Paulus Aimilius, after the battle of Pydna, publicly proclaimed that the 
Macedonians should be free ;* and now another Paulus was here, whose 
message to the Macedonians was an honest proclamation of a better 
liberty, without conditions and without reserve. 

St. Paul’s next stage was to the city of Apollonia. After leaving 
Amphipolis, the road passes along the edge of the Strymonic gulf, first 
between cliffs and the sea, and then across a well-wooded maritime plain, 
whence the peak of Athos is seen far across the bay to the left. We 
quit the seashore at the narrow gorge of Aulon, or Arethusa,’ and there 
enter the valley which crosses the neck of the Chalcidic peninsula. Up 
to this point we have frequent historical landmarks reminding us of 


ter he gives a view of the plain as seen from 
the hills on the south. 

1 Anciently the lake Cercinitis. 

2 Leake. For other notices of the impor- 
tance of this position, see Bp. Thirlwall’s 
Greece, iii. 284, and especially Mr. Grote’s 
Greece, vi. 554-562, and 625-647. A view of 
Amphipolis is given in our larger editions. 

8 See Herod. vii. 114. Here Xerxes 
crossed the Strymon, and offered a sacrifice 
of white horses to the river, and buried alive 
nine youths and maidens. 

* See especially all that relates to Cleon 
and Brasidas in the fourth and fifth books. 


© It was his failure in an expedition against 
Amphipolis that caused the exile of Thucyd 
ides. 

§ See the passages in the speeches which re- 
late to Philip’s encroachment on the Athenian 
power in the North of the Agean. 

7 Livy’s words (xlv. 30) show that the 
Romans fully appreciated the importance of 
the position. 

8 Dr. Clarke. 

®° Dr. Clarke, ch. xii., devetes several 
pages to this tomb. The Jerusalem Itinerary, 
besides another intermediate station at Pex 
nana, mentions that at the tomb of Euripides. 








@uAP. 1X. AMPHIPOLIS AND APOLLONIA. 277 


Athens. Thucydides has just been mentioned in connection with Am 
phipolis and the Strymon. As we leave the sea, we have before us, 
on the opposite coast, Stagirus,' the birthplace of Aristotle; and in the 
pass, where the mountains close on the road, is the tomb of Euripides. 
Thus the steps of our progress, as we leave the East and begin to draw 
near to Athens, are already among her historians, philosophers, and 
poets. 

Apollonia is somewhere in the inland part of the journey, where the 
Via Egnatia crosses from the gulf of the Strymon to that of Thessaloni- 
ca; but its exact position has not been ascertained. We will, therefore, 
merely allude to the scenery through which the traveller moves, in going 
from sea to sea. The pass of Arethusa is beautiful and picturesque. A 
river flows through it in a sinuous course, and abundant oaks and plane- 
trees are on the rocks around.’ Presently this stream is seen to emerge 
from an inland lake, whose promontories and villages, with the high 
mountains rising to the south-west, have reminded travellers of Switzer- 
land.* As we journey towards the west, we come to a second lake. 
Between the two is the modern post-station of Klisali, which may 
possibly be Apollonia,’ though it is generally believed to be on the moun- 
tain slope to the south of the easternmost lake. The whole region of 
these two lakes is a long valley, or rather a succession of plains, where 
the level spaces are richly wooded with forest-trees, and the nearer hills 
gre covered to their summits with olives. Beyond the second lake, the 
road passes over some rising ground, and presently, after emerging from 
a narrow glen, we obtain a sight of the sea once more, the eye ranges 
freely over the plain of the Axius, and the city of Thessalonica is imme- 
diately before us. 

Once arrived in this city, St. Paul no longer follows the course of the 
Via Egnatia. He may have done so at a later period, when he says 
that he had preached the Gospel “ round about unto Illyricum.”* But 
at present he had reached the point most favorable for the glad precla- 
mation. The direction of the Roman road was of course determined 
by important geographical positions; and along the whole line from 


1 Leake identifies Stagiras with Stavros, 
a little to the south of Aulon, p. 167. 

2 See the last note but one. 

8 See Dr. Clarke. Cousinéry writes with 
great enthusiasm concerning this glen. 

* See Dr. Clarke. Both he and Cousinéry 
make mention of the two villages, the Little 
Sechik and Great Bechik, on its north bank, 
deng which the medern read passes. 

* This is Tefel’s opinion; but Leake and 


Cousinéry both agree in placing it te the 
south of Lake Bolbe. We ought te add, that 
the Antonine and Jerusalem Itineraries appear 
to give two distinct reads between Apollonia 
and Thessalonica. See Leake, p. 46. 

§ See Clarke’s Travels, 

7 See above, pp. 274, 275. This expres- 
sion, however, might be used if nethiug mere 
were meant tham a progress te the ver 
frontier of Dlyrieum. 


278 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8ST. PAUL. CHAP. m 
Dyrrhachium to the Hebrus, no city was so large and influential as 
Thessalonica. j 

The Apostolic city at which we are now arrived was known in the 
earliest periods of its history under various names. Under that of 
Therma it is associated with some interesting recollections. It was the 
resting-place of Xerxes on his march; it is not unmentioned in the 
Peloponnesian war; and it was a frequent subject of debate in the last 
independent assemblies of Athens. When the Macedonian power began 
to overshadow all the countries where Greek was spoken, this city re- 
ceived its new name, and began a new and more distinguished period of 
its history. A sister of Alexander the Great was called Thessalonica, 
and her name was given to the city of Therma, when rebuilt and em- 
bellished by her husband, Cassander the son of Antipater.' This name, 
under a form slightly modified, has continued to the present day. The 
Salneck of the early German poets has become the Saloniki of the mod- 
ern Levant. Its history can be followed as continuously as its name. 
When Macedonia was partitioned into four provincial divisions by Paulus 
imilius, Thessalonica was the capital of that which lay between the 
Axius and the Strymon.? When the four regions were united into one 
Roman province, this city was chosen as the metropolis of the whole. 
Its name appears more than once in the annals of the Civil Wars. It 
was the scene of the exile of Cicero, and one of the stages of his 
journey between Rome and his province in the East. Antony and 
Octavius were here after the battle of Philippi; and coins are still extant 
which allude to the “ freedom” granted by the victorious leaders to the 
city of the Thermaic gulf. Strabo, in the first century, speaks of 
Thessalonica as the most populous town in Macedonia. Lucian, in the 
second century, uses similar language. Before the founding of Constan- 
tinople, it was virtually the capital of Greece and Ilyricum, as well as 
of Macedonia, and shared the trade of the AMgean with Ephesus and 
Corinth. Even after the Eastern Rome was built and reigned over the 
Levant, we find both Pagan and Christian writers speaking of Thessalo- 
nica as the metropolis of Macedonia and a place of great magnitude. 


1 The first author m which the new name 
occurs is Polybius. Some say that the name 
was given by Philip in honor of his daughter, 
and others that it directly commemorated a 
victory over the Thessalians. But the opinion 
stated above appears the most probable. 
Philip’s daughter was called Thessalonica, in 
commemoration of a victory obtained by her 
father on the day when he heard of her 
birth Cousinéry sees an allusion to this in 


the Victory on the coins of the city. See 
below. 

2 See above, pp. 272, 273. 

% Both in going out and remuatale he 
crossed the Adriatic, between Brandusium 
and Dyrrhachium. See p. 274, n. 5. In 
travelling through Macedonia, he would follow 
the Via Egnatia. 

* Several of his letters were written from 
Thessalonica on this journey. 





car, Ox, THESSALONICA. 279 


Through the Middle Ages it never ceased to be important: and it is, at 
the present day, the second city in European Turkey.’ The reason of 
this continued pre-eminence is to be found in its geographical position. 
Situated on the inner bend of the Thermaic Gulf, — half way between 
the Adriatic and the Hellespont,?— on the sea-margin of a vast plain 
watered by several rivers, — and at the entrance of the pass‘ which 
commands the approach to the other great Macedonian level,— it was 
evidently destined for a mercantile emporium. Its relation with the 
inland trade of Macedonia was as close as that of Amphipolis; and its 
maritime advantages were perhaps even greater. Thus, while Amphipo- 
lis decayed under the Byzantine emperors, Thessalonica continued to 
prosper.’ There probably never was a time, from the day when it first 
received its name, that this city has not had the aspect of a busy com- 
mercia] town. We see at once how appropriate a place it was for one of 
the starting-points of the Gospel in Europe ; and we can appreciate the 
force of the expression used by St. Paul within a few months of his 
departure from the Thessalonians,’ when he says, that “from them the 
Word of the Lord had sounded forth like a trumpet,® not only in Mace- 
donia and Achaia, but in every place.” 

No city, which we have yet had occasion to describe, has had so dis- 
tinguished a Christian history, with the single exception of the Syrian 


_ Antioch; and the Christian glory of the Patriarchal city gradually faded 


before that of the Macedonian metropolis. The heroic age of Thessalonica 
was the third century. It was the bulwark of Constantinople in the 
shock of the barbarians; and it held up the torch of the truth to the suc- 
cessive tribes who overspread the country between the Danube and the 
Aigean,—the Goths and the Sclaves, the Bulgarians of the Greek 
Church, and the Wallachians,” whose language still seems to connect them 


7 1 Thess. i. 8. 


1 For a yery full account of its modern con- 
dition see Dr. [Sir Henry] Holland’s Travels. 

2 See above, p. 273. 

8 The chief of these are the Axius and 
Haliacmon. The whole region near the sea 
consists of low alluvial soil. See below, on the 
journey from Thessalonica to Berea. 

* This is the pass mentioned above, through 
which the road to Amphipolis passed, and in 


* which Apollonia was situated. 


Ns 


* Notices of its mercantile relations in the 
Middle Ages are given by Tafel. For an ac- 
count of its modern trade, and the way in 
which it was affected by the last war, see Hol- 
tand’s Travels. 

© A view of the place, as seen from the sea, 
is given in the larger editions. 


The Epistle was written 
from Corinth very soon after the departure 
from Thessalonica. See Ch. XI. 

8 Chrysostom employs this image in com 
menting on 1 Cor. i. 

® Tafel traces the history of Thessalonica, 
in great detail, throngh the Middle Ages; 
and shows how, after the invasion of the 
Goths, it was the means of converting the 
Sclaves, and through them the Bulgarians, to 
the Christian faith. The peasant population to 
the east of Thessalonica is Bulgarian, to the 
west it is Greek (Cousinéry, p. 52). Both 
belong to the Greek Church. 

10 See what Cousinéry says (ch. i.) of the 
Wallachians, who are intermixed among the 
ether tribes of Modern Macedonia. They 


280 THE LIFRK AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL 

















with Philippi and the Roman colonies. Thus, in the medisval chroni 
clers, it has deserved the name of “ the Orthodox City.”' The remains 
of its Hippodrome, which is forever associated with the history of Theo 
dosius and Ambrose,’ can yet be traced among the Turkish houses. Its 
bishops have sat in great councils.*? The writings of its great preacher 
and scholar Kustathius‘ are still preserved to us. It is true that the 
Christianity of Thessalonica, both medisval and modern, has been de 
based by humiliating superstition. The glory of its patron saint, Deme 
trius, has eclipsed that of St. Paul, the founder of its Church. But the 
same Divine Providence, which causes us to be thankful for the past, 
commands us to be hopeful for the future ; and we may look forward to 
the time when a new harvest of the “‘ work of faith, and labor of love, 
and patience of hope,” ® shall spring up from the seeds of Divine Truth, 
which were first sown on the shore of the Thermaic Gulf by the Apostle 
of the Gentiles. 

If Thessalonica can boast of a series of Christian annals, unbroken 
since the day of St. Paul’s arrival, its relations with the Jewish people 
have continued for a still longer period. In our own day it contains a 
multitude of Jews * commanding an influential position, many of whom 
are occupied (not very differently from St. Paul himself) in the manu- 


speak a corrupt Latin, and he thinks they are 
descended from the ancient colonies. They 
are a fieree and bold race, living chiefly im the 
mountains ; and when trading caravans have 
to go through dangerous places they are 
posted in the front. 

1 One Byzantine writer whe uses this 
phrase is Cameniata. His history is curious. 
He was crozier-bearer to the archbishop, and 
was carried off by the Arabs, and landed at 
Tarsus, where he wrote his book. 

2 Some accounts say that 15,000 persons 
were involved in the massacre, for which the 
archbishop of Milan exacted penance from the 
Emperor. See Gibbon, ch. xxvii. For some 
notice of the remains of the Hippodrome, which 

till retains its name, see Cousinéry, ch. ii. 

8 We find the bishop of Thessalonica in the 
Council of Sardis, a. p. 847; and a decree of 
the couneil relates to the place. 

* Eustathius preached and wrote there in 
the twelfth century. He was highly esteemed 
by the Comreni, and is held to have been 
“beyond all dispute the most learned man of 
his age.” 

5 1 Thess. i. 3. 

* Pgul Lucas,’ in his later journey, says : — 





























“Les Chrétiens y sont environ au nombre de 
10,000. On y compte 30,000 Juifs, qui y ont 
22 synagogues, et ce sont eux qui y font tout 
le commerce. Comme ils sont fort indus- 
trieux, deux grand-vizirs se sont mis succes- 
sivement en téte de les faire travailler aux 
manufactures du draps de France, pour mettre 
la Turquie en état de se passer des étrangers ; 
mais ils n’ont jamais pd réussir: cependant 
ils vendent assez bien leurs gros draps au 
grand seigneur, qui en fait habiller ses troupes.” 
—p. 37. Inthe 17th century a Turkish au- 
thority speaks of them as carpet and clotb 
makers, of their liberality to the poor, and of 
their schools, with more than 1,000 children. 
Cousinéry reckons them at 20,000, many of 
them from Spain. He adds: “‘Chaque syna- 
gogue & Salonique porte le nom de la province 
d’ou sont originaires les familles qui la compo- 
sent.”—p. 19. In the “Jewish Intelligence” 
for 1849, the Jews at Salonica are reckoned at 
$5,000, being half the whole population, ind 
having the chief trade in their hands. They 
are said to have thirty-six synagogues, “none 
of them remarkable for their neatness or ele 


gance of style.” 


mar. iE. THE SYNAGOGUE. 23) 


facture of cloth. A considerable number of them are refugees from 
Spain, and speak the Spanish language. There are materials for tracing 
similar settlements of the same scattered and persecuted people in this 
city, at intervals, during the Middle Ages ;’ and even before the destruc- 
tion of Jerusalem we find them here, numerous and influential, as at 
Antioch and Iconium. Here, doubtless, was the chief colony of those 
Jews of Macedonia of whom Philo speaks ;? for while there was only a 
proseucha at Philippi, and while Amphipolis and Apollonia had no 
Israelite communities to detain the Apostles, “the synagogue” * of the 
neighborhood was at Thessalonica. 

The first scene to which we are introduced in this city is entirely 
Jewish. It is not a small meeting of proselyte women by the river-side, 
but a crowded assembly of true-born Jews, intent on their religious 
worship, among whom Paul and Silas now make their appearance. If 
the traces of their recent hardships were manifest in their very aspect, 
and if they related to their Israelitish brethren how they had “ suffered 
before and been cruelly treated at Philippi” (1 Thess. ii. 2), their en- 
trance in among them must have created a strong impression of indigna- 
tion and sympathy, which explains the allusion in St. Paul’s Epistle. He 
spoke, however, to the Thessalonian Jews with the earnestness of a man 
who has no time to lose and no thought to waste on his own sufferings. 
He preached, not himself, but Christ crucified. The Jewish Scriptures 
were the ground of his argument. He recurred to the same subject again 
and again. On three successive Sabbaths‘ he argued with them; and 
the whole body of Jews resident in Thessalonica were interested and ex- 
cited with the new doctrine, and were preparing either to adopt or 
oppose it. 

The three points on which he insisted were these : — that He who was 
foretold in prophecy was to be a suffering Messiah, — that after death He 
was to rise again, — and that the crucified Jesus of Nazareth was indeed 
the Messiah who was to come. Such is the distinct and concise state- 
ment in the Acts of the Apostles (xvii. 3): and the same topics of teach- 
ing are implied in the first Epistle, where the Thessalonians are appealed 
to as men who had been taught to “believe that Jesus had really died 
and risen again” (iv. 14), and who had “ turned to serve the true God, 
and to wait for His Son from heaven, whom He raised from the dead, 


1 They are alluded to in the 7th century, it, still the phrase would imply that there was 
and again in considerable numbers in the 12th. no synagogue im the towns recently passed 
See Tafel. throagh. There was another synagogue si 

2 Ses Ch. L p. 17. Berea. Acts xvii. i0. 

’ The best MSS. here have the definite * Acts xvii. 2. 
arncle. If authority preponderated against 


982 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. CHAP. Ix, 


even Jesus” (i. 10). Of the mode in which these subjects would be pre- 
sented to his hearers we can form some idea from what was said at 
Antioch in Pisidia. The very aspect of the worshippers was the same ;! 
proselytes were equally attached to the congregations in Pisidia and 
Macedonia,’ and the ‘“‘ devout and honorable wonien” in one city found 
their parallel in the “ chief women ”’ in the other. The impression, too, 
produced by the address, was not very different here from what it had 
been there. At first it was favorably received,‘ the interest of novelty 
having more influence than the seriousness of conviction. Even from 
the first some of the topics must have contained matter for perplexity or 
cavilling. Many would be indisposed to believe the fact of Christ’s 
resurrection: and many more who, in their exile from Jerusalem, were 
looking intently for the restoration of an earthly kingdom,’ must have 
heard incredulously and unwillingly of the humiliation of Messiah. 

That St. Paul did speak of Messiah’s glorious kingdom, the kingdom 
foretold in the Prophetic Scriptures themselves, may be gathered by com- 
paring together the Acts and the Epistles to the Thessalonians. The ac- 
cusation brought against him (Acts xvii. 7) was, that he was proclaiming 
another king, and virtually rebelling against the emperor. And in stwict 
conformity to this the Thessalonians are reminded of the exhortations 
and entreaties he gave them, when among them, that they would “ walk 
worthily of the God who had called them to His kingdom and glory ” 
(1 Thess. ii. 12), and they are addressed as those who had “ suffered 
affliction for the sake of that kingdom” (2 Thess. i. 5). Indeed, the 
_ royal state of Christ’s second advent was one chief topic which was 
urgently enforced, and deeply impressed, on the minds of the Thes- 
salonian converts. This subject tinges the whole atmosphere through 
which the aspect of this church is presented to us. It may be said that 
in each of the primitive churches, which are depicted in the apostolic 
epistles, there is some peculiar feature which gives it an individual char- 
acter. In Corinth it is the spirit of party,’ in Galatia the rapid declension 
into Judaism,’ in Philippi it isa steady and self-denying generosity. And 
if we were asked for the distinguishing characteristic of the first Chris- 
tians of Thessalonica, we should point to their overwhelming sense of the 
nearness of the second advent, accompanied with melancholy thoughts 


1 See the account of the synagogue-wor- the synagogues was ‘in a separate gallery or 
ship,— the desk, the ark, the manuscripts, behind a lattice, p. 158. 


the prayers, the Scripture-reading, the Tallith, * Acts xvii. 4 compared with xiii. 42-44, 
&c., — given in pp. 152-155. : § Acts i. 6. 

2 Compare Acts xiii. 16, 26, with xvii. 4. © 1 Cor. i. 10, &c. 
See Paley on 1 Thess. 7 Gal. i. 6, &e. 

® Compare Acts xiii, 50 with xvii. 4. It 5 Phil. iv. 10-16. 


will be remembered that the women’s place in 





OMAP, IX. ST. PAUL AMONG THE THESSALONIANS, 283 


eoncerning those who might die before it, and with gloomy and unprac- 
tical views of the shortness of life and the vanity of the world. Hach 
chapter in the first Epistle to the Thessalonians ends with an allusion to 
this subject; and it was evidently the topic of frequent conversations, 
when the Apostle was in Macedonia. But St. Paul never spoke or wrote 
of the future as though the present was to be forgotten. When the 
Thessalonians were admonished of Christ’s advent, he told them also of 
other coming events, full of practical warning to all ages, though to our 
eyes still they are shrouded in mystery, — of “ the falling-away,” and of 
“the man of sin.”! ‘ These awful revelations,” he said, “‘ must precede 
the revelation of the Son of God. Do you not remember,” he adds with 
emphasis in his letter, “that when I was still with you I often” told you 
this? You know, therefore, the hinderance why he is not revealed, as he 
will be in his own season.” He told them, in the words of Christ himself, 
that “‘ the times and the seasons”’ of the coming revelations were known 
only to God ;* and he warned them, as the first disciples had been warned 
in Judza, that the great day would come suddenly on men unprepared, 
as the pangs of travail on her whose time is full,” and “as a thief in 
the night;” and he showed them, both by precept and example, that 
though it be true that life is short and the world is vanity, yet God’s work 
must be done diligently and to the last. 

The whole demeanor of St. Paul among the Thessalonians may be 
traced, by means of these Epistles, with singular minuteness. We see 
there, not only what success he had on his first entrance among them,‘ 
not only how the Gospel came “ with power and with full conviction of 
its truth,” © but also “‘ what manner of man he was among them for their 
sakes.” ® We see him proclaiming the truth with unflinching courage,’ 
endeavoring to win no converts by flattering words,® but warning his 
hearers of all the danger of the sins and pollution to which they were 
tempted ;* manifestly showing that his work was not intended to gratify 


1 2 Thess. ii. 

3 The verb is in the imperfect. 

5 “But of the times and seasons, brethren, 
when these things shall be you need no warn- 
img. For yourselves know perfectly that the 
day of the Lord will come as a thief in the 
night ; and while men say, Peace and safety, 
destruction shall come upon them in a moment, 
as the pangs of travail on her whose time is 
fall.” —1 Thess. vy. 1-3. See Acts i. 7; Matt. 
xiv. 43; Luke xii. 89; 2 Pet. iii. 10. 

* “ You know yourselves, brethren, that my 
coming amongst you was not fruitless.” — 1 
Dhess. ii. 1. 5 1 Thess. i. 5. 


8 « You know me manner in which I behaved 
myself among you,” &. 1 Thess. i. 5. 
(“What manner of men we were.” — Auth 
Vers.) Though the words are in the plural, 
the allusion is to himself only. See the notes 
on the Epistle itself. 

7 “ After I had borne suffering and outrage, 
as you knew, at Philippi, I boldly declared to 
you God’s Glad Tidings, though its adversa- 
ries contended mightily against me.” -— 1 Thess. 
ii, 2. 

8 “Neither did I use flattering words, as 
you know.”’ —1 Thess. i. 5. 

§ “This is the will of God, even your 


284 THE LIFH AND EPISTLES OF BT, PAUL omar. 













any desire of self-advancement,' but scrupulously maintaining an honor 
able and unblamable character.? We see him rebuking and admonishi 
his converts with all the faithfulness of a father to his children,’ an 
cherishing them with all the affection of a mother for the infant of he 
bosom. We see in this Apostle at Thessalonica all the devotion of 
friend who is ready to devote his life for those whom he loves,’ all the 
watchfulness of the faithful pastor, to whom “ each one” of his flock i 
the separate object of individual care.® 

And from these Epistles we obtain further some information concern- 
ing what may be called the outward incidents of St. Paul’s residence in 
this city. He might when there, consistently with the Lord’s institution’ 
and with the practice of the other Apostles,* have been “ burdensome ” to 
those whom he taught, so as to receive from them the means of his tem- 
poral support. But that he might place his disinterestedness above all 
suspicion, and that he might set an example to those who were too much 
inclined to live by the labor of others, he declined to avail himself of that 
which was an undoubted right. He was enabled to maintain this indepen- 
dent position partly by the liberality of bis friends at Philippi, who once 
and again, on this first visit to Macedonia, sent relief to his necessities 
(Phil. iv. 15,16). And the journeys of those pious men who followed 
the footsteps of the persecuted Apostles along the Via Egnatia by Amphip- 
olis and Apollonia, bringing the alms which hed been collected at Phil- 
ippi, are among the most touching incidents of the Apostolic history. 
And not less touching is that description which &*. Paul himself gives us 
of that other means of support —‘“‘ his own labor uight and day, that he 
might not be burdensome to any of them” (1 Thess. ii. 9). He did not 
merely “rob other churches,”* that he might do the Thessalonians ser- 
vice, but the trade he had learnt when a boy in Cilicia justified the old 


ness and forbearance; end as a nurse cherishes 
her own children, a0,” &¢.—1 Thess. ii. 7. 
The Authorized Version is defective. St. 


sanctification; that you should keep yourselves 
from fornication . . . not in lustful passioas, 
like the heathen, who know not God. . . . All 


such the Lord will punish, as I have forewarned 
you by my testimony.” —1 Thess. iv. 4-6. It 
is needless to add that such temptations must 
have abounded in a city like Thessalonica. 
We know from Lucian that the place hed a bad 
character. 

1 | Thess. ii. 5. 

2 « You are yourselves witnesses how holy, 
and just, and unblamable, were my dealings 
towards you.” —1 Thess. ii. 10. 

8 « You knew how earnestly, as a father his 
ewn children, 1 exhorted, and entreated, and ad- 
jared,” &.—1 Thess. ii. 11. 

* “] behaved myself among you with mild- 


Paul compares himself te a mother who is 
nursing her own child. 

5 “Tt was my joy to vive yor, not only 
the Gespel of Christ, but mr own life also, 
because ye were dear unto ms.” —~-1t Thess. ii 
8. 

= “ You know how I exhorted «ach one 
among you to walk worthy ef (ad.”— ' 
Thess. ii. 11. 

7 Matt. x. 10; Luke x. 7; fev * Fim vy 
18. 

8 1 Cor. ix. 4, &e. 

* 2 Cor. xi. 8. 

# Ch. IL. p. 44. 








i. bb eek 


GaP. Ls THE THESSALONIAN LETTERS. 286 


| Jewish maxim;! “he was like a vineyard that is fenced;” and he was 
able to show an example, not only to the “ disorderly busy-bodies ” of 
Thessalonica (1 Thess. iv. 11), but to all, in every age of the Church, 
who are apt to neglect their proper business (2 Thess. iii. 11), and 
_ ready to eat other men’s bread for nought (2 Thess. iii. 8). Late at 
night, when the sun had long set on the incessant spiritual labors of tho 
day, the Apostle might be seen by lamplight laboring at the rough hair- 
cloth,” “that he might be chargeable to none.’’ It was an emphatic 
enforcement of the ‘“‘commands”’* which he found it necessary to give 
when he was among them, that they should “ study to be quiet and te 
work with their own hands” (1 Thess. iv. 11), and the stern principle 
he laid down, that “if a man will not work, neither should he eat.” 
(2 Thess. iii. 10.) 

In these same Epistles, St. Paul speaks of his work at Thessalonica as 
having been encompassed with afflictions,‘ and of the Gospel as having 
advanced by a painful struggle.’ What these afflictions and struggles 
were, we can gather from the slight notices of events which are contained 
in the Acts. The Apostle’s success among the Gentiles roused the 
enmity of hisown countrymen. Even in the Synagogue the Proselytes 
attached themselves to him more readily than the Jews.’ But he did not 
merely obtain an influence over the Gentile mind by the indirect means 
of his disputations on the Sabbath in the Synagogue, and through the 
medium of the Proselytes ; but on the intermediate days’ he was doubt 
less in frequent and direct communication with the Heathen. We need 
not be surprised at the results, even if his stay was limited to the period 
corresponding to three Sabbaths. No one can say what effects might fol- 
low from three weeks of an Apostle’s teaching. But we are by no means 
forced to adopt the supposition that the time was limited to three weeks. 
It is highly probable that St. Paul remained at Thessalonica for a longer 
period. At other cities,” when he was repelled by the Jews, he became 
the evangelist of the Gentiles, and remained till he was compelled to 
depart. The Thessalonian Letters throw great light on the rupture which 


1 “ He that hath a trade in his hand, to 7 As at Athens. Acts xvii. 17. 


what is he like? He is like a vineyard that is 
fenced.” Ibid. 

2 See note, p. 45. 

® Note the phrases,—“as I commanded 
you,” and “even when'I was with you I gave you 
this precept.” 

* 1 Thess. i. 6. § 1 Thess, ii. 2. 

$ “Some of them [the Jews] believed and 
consorted with Paul and Silas; and of the 
devout Greeks a great multitude, and of the 
chief women not a few.”’ — Acts xvii. 4. 


8 Paley, among others, argues for a longer 
residence than three weeks. Hore Pauline, 
on 1 Thess. No. vi. Benson lays stress on 
the coming of repeated contributions frem 
Philippi: to which it may be replied, on the 
ether hand, that they might have come within 
three weeks, if they were sent by different 
contributors. 

® Acts xiii., xviii., xix., &. 


286 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 87. PAUL. 





certainty took place with the Jews on this occasion, and which is impli 
in that one word in the Acts which speaks of their jealousy’ against the 
Gentiles. The whole aspect of the Letters shows that the main body of | 
the Thessalonian Church was not Jewish, but Gentile. The Jews are 
spoken of as an extraneous body, as the enemies of Christianity and of 
all men, not as the elements out of which the Church was composed.? 
The ancient Jewish Scriptures are not once quoted in either of these 
Epistles. The converts are addressed as those who had turned, not from 
Hebrew fables and traditions, but from the practices of Heathen idolatry.* 
How new and how comforting to them must have been the doctrine of the 
resurrection from the dead! What a contrast must this revelation of “ life 
and immortality ” have been to the hopeless lamentations of their own 
pagan funerals, and to the dismal teaching which we can still read in the 
sepulchral inscriptions® of Heathen Thessalonica, — such as told the by- 
stander that after death there is no revival, after the grave no meeting of 
those who have loved each other on earth! How ought the truth taught 
by the Apostle to have comforted the new disciples at the thought of inev- 
itable, though only temporary, separation from their Christian brethren ! 
And yet how difficult was the truth to realize, when they saw those ~ 
brethren sink into lifeless forms, and after they had committed them to 
the earth which had received all their heathen ancestors! How eagerly 
can we imagine them to have read the new assurances of comfort which 
came in the letter from Corinth, and which told them “ not to sorrow 
like other men who have no hope”! ® . 

But we are anticipating the events which occurred between the Apos- — 
tle’s departure from Thessalonica and the time when he wrote the letter — 
from Corinth. We must return to the persecution that led him to un- — 
dertake that journey, which brought him from the capitol of Macedonia : 
to that of Achaia. | 

When the Jews saw Proselytes and Gentiles, and many of the leading ~ 
women’ of the city, convinced by St. Paul’s teaching, they must have 
felt that his influence was silently undermining theirs. In proportion to — 
his success in spreading Christianity, their power of spreading Judaism | 
declined. Their sensitiveness would be increased in consequence of the 


1 Acts xvii. 5. 

2 «You have suffered the like persecution 
from your own countrymen which they [the 
churches in Judsa] endured from the Jews, 
who killed both the Lord Jesus and the 
prophets ...a people displeasing to God, 
and enemies to all mankind; who would hin- 
der me from speaking to the Gentiles,” &e. -—. 
t Thess ii. Contrast Rom. ix. 


8 The Epistles to Titus and Philemon, if 
we mistake not, are the only other instances. 

* 1 Thess. i. 9. 

5 Here and there in such inscriptions ie 


hint of immortality; but the general feeling — 


of the Greek world concerning the dead is that 
of utter hopelessness. 

5 1 Thess. iv. 13. 

7 Acts xvii. 4. See above. 





OWAP, IX. PERSECUTION. 287 


peculiar dislike with which they were viewed at this time by the Roman 
power. Thus they adopted the tactics which had been used with some 
success before at Iconium and Lystra,? and turned against St. Paul and 
his companions those weapons which are the readiest instruments of vul- 
gar bigotry. They excited the mob of Thessalonica, gathering together 
a multitude of those worthless idlers about the markets and landing- 
places* which abound in every such city, and are always ready for any 
evil work. With this multitude they assaulted the house of Jason (per- 
haps some Hellenistic Jew,’ whose name had been moulded into Gentile 
form, and possibly one of St. Paul’s relations, who is mentioned in the 
Epistle to the Romans),° with whom Paul and Silas seem to have been 
lodging. Their wish was to bring Paul and Silas out to the demus, or 
assembly of the people. But they were absent from the house; and 
Jason and some other Christians were dragged before the city magis- 
trates. The accusation vociferously brought against them was to the fol- 
lowing effect: ‘These Christians, who are setting the whole world in 
confusion, are come hither at last ; and Jason has received them into his 
house ; and they are all acting in the face of the Emperor’s decrees, for 
they assert that there is another king, whom they call Jesus.” We have 
seen ® how some of the parts of St. Paul’s teaching at Thessalonica may 
have given occasion to the latter phrase in this indictment; and we ob- 
tain a deeper insight into the cause why the whole indictment was 
brought forward with so much vehemence, and why it was so likely to 
produce an effect on the magistrates, if we bear in mind the circumstance 
alluded to in reference to Philippi,’ that the Jews were under the ban of 
the Roman authorities about this time, for having raised a tumult in the 
metropolis, at the instigation (as was alleged) of one Chrestus, or Chris- 
tus ;° and that they must have been glad, in the provincial cities, to be 
able to show their loyalty and gratify their malice, by throwing the odium 
off themselves upon a sect whose very name might be interpreted to im- 
ply a rebellion against the Emperor. 

Such were the circumstances under which Jason and his companions 
were brought before the politarchs. We use the Greek term advisedly ; 


1 See next page. 

7 Acts xiv. See pp. 164, 172, &.; also 
pp. 161, 162. 

8 Like the Lazzaroni at Naples. 

* Jason is the form which the name Joshua 
seems sometimes to have taken. See p. 137. 
It occurs 1 Mace. viii. 17, 2 Mace. ii. 23; also 
in Josephus, referred to p. 136, n. 6. 

5 Rom. xvi. 2!. Tradition says that he 
pecame Bishop of Tarsus. For some remarks 
on St. Paul’s kinsmen, see p. 44. 


& Above, p. 283. 

7 P. 335. 

® The.words of Suetonius are quoted p. 
262, n. 2. We shail return to them again 
when we come to Acts xviii. 2. At present 
we need only point out their probable connec- 
tion with the word “ Christian.” See pp. 111, 
112, and the notes. We should observe that 
St. Paul had proclaimed at Thessalonica ¢hat 
Jesus was the Christ. Acts xvii. 8. 






288 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8T. PAUL CHAP, x 


for it illustrates the political constitution of Thessalonica, and its contrast 
with that of Philippi, which has lately been noticed. Thessalonica was | 
not a colony, like Philippi, Troas, or the Pisidian Antioch, but a free city — 
( Urbs libera), like the Syrian Antioch, or like Tarsus! and Athens. The 
privilege of what was technically called “ freedom” was given to certain 
cities of the Empire for good service in the Civil Wars, or as a tribute of 
respect to the old celebrity of the place, or for other reasons of conve- 
nient policy. There were few such cities in the western provinces,’ as 
there were no municipia in the eastern. The free towns were most nu- 
merous in those parts of the Empire where the Greek language had long 
prevailed; and we are generally able to trace the reasons why this privi- 
lege was bestowed upon them. At Athens, it was the fame of its ancient 
eminence, and the evident policy of paying a compliment to the Greeks. 
At Thessalonica it was the part which its inhabitants had prudently taken 
in the great struggle of Augustus and Antony against Brutus and Oas 
sius.” When the decisive battle had been fought, Philippi was made 2 
military colony, and Thessalonica became free. 

The privilege of such a city consisted in this, — that it was entirely 
self-governed in all its internal affairs, within the territory that might be 
assigned to it. The governor of the province had no right, under ordinary 
circumstances, to interfere with these affairs.‘ The local magistrates had 
the power of life and death over the citizens of the place. No stationary 
garrison of Roman soldiers was quartered within its territory.’ No 
insignia of Roman office were displayed in its streets. An instance of 
the care with which this rule was observed is recorded by Tacitus, who tells 
us, that Germanicus, whose progress was usually distinguished by the 
presence of twelve lictors, declined to enter Athens attended with more 
than one. There is no doubt that the magistracies of such cities would 
be very careful to show their loyalty to the Emperor on all suitable occa- 
sions, and to avoid every disorder which might compromise their valued 
dignity, and cause it to be withdrawn. And on the other hand, the Roman 


1 See p. 42. 

= There were a few in Ganl and Spain, 
none in Sardinia. On the other hand, they 
were very numerous in Greece, the Greek 
islands, and Asia Minor. Such compliment- 
ary privileges would have had little meaning 
if bestowed on a rude people, which had ne 
sacient traditions. 

5 See the coins alluded to above, p. 278. 
Some have the werd EAEY@EPIAZ with the 
head of Octavia. 

* He might, however, have his residence 
tkere, as at Antioch and Tarsus. We find, 


under the Republic, the governor of Asia 
directed to administer justice to free comme 
nities; but usually he did not interfere with 
the local magistrates. Even his financial of- 
ficers did not enter the territory to coliect the 
taxes, but the imposts were sent to Rome is 
some other way. We may add that a fres 
city might have lbertas cum immunttate, t. «. 
freedom from taxation, as a Colonia might 
have the Jus Italicum. 

& Bence such cities were sometimes called 


“ ungarrisoned.” 


7 


"ela, 1X, THE MAGISTRACY OF THESSALONICA. 283 


State did wisely to rely on the Greek love of empty distinction ; and it 
secured its dominion as effectually inthe Hast by means of these privileged 
towns, as by the stricter political annexation of the municipia in the West. 
The form of government in the free cities was very various.' In some 
cases the old magistracies and customs were continued without any 
material modification. In others, a senate, or an assembly, was allowed to 
exist where none had existed before. Here, at Thessalonica, we find an 
assembly of the people (Demus,? Acts xvii. 5) and supreme magistrates, 
who are called politarchs (Acts xvii. 8). It becomes an interesting inquiry, 
whether the existence of this title of the Thessalonian magistracy can be 
traced in any other source of information. This question is immediately 
answered in the affirmative, by one of those passages of monumental 
history which we have made it our business to cite as often as possible 
in the course of this biography. An inscription which is still legible 
on an archway in Thessalonica gives this title to the magistrates of the 
place, informs us of their number, and mentions the very names of some 
who bore the office not long before the day of St. Paul. 

A long street intersects the city from east to west.’ This is doubtless 
the very direction which the ancient road took in its course from the 
Adriatic to the Hellespont; for though the houses of ancient cities are 
destroyed and renewed, the lines of the great thoroughfares are usually 
unchanged.* If there were any doubt of the fact at Thessalonica, the 
question is set at rest by two triumphal arches which still, though disfig- 
ured by time and injury, and partly concealed by Turkish houses, span 
the breadth of this street, and define a space which must have been one 
of the public parts of the city in the apostolic age. One of these arches 
is at the western extremity, near the entrance from Rome, and is thought 
to have been built by the grateful Thessalonians to commemorate the 
victory of Augustus and Antony.’ The other is farther to the east, and 
records the triumph of some later emperor (most probably Constantine) 
over enemies subdued near the Danube or beyond. The second of these 


1 The degree of Jibertas was various also. 
It was settled by a distinct concordat (_fadus). 
The granting and withdrawing of this privi- 
lege, as well as its amount, was capricious and 
irregular under the Republic, and especially 
during the Civil Wars. Under the Emperors 
it became more regulated, like all the other 
details of provincial administration. 

2 Tafel seems to think it had also a senate. 

8 See Cousinéry, ch. ii., and Leake, ch. 
Sxvi. 

* See a trayeller’s just remark, quoted in 
ceference to Damascus, p. 87, n. 4. 

19 


5 A view of the arch is given in Cousincry, 
p. 26. See his description. He believes Oc- 
tavius and Antony to have staid here some 
time after the victory. The arch is also de- 
scribed by Sir H. Holland and Dr. Clarke, 
who take the same view of its origin. The 
latter traveller says that its span is 12 feet, 
and its present height 18 feet, the lower part 
being buried to the depth of 27 feet’ more. It 
is now part of the modern walls, and is called 
the Vardar Gate, because it leads towards that 
river (the Axius). 


290 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 





arches, with its sculptured camels,’ has altogether an Asiatic aspect, and 
belongs to a period of the Empire much later than that of St. Pau’. The 

first has the representation of consuls with the toga, and corresponds in 

appearance with that condition of the arts which marks the passing of the 
Republic into the Empire. If erected at that epoch, it was undoubtedly 

existing when the Apostle was in Macedonia. The inscription in Greek 

letters,? which is given on the opposite page, is engraved on this arch of 

marble,’ and informs us still of the magistracy which the Romans recog- 

nized and allowed to subsist in the “ free city ” of Thessalonica. We learn — 
from this source that the magistrates of the city were called politarchs, 

and that they were seven in number; and it is perhaps worth observing 

(though it is only a curious coincidence) that three of the names are 

identical with three of St. Paul’s friends in this region, — Sopater of 

Berea,’ Gaius the Macedonian,’ and Secundus of Thessalonica.’ 

It is at least well worth our while to notice, as a mere matter of 
Christian evidence, how accurately St. Luke writes concerning the 
political characteristics of the cities and provinces which he mentions. 
He takes notice, in the most artless and incidental manner, of minute 
details which a fraudulent composer would judiciously avoid, and which 
in the mythical result of mere oral tradition would surely be loose and 
inexact. Cyprus is a“ proconsular” province.’ Philippi is a “ colony.’’® | 
The magistrates of Thessalonica have an unusual title, unmentioned in : 
ancient literature ; but it appears, from a monument of a different kind, 
that the title is perfectly correct. And the whole aspect of what hap- : 

7 
| 





pened at Thessalonica, as compared with the events at Philippi, is in 
perfect harmony with the ascertained difference in the political condition 
of the two places. There is no mention of the rights and privileges of 
Roman citizenship ; but we are presented with the spectacle of a mixed 
mob of Greeks and Jews, who are anxious to show themselves to be 
“Cesar’s friends.” ™ No lictors,” with rods and fasces, appear upon the 


1 There is also a view of this arch in Cou- 
sinéry, p. 29. He refers its origin to one of 
Constantine’s expeditions, mentioned by Zosi- 
mus. The whole structure formerly consisted 
of three arches; it is built of brick, and seems 
to have been faced with marble. 

2 From Boeckh, No. 1,967. The inscrip- 
tion is given by Leake (p. 236), with a slight 
difference in one of the names. It goes on to 
mention the tayiac tH¢ modews and the 
yuuvaciapyav. The names being chiefly Ro- 
man, Leake argues fora later date than that 
which is suggested by Cousinéry. In either 
case the confirmation of St. Luke’s accuracy 
remains the same. 


8 The masonry consists of square blocks — 
of marble, six feet thick. 

* Nor is this the only ancient inscription in 
Thessalonica, on which the same techinical 
term occurs. 5 Actsxx.4.  § Acts xix. 29. 

7 Acts xx. 4. 8 See Ch. V. p. 131. 

® See above, p. 251, &. 

10 Compare Acts xvi. 21. 


in Acts xvii. 7, should, by all means, be com- 
pared with what was said to Pilate at Jerusa- 


lem: ‘If thou let this man go, thon art not 


Cesar’s friend: whosoever maketh himself » — 


king speaketh against Cesar.” — John xix. 2. 
123 "PaBdrvyo.. Acts xvi. 35, 88 


ll The conduct and language of the Jews 





NO/SEITAPXOYNTON ZLQALINATPOY TOY KAEO 
NATPAZL KAI AOYKIOY NONTIOY ZEKOYNAOY 
NMNOYBAIOY 4AAOYIOY ZABEINOY AHMHTPIOY 
TOY ®AYZTOY AHMHTPIOY TOY NIKONOAENE 
ZQIAOY TOY MAPMENINNOZ TOY KAI MENIZKOY 
FAIOY AFAAHIOY NOTEITOY. ..+... 


Inscription frdm Thessalonica, 





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omar. IK. DEPARTURE FROM THESSALONICA. 291 
scene , but we hear something distinctly of a demus,' or free assembly of 
the people. Nothing is said of religious ceremonies* which the citizens, 
“being Romans,” may not lawfully adopt; all the anxiety, both of 
_ people and magistrates, is turned to the one point of showing their loy- 
alty to the Emperor. And those magistrates by whom the question at 
issue is ultimately decided are not Roman pretors,‘ but Greek polt- 
tarchs.° 

Tt is evident that the magistrates were excited and unsettled § as well 
as the multitude. No doubt they were anxious to stand well with the 
Roman government, and not to compromise themselves or the privileges 
of their city by a wrong decision in this dispute between the Christians 
and the Jews.’ The course they adopted was to “ take security ” from 
Jason and his companions. By this expression® it is most probably 
meant that a sum of money was deposited with the magistrates, and that 
the Christian community of the place made themselves responsible 
that no attempt should be made against the supremacy of Rome, and 
that peace should be maintained in Thessalonica itself. By these means 
the disturbance was allayed. 

But though the magistrates had secured quiet in the city for the 
present, the position of Paul and Silas was very precarious. The lower 
classes were still excited. The Jews were in a state of fanatical dis- 
pleasure. It is evident that the Apostles could not appear in public ag 
before, without endangering their own safety, and compromising their 
fellow-Christians who were security for their good behavior. The alter- 
natives before them were, either silence in Thessalonica, or departure to 
some other place. The first was impossible to those who bore the divine 
commission to preach the Gospel everywhere. They could not hesitate 
to adopt the second course; and, under the watchful care of “ the 
brethren,” they departed the same evening from Thessalonica, their steps 
being turned in the direction of those mountains which are the western 
boundary of Macedonia.® We observe that nothing is said of the de- 


1 Acts xvii. 5. this means, as has been imagined, that Ja- 
2 Acts xvi. 21. ® Acts xvii. 7. son and his friends gave bail for the appea. 
* Zrparnyoi. Acts xvi. 20, 22, 35, &. ance of Paul and Silas before the magistrates, 


See p. 253 and p. 261. for they sent them away the same night. 


5 For a general account of Thessalonica, 
see the article in Smith’s Dictionary of Greek 
and Roman Geography. A coin of the city is 
given at the end of Chap. XI. 

6 The words imply some disturbance of 
mind on the part of the magistrates. 

7 See above. 


* Acts xvii. 9. It is very unlikely that 


Some think that Jason pledged himself not to 
receive them again into his house, or that he 
gave a promise of their immediate departure. 
Neither of these suppositions is improbable, 
but it is clear that it was impossible for Paul 
and Silas to stay, if the other Christians were 
security for the raaintenance of the peace. 
® Pp. 271, 272, and the notes. 


292 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8ST. PAUL. CHAP. 


parture of Timotheus. If he was at Thessalonica at all, he stays there 
now, as Luke had staid at Philippi! We can trace in all these 
arrangements a deliberate care and policy for the well-being of the new 
Churches, even in the midst of the sudden movements caused by the 
outbreak of persecution. It is the same prudent and varied forethought 
which appears afterwards in the pastoral Epistles, where injunctions are 
given, according to circumstances, — to “‘ abide” while the Apostle goes 
to some other region,’ “ hoping that he may come shortly ” again,*® — to 
“‘ set in order the things that are wanting, and ordain elders,” * — or “‘to 
use all diligence ” to follow® and co-operate again in the same work at 
some new place. 

Passing under the Arch of Augustus and out of the Western Gate, the 
Via Egnatia crosses the plain and ascends the mountains which have just 
been mentioned, — forming a communication over a very rugged country 
between the Hellespont and the Adriatic. Just where the road strikes 
the mountains, at the head of a bay of level ground, the city of Edessa 
is situated, described as commanding a glorious view of all the country, 
that stretches in an almost unbroken surface to Thessalonica and the 
sea.® This, however, was not the point to which St. Paul turned his 
steps. He travelled, by a less important road,’ to the town of Berea, 
which was farther to the south. The first part of the journey was 
undertaken at night, but day must have dawned on the travellers long 
before they reached their place of destination. If the journey was at all 
like what it is now,® it may be simply described as follows. After leaving 
the gardens which are in the immediate neighborhood of Thessalonica, 
the travellers crossed a wide tract of corn-fields, and came to the shift- 
ing bed of the “ wide-flowing Axius.” About this part of the journey, 
if not before, the day must have broken upon them. Between the Axius 


1 See p. 271. ceivable, but not likely, that St. Paul went by 
a0 iim) io.c- water from Thessalonica to the neighborhood 
3] Tim. iii. 14. of Pydna. Colonel Leake, after visiting this 
eats soe city, took a boat from Eleftherokhori, and 


5 2 Tim. iv. 9, 21, and especially Tit. iii. 
12. The first injunction we read of, after this 
point, to Timotheus, in conjunction with 
Silas, is when St. Paul leaves Berea, and 
they are told “ to come to him with all speed.” 
Acts xvii. 15. 

5 See p. 274, n. 6. For a description of 
Edessa (Vodhena) see Cousinéry. It seems 
to be on a plateau at the edge of the moun- 
tains, with waterfalls, like Tivcli. 

_ 7 The Itineraries give two roads from 
Thessalonica to Berosa, one passing through 
Pella, the other more to the south. It is con- 


sailed across the gulf to Salonica. Vol. iii. 
pp. 436-438. So Dr. Clarke. 

8 The description of the journey is liter- 
ally taken from Cousinéry, ch. iii. He was 
travelling from Salonica with a carayan to a 
place called Perlepe, on the mountains to the 
north-west. The usual road is up the Axius 
to Gradisca. But one of the rivers higher up 
was said to be flooded and impassable; hence 
he went by Caraveria (Berea), which is four- 
teen leagues from Salonica. Leake travelled 
from Salonica to Pella crossing the Axius on 
his way. Ch. xxvii. 





OBAP, IX, JEWS AT BERGA, 298 


and the Haliacmon! there intervenes another wide extent of the same 
continuous plain. The banks of this second river are confined by artifi- 
cial dikes to check its destructive inundations. All the country round is 
covered with a vast forest, with intervals of cultivated land, and villages 
concealed among the trees. The road extends for many miles through 
these woods, and at length reaches the base of the Western Mountains, 
where a short ascent leads up to the gate of Berea. 

Bereea, like Edessa, is on the eastern slope of the Olympian range, and 
commands an extensive view of the plain which is watered by the Hakiac- 
mon and Axius. It has many natural advantages, and is now considered 
one of the most agreeable towns in Rumili.’ Plane-trees spread a grate 
ful shade over its gardens. Streams of water are in every street. Its 

ancient name is said to have been derived from the abundance of its 

waters; and the name still survives in the modern Verria, or Kara- 
Verria.* It is situated on the left of the Haliacmon, about five miles 
from the point where that river breaks through an immense rocky ravine 
from the mountains to the plain. A few insignificant ruins of the Greek 
and Roman periods may yet be noticed. The foundations of an ancient 
bridge are passed on the ascent to the city-gate ; and parts of the Greek 
fortifications may be seen above the rocky bed of a mountain stream. 
The traces of repairs in the walls, of Roman and Byzantine date,‘ are 
links between the early fortunes of Bercea and its present condition. 
It still boasts of eighteen or twenty thousand inhabitants, and is placed 
in the second rank of the cities of European Turkey.® 

In the apostolic age Bercea was sufficiently populous to contain a colo- 
ny of Jews.6 When St. Paul arrived, he went, according to his custom, 
immediately to the synagogue. The Jews here were of a “ nobler” spirit 
than those of Thessalonica. Their minds were less narrowed by preju 
dice, and they were more willing to receive “ the truth in the love of it.” 
There was a contrast between two neighboring communities apparently 
open to the same religious influences, like that between the “ village of 
the Samaritans,’ which refused to receive Jesus Christ (Luke ix.), and 
that other “city ” in the same country where “ many believed ” because 


1 The Haliacmon itself would not be 
crossed before arriving at Bercea (see below). 
But there are other large rivers which flow 
into it, ana which are often flooded. Some 
of the “perils of rivers” (p. 146) may very 
possibly have been in this district. See the 
preceding note. Compare Leake’s remarks 
on the changing channels of these rivers, p. 
437. 

2 See Leake, p. 290, &. 


5 Leake uses the former term: Cousinéry 
calls the town “‘ Caraveria,” or “‘ Verria the 
Black.” In the eleventh century we find it 
called “ Verre.” 

* It was a tortified city in the eleventh 
century. 

5 Cousinéry reckons the inhabitants at 
15,000 or 20,000. 

§ Acts xvii. 10. 


294. THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


of the word of one who witnessed of Him, and “ many more because of 
His own word” (John iv.). In a spirit very different from the ignoble 
violence of the Thessalonian Jews, the Berceans not only listened to the 
Apostle’s arguments, but they examined the Scriptures themselves, to see 
if those arguments were justified by prophecy. And, feeling the impor- 
tance of the subject presented to them, they made this scrutiny of their 
holy books their “ daily ” occupation. This was the surest way to come 
to a strong conviction of the Gospel’s divine origin. Truth sought in 
this’ spirit cannot long remain undiscovered. The promise that “ they 
who seek shall find” was fulfilled at Berea; and the Apostle’s visit 
resulted in the conversion of “ many.” Nor was the blessing confined to 
the Hebrew community. The same Lord who “ is rich unto all that call 
upon Him,”? called many “ not of the Jews only, but! also of the Gen- 
tiles.”* Both men and women,’ and those of the highest rank, among 
the Greeks,‘ were added to the church founded by St. Paul in that pro- 
vincial city of Macedonia, which was his temporary shelter from the storm 
of persecution. 

The length of St. Paul’s stay in the city is quite uncertain. From the 
fact that the Berceans were occupied “ daz/y”’ in searching the Scriptures* 
for arguments to establish or confute the Apostle’s doctrine, we conclude 
that he remained there several days at least. From his own assertion in 
his first letter to the Thessalonians,®that, at the time when he had been 
recently taken away from them, he was very anxious, and used every 
effort to revisit them, we cannot doubt that he lingered as long as possi- 
ble in the neighborhood of Thessalonica.?’ This desire would account for 
a residence of some weeks; and there are other passages* in the same 
Epistle which might induce us to suppose the time extended even to 
months. But when we find, on the other hand, that the cause which led 
him to leave Bercea was the hostility of the Jews of Thessalonica, and 
when we remember that the two cities were separated only by a distance 
of sixty miles,?— that the events which happened in the Synagogue of 


CHAP. It, 


1 Rom. x. 12. 

2 Acts ix. 24. 

8 Acts xvii. 12. 

4 The word “ Greek ” (v. 22) must be con- 
sidered as belonging to “men” as well as 
“ women.” 

® Acts xvii. 11. 

6 1 Thess. ii. 17. 

7 He says that he made more than one 
attempt to return; and in this expression he 
may be referring to what took place at Berea, 
as probably as at Athens. 

’ Those which relate to the widely-extended 


rumor of the introduction of Christianity 
into Thessalonica. See below, on 1 Thess 
The stay at Athens was short, and the Epistle 
was written soon after St. Paul’s arrival ai 
Corinth ; and, if a sufficient time bad elapsed 
for a general knowledge to be spread abroad 
of what had happened at Thessalonica, we 
should be inclined to believe that the delay at 
Bercea was considerable. 

® Wieseler gives a different turn to this con- 
sideration, and argues that, because the dis- 
tance between Berea and Thessalonica was se 
great, therefore a long time must have elapsed 


: 
7 
| 
) 
| 
: 





Se ee, ee 


PEAR GS AE 


CHAP. IX, DIRECTION OF ST. PAUL’S FLIGHT, 295 


one city would soon be made known in the Synagogue of the other,— 
‘and that Jewish bigotry was never long in taking active measures to 
crush its opponents, — we are led to the conclusion that the Apostle was 
forced to retreat from Bercea after no long interval of time. The Jews 
came like hunters upon their prey, as they had done before from Iconium 
to Lystra.! They could not arrest the progress of the Gospel; but they 
“ stirred up the people” there, as at Thessalonica before. They made 
his friends feel that his continuance in the city was no longer safe. He 
was withdrawn from Bercea and sent to Athens, as in the beginning of his 
ministry (Acts ix. 30) he had been withdrawn from Jerusalem and sent 
to Tarsus. And on this occasion, as on that,> the dearest wishes of his 
heart were thwarted. The providence of God permitted “ Satan’”’ to 
hinder him from seeing his dear Thessalonian converts, whom “ once and 
again’ he had desired to revisit.* The divine counsels were accomplished 
by means of the antagonism of wicked men; and the path of the Apostle 
was urged on, in the midst of trial and sorrow, in the direction pointed 
out in the vision at Jerusalem,” “far hence unto the Gentiles.” 

An immediate departure was urged upon the Apostle; and the 
Church of Bercea suddenly * lost its teacher. But Silas and Timotheus 
remained behind,’ to build it up in its holy faith, to be a comfort and 
support in its trials and persecutions, and to give it such organization 
as might be necessary. Meanwhile some of the new converts ac- 
companied St. Paul on his flight;* thus adding a new instance to 
those we have already seen of the love which grows up between 
those who have taught and those who have learnt the way of the soul’s 
salvation.® 

Without attempting to divine all the circumstances which may have 
concurred in determining the direction of this flight, we can mention 
some obvious reasons why it was the most natural course. To have 
returned in the direction of Thessalonica was manifestly impossible. To 


before the news from the latter place could 7 Acts xvii.14. The last mention of Tim- 


have summoned the Jews from the former. 
But we must take into account, not merely the 
distance between the two cities, but the pecu- 
liarly close communication which subsisted 
among the Jewish synagogues. See, for in- 
Stance, Acts xxvi. 11. 

1 See pp. 172, 178. 

2.“ There also,” Acts xvii. 18. Compare 
y. 5. 

3 See the remarks on the vision at Jerusa- 
fem, p. 97. 

* See the preceding page. 


5 Acts xvii. 17-21. 6 See v. 14. 


othy was at Philippi, but it is highly probable 
that he joined St. Paul at Thessalonica. See 
above, p. 292. Possibly he brought some of 
the contributions from Philippi, p. 284. We 
shall consider hereafter the movements of 
Silas and Timothy at this point of St. Paul’s 
journey. See note, p. 338. Meantime, we 
may observe that Timotheus was very proba- 
bly sent to Thessalonica (1 Thess. iii.) from 
Berea, and not from Athens. 

§ Acts xvii. 14, 15. 

® See above, on the jailer’s conversion, pp. 
266, 267. Also p. 117. 


296 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8T. PAUL. 

have pushed over the mountains, by the Via Egnatia, towards Ilyricum 
and the western parts of Macedonia, would have taken the Apostle 
from those shores of the Archipelago to which his energies were pri- 
marily to be devoted. Mere concealment and inactivity were not to be — 
thought of. Thus the Christian fugitives turned their steps towards the ~ 
sea,' and from some point on the coast where a vessel was found, they 
embarked for Athens. In the ancient tables two roads? are marked 
which cross the Haliacmon and intersect the plain from Beroea, one pass- 
ing by Pydna,? and the other leaving it to the left, and both coming to 
the coast at Dium near the base of Mount Olympus. The Pierian 
level (as this portion of the plain was called) extends about ten miles in 
breadth from the woody falls of the mountain to the seashore, forming a 
narrow passage from Macedonia into Greece.‘ Thus Dium was “ the 
great bulwark of Macedonia on the south;” and it was a Roman colony, 
like that other city which we have described on the eastern frontier. 
No city is more likely than Dium to have been the last, as Philippi was 
“‘ the first,” through which St. Paul passed in his journey through the 
province. 

Here then,—where Olympus, dark with woods, rises from the plain 
by the shore, to the broad summit, glittering with snow, which was the 
throne of the Homeric gods,*— at the natural termination of Macedo 
nia, — and where the first scene of classical and poetic Greece opens on 
our view, — we take our leave, for the present, of the Apostle of the Gen- 
tiles. The shepherds from the heights’? above the vale of Tempe 
may have watched the sails of his ship that day, as it moved like a 


1 The words (Acts xvii. 14) translated 
“as it were to the sea” in the Authorized 
Version do not imply that there was any strat- 
agem, but simply denote the intention or the 
direction. It seems very likely that in the first 
instance they had no fixed plan of going to 
Athens, but merely to the sea. Their further 
course was determined by providential circum- 
stances; and, when St. Paul was once arrived 
at Athens, he could send a message to Tim- 
othy and Silas to foliow him (v.15). Those 
are surely mistaken who suppose that St. 
Paul travelled from Macedonia to Attica by 
land. 

2 The distance in the Antonine Itinerary 
is seventeen miles. A Byzantine writer says 
that Bercea is 160 stadia from the sea. 

3 Mr. Tate (Continuous History, gc.) sug- 
gests that St. Paul may have sailed from 
Pydna. But Pydna was not a seaport, and, 


for other reasons, Dium was more convenient- 
ly situated for the purpose. 

* Leake describes the ruins of Dium, 
among whieh are probably some remains of 
the temple of Jupiter Olympius, who was 
honored here in periodical games. Mount 
Olympus he describes as a conspicuous object 
for all the country round, as far as Saloniki, 
and as deriving from its steepness an increase 
of grandeur and apparent height. 

5 See above, on Philippi. 

® The epithets given by Homer to this 
poetic mountain are as fully justified by the 
accounts of modern travellers, as the descrip- 
tions of the scenery alluded to at the close of 
the preceding chapter, p. 243, n. 3. 

™ See Dr. Wordsworth’s Greece, p. 197 
and Mr. Urquhart’s Spirit of the East, vol. i 
p. 426 





“are 7=yY 


OHAP, IX, VOYAGE TO ATHENS. 297 


white speck over the outer waters of the Thermaic Gulf. The sailors, 
looking back from the deck, saw the great Olympus rising close above 
them in snowy majesty.! The more distant mountains beyond Thessa- 
lonica are already growing faint and indistinct. As the vessel approaches 
the Thessalian archipelago,? Mount Athos begins to detach itself from 
the isthmus that binds it to the main, and, with a few other heights 
of Northern Macedonia, appears like an island floating in the hori- 
zon.? 


SEK Ke 
LZZZZLAL LE 


KKK = 
SSSSSSSSSS SSS 
The Tullianum at Rome.* 





1 Compare p. 272,n. 1, and p. 272,n. 5. 
See also Purdy’s Sailing Directory, p. 148: 
“To the N. W. of the Thessalian Isles the 
extensive Gulf of Salonica extends thirty 
leagues to the north-westward, before it 
changes its direction to the north-eastward 
and forms the port. The country on the west, 
part of the ancient Thessaly, and now the 
province of Tricala, exhibits a magnificent 
range of mountains, which include Pelton, 
now Patras, Ossa, now Kissova, and Olym- 
pus, now Elymbo. The summit of the latter 
is six thousand feet above the level of the 
sea.” 


2 The group of islands off the north end 
of Eubes, consisting of Sciathos, Scopelos, 
Peparethos, &c. For an account of them, see 
Purdy, pp. 145-148. 

® Cousinéry somewhere gives this descrip- 
tion of the appearance of heights near Sa- 
loniki, as seen from the Thessalian islands. 
For an instance of a very unfavorable voyage 
in these seas, in the month of December, 
thirteen days being spent at sea between Ss 
lonica and Zeitun, the reader may consuli 
Holland’s Travels, ch. xvi. 

* From Rich’s Dictionary of Greek and Ro 


man Antiquities. 


CHAPTER X. 


Arrival on the Coast of Attica.—Scenery round Athens.— The Pirgus and the “Long 
Walls.” — The Agora. — The Acropolis. — The “Painted Porch” and the “ Garden.” — 
The Apostle alone in Athens.— Greek Religion. — The Unknown God. — Greek Philoso- 
phy. — The Stoics and Epicureans. — Later Period of the Schools. — St. Paul in the Agora. 
— The Areopagus. — Speech of St. Paul. — Departure from Athens. 


N the life of Apollonius of Tyana,! there occurs a passage to the 

following effect : — “‘ Having come to anchor in the Pirzus, he went 
up from the Harbor to the City. Advancing onward, he met several of 
the Philosophers. In his first conversation, finding the Athenians much 
devoted to Religion, he discoursed on sacred subjects. This was at 
Athens, where also altars of Unknown Divinities are set up.” To draw 
a parallel between a holy Apostle and an itinerant Magician would be 
unmeaning and profane: but this extract from the biography of Apollo- 
nius would be a suitable and comprehensive motto to that passage in St. 
Paul’s biography on which we are now entering. The sailing into the 
Pireus, — the entrance into the city of Athens, — the interviews with 
philosophers, — the devotion of the Athenians to religious ceremonies 
-— the discourse concerning the worship of the Deity, — the ignorance 


1 He has been alluded to before, p. 112, 
n.3. ‘ His life by Philostratus is a mass of 
incongruities and fables;” but it is an impor- 
tant book aa reflecting the opinions of the age 
in which it was written. Apollonius himself 
produced a great excitement in the Apostolic 
age. See Neander’s General Church History 
(Eng. Trans.), pp. 40-43, and pp. 236-238. 
ii was the fashion among the anti-Christian 
writers of the third century to adduce him as 
# rival of our Blessed Lord; and the same 
profane comparison has been renewed by 
some of our English freethinkers. Without 
alluding to this any further, we may safely 
find some interest in putting his life by the 
side of that of St. Paul. They lived at the 
same time, and travelled through the same 
countries; and the life of the magician illus- 

298 


trates that peculiar state of philosophy and 
superstition which the Gospel preached by 
St. Paul had to encounter. Apollonius was 
partly educated at Tarsus; he travelled from 
city to city in Asia Minor; from Greece he 
went to Rome, in the reign of Nero, about the 
time when the magicians had lately been ex- 
pelled; he visited Athens and Alexandria, 
where he had a singular meeting with Vespa 
sian: on a second visit to Italy he vanished 
miraculously from Puteoli: the last scene of 
his life was Ephesus, or, possibly, Crete or 
Rhodes. See the Life in Smith’s Dictionary 
of Biography. It is thought by many that St. 
Paul and Apollonius actually met in Ephesus 
and Rome. Burton’s Lectures on Ecclesiastical 
History, pp. 157, 240. 





omar, &. ARRIVAL ON THE COAST OF ATTICA. 299 


implied by the altars to unknown Gods,' — these are exactly the subjects 
which are now before us. If a summary of the contents of the seven- 


teenth chapter of the Acts had been required, it could not have been 
“more conveniently expressed. The city visited by Apollonius was the 


Athens which was visited by St. Paul: the topics of discussion — the 
character of the people addressed — the aspect of every thing around — 
were identically the same. The difference was this, that the Apostle 
could give to his hearers what the philosopher could not give. The God 
whom Paul “ declared” was worshipped by Apollonius himself as “ igno- 
rantly”’ as by the Athenians. 

We left St. Paul on that voyage which his friends induced him to 
undertake on the flight from Berea. The vessel was last seen among 
the Thessalian islands.? About that point the highest land in Northern 
Macedonia began to be lost to view. Gradually the nearer heights of the 
snowy Olympus ® itself receded into the distance as the vessel on her prog- 
ress approached more and more near to the centre of all the interest of 
classical Greece. All the land and water in sight becomes more eloquent 
as we advance ; the lights and shadows, both of poetry and history, are on 
every side ; every rock is a monument; every current is animated with 
some memory of the past. For a distance of ninety miles, from the con- 
fines of Thessaly to the middle part of the coast of Attica, the shore is 
protected, as it were, by the long island of Eubea. Deep in the inner- 
most gulf, where the waters of the Algean retreat far within the land, 
over against the northern parts of this island, is the pass of Thermopylae, 
where a handful of Greek warriors had defied all the hosts of Asia. 
In the crescent-like bay on the shore of Attica, near the southern extrem- 
ty of the same island, is the maritime sanctuary of Marathon, where 
the battle was fought which decided.that Greece was never to be a Per 
sian Satrapy.* When the island of Hubeea is left behind, we soon reach 
the southern extremity of Attica,— Cape Colonna,-—Sunium’s high 
promontory, still crowned with the white columns of that temple of 
Minerva, which was the landmark to Greek sailors, and which asserted 
the presence of Athens at the very vestibule of her country.° 

After passing this headland, our course turns to the westward across 
the waters of the Saronic Gulf, with the mountains of the Morea on our 
left, and the islands of Aigina and Salamis in front. To one who travels 


1 This subject is fully entered into below. § See Wordsworth’s Athens and Attica, ch. 
2 Above, p. 297. xxvii. A description of the promontory and 
3 See the preceding chapter, p. 296, also ruins will be found in Mure’s Journal of a 
272. Tour in Greece. See Falconer’s Shipwreck, 


* See Quarterly Review for September, 1846, _ iii. 526. 
and the first number of the Classical Museum. 






300 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. CHAP, x 


in classical lands no moment is more full of interest and excitement than 


when he has left the Cape of Sunium behind, and eagerly looks for the ~ 


first glimpse of that city “ built nobly on the Aigean shore,” which was © 


“‘ the eye of Greece, mother of arts and eloquence.” ! To the traveller 
in classical times its position was often revealed by the flashing of the 
light on the armor of Minerva’s colossal statue, which stood with shield 
and spear on the summit of the citadel.’ At the very first sight of Athens, 
and even from the deck of the vessel, we obtain a vivid notion of the 
characteristics of its position. And the place where it stands is so re- 
markable — its ancient inhabitants were so proud of its climate and its 
scenery —that we may pause on our approach to say a few words on 
Attica and Athens, and their relation to the rest of Greece. 

Attica is a triangular tract of country, the southern and eastern sides 
of which meet in the point of Sunium ; its third side is defined by the 
high mountain ranges of Citheron and Parnes, which separate it by a 
strong barrier from Beotia and Northern Greece. Hills of inferior ele- 
vation connect these ranges with the mountainous surface of the south- 
east, which begins from Sunium itself, and rises on the south coast to the 
round summits of Hymettus, and the higher peak of Pentelicus near 
Marathon on the east. The rest of Attica is a plain, one reach of which 
comes down to the sea on the south, at the very base of Hymettus. Here, 
about five miles from the shore, an abrupt rock rises from the level, like 
the rock of Stirling Castle, bordered on the south by some lower eminences, 
and commanded by a high craggy peak on the north. This rock is 
the Acropolis of Athens. These lower eminences are the Areopagus, the 
Pnyx, and the Museum, which determined the rising and falling of 
the ground in the ancient city. That craggy peak is the hill of Lycabet- 
tus,’ from the summit of which the spectator sees all Athens at his feet, 
and looks freely over the intermediate plain to the Pireus and the 
sea. 

Athens and the Pirwus must never be considered separately. One 
was the city, the other was its harbor. Once they were connected 
together by a continuous fortification. Those who looked down from 
Lycabettus in the time of Pericles could follow with the eye all the long 
line of wall from the temples on the Acropolis to the shipping in the port. 
Thus we are brought back to the point from which we digressed. We 
were approaching the Pireus; and, since we must land in maritime 


' Paradise Regained, iv. 240. burgh and its neighborhood, and there is so 

2 This is stated by Pausanias. much resemblance between Edinburgh Castle 

® The relation of Lycabettus to the crowded and the Acropolis, that a comparison between 
buildings below, and to the surrounding land- the city of the Saronic gulf and the city of the 
scape, is so like that of Arthur’s Seat to Edin- . Forth has become justly proverbial. 


. 


left, with steep cliffs at the water’s edge, is Aigina. 


onar. x SCENERY ROUND ATHENS. 301 


Athens before we can enter Athens itself, let us return once more to the 
yessel’s deck, and look round on the land and the water. Theisland on our 
The distant heights 
beyond it are the mountains of the Morea. Before us is another island, 
the illustrious Salamis; though in the view it is hardly disentangled from 
the coast of Attica, for the strait where the battle was fought is narrow 
and winding. The high ranges behind stretch beyond Eleusis and 
Megara, to the left towards Corinth, and to the right along the frontier of 
Beotia. This last ridge is the mountain-line of Parnes, of which we have 
spoken above. Clouds’ are often seen to rest on it at all seasons of the 
year, and in winter it is usually white with snow. The dark heavy moun- 
tain rising close to us on the right immediately from the sea is Hymettus. 
Between Parnes and Hymettus is the plain; and rising from the plain is 
the Acropolis, distinctly visible, with Lycabettus behind, and seeming in 
the clear atmosphere to be nearer than it is. 

The outward aspect of this scene is now what it ever was. The lights 
and shadows on the rocks of Aigina and Salamis, the gleams on the dis- 
tant mountains, the clouds or the snow on Parnes, the gloom in the deep 
dells of Hymettus, the temple-crowned rock and the plain beneath it, — 
are natural features, which only vary with the alternations of morning and 
evening, and summer and winter. Some changes indeed have taken 
place: but they are connected with the history of man. The vegetation 
is less abundant,’ the population is more scanty. In Greek and Roman 
times, bright villages enlivened the promontories of Sunium and gina, 
and all the inner reaches of the bay. Some readers will indeed remem- 
ber a dreary picture which Sulpicius gave his friend Atticus of the deso- 
lation of these coasts when Greece had ceased to be free ;‘ but we must 
make some allowances for the exaggerations of a poetical regret, and 
must recollect that the writer had been accustomed to the gay and busy 
life of the Campanian shore. After the renovation of Corinth,’ and in 
the reign of Claudius, there is no doubt that all the signs of a far more 
numerous population than at present were evident around the Saronic 
Gulf, and that more white sails were to be seen in fine weather plying 
@eross its waters to the harbors of Cenchrea* or Pirazus. 

Now there is indeed a certain desolation over this beautiful bay: 


' See the passage from the Clouds of 
Aristophanes quoted by Dr. Wordsworth. 
Athens and Attica, p. 58. 

2 This is written under the recollection of 
the aspect of the coast on a cloudy morning in 
winter. It is perhaps more usually seen under 
the glare of a hot sky. 

% Athens was not always as bare as it is 


now. Plato complains that in his day the 
wood was diminishing. 

* Cic. Ep. Fam. iv. 5. 

5 Corinth was in ruins in Cicero’s time. 
For the results of its restoration, see the next 
chapter. 

© See Acts xviii. 18. Rom. xvi. 1. 


302 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. omar, x 


Corinth is fallen, and Cenchrea is an insignificant village. The Pireus 


is probably more like what it was, than any other spot upon the coast. 
It remains what by nature it has ever been, —a safe basin of deep water, 
concealed by the surrounding rock; and now, as in St. Paul’s time, the 
proximity of Athens causes it to be the resort of various shipping. We 


know that we are approaching it at the present day, if we see, rising — 


above the rocks, the tall masts of an English line-of-battle ship, side by 
side with the light spars of a Russian corvette! or the black funnel of a 
French steamer. The details were different when the Mediterranean was 
a Roman lake. The heavy top-gear? of corn-ships from Alexandria or 
the Euxine might then be a conspicuous mark among the small coasting- 
vessels and fishing-boats ; and one bright spectacle was then pre-eminent, 
which the lapse of centuries has made cold and dim, the perfect buildings 
on the summit of the Acropolis, with the shield and spear of Minerva 
Promachus glittering in the sun. But those who have coasted along be- 
neath Hymettus,—and past the indentations in the shore,‘ which were 
sufficient harbors for Athens in the days of her early navigation, — and 
round by the ancient tomb, which tradition has assigned to Themistocles,* 
into the better and safer harbor of the Piraus,— require no great effort 
of the imagination to picture the Apostle’s arrival. For a moment, as 
we near the entrance, the land rises and conceals all the plain. Idlers 
come down upon the rocks to watch the coming vessel. The sailors are 
all on the alert. Suddenly an opening is revealed; and a sharp turn of 
the helm brings the ship in between two moles,’ on which towers are 
erected. We are in smooth water; and anchor is cast in seven fathoms 
in the basin of the Pireus.’ 

The Pirgwus, with its suburbs (for so, though it is not strictly accurate, 
we may designate the maritime city), was given to Athens as a natural 


1 This was written in 1850. 
2 See Smith’s Shipwreck, ge. 


The entrance lies E. by S. and W. by N., and 
has in it nine and ten fathoms. There are 


8 See above, p. 300. 

* The harbors of Phalerum and Munychia. 

& For the sepulchre by the edge of the 
water, popularly called the “tomb of Themis- 
tocles,” see Leake’s Athens, pp. 379, 380, and 
the notes. 

§ Some parts of the ancient moles are re- 
maining. Leake, p. 272. 
the colossal lions (now removed to Venice) 
which gave the harbor its modern name, p. 254. 

7 “ The entrance of the Pirseus (Port Leoni) 
is known by a small obelisk, built on a low 
point by the company of H. M. ship Cambria, 
tm 1820, on the starboard hand going in. . . 


See what is said of 


three moleheads, two of which you have on the 
starboard hand, and one on the larboard. 
When past these moleheads, shorten all sail, 
luff up, and anchor in seven fathoms. The 
ground is clear and good. There is room 
enough for three frigates. As the place is very 
narrow, great care is required. . . . During 
the summer months the sea-breezes blow, nearly 
all day, directly into the harbor... . The 
middle channel of the harbor, with a depth 
of 9 or 10 fathoms, is 110 feet in breadth; 
the starboard channel, with 6 fathoms, 40 feet ; 
the larboard, with 2 fathoms, only 28 feet.”’ — 
Purdy’s Sailing Directions, p. 83. 





Tha. F 


omar. x. THE “LONG WALLS.” 302 


advantage, to which much of her greatness must be traced. It consists 
of a projecting portion of rocky ground, which is elevated above the 
neighboring shore, and probably was originally entirely insulaied in the 
sea. The two rivers of Atheus-—the Cephisus and Ilissus—seem to 
have formed, in the course of ages, the low marshy ground which now 
connects Athens with its port. The port itself possesses all the advan- 
tages of shelter and good archorage, deep water, and sufficient space.’ 
Themistocles, seeing that the pre-eminence of his country could only be 
maintained by her maritime power, fortified the Piraus as the outpost of 
Athens, and enclosed tke basin of the harbor as a dock within the walls. 
in the long period through which Athens had been losing its political 
power, these defences had been neglected and suffered to fall into decay, 
or had been used as materials for other buildings: but there was still 2 
fortress ou the highest point ;? the harbor was still a place of some re- 
sort ;* and 2 considerable number of seafaring people dwelt in the streets 
about the seashore. When the republic of Athens was flourishing, the 
sailors were a turbulent and worthless part of its population. And the 
Pirreus under the Romans was not without some remains of the same 
disorderly class, as it doubtless retained many of the outward features of 
its earlier appearance : — the landing-places and covered porticoes ;‘ the 
warehouses where the corn from the Black Sea used to be laid up; the 
stores of fish brought in daily from the Saronic Gulf and the Aégean ; 
the gardens in the watery ground at the edge of the plain; the theatres* 
into which the sailors used to flock to hear the comedies of Menander ; 
and the temples ® where they were spectators of a worship which had no 
Seneficial effect on their characters. 
Had St. Paul come to this spot four hundred years before, he would 
have been in Athens from the moment of his landing at the Pireus. At 
» that time the two cities were united together by the double line of fortifi- 
eation, which is famous under the name of the “ Long Walls.” The 
space included between these two arms’ of stone might be considered 
(as, indeed, it was sometimes called) a third city ; for the street of five 
miles in length thus formed across the plain was crowded with people, 


1 See the preceding note. 

2 The height of Munychia. 

3 Strabo speaks of the population living in 
“villages about the port.” One of them was 
probably near the theatre of Munychia, on the 
low ground on the east of the main harbor. 
Leake, p. 396. Even in the time of Alexander 
the Pirzeus had so much declined that a comic 
Writer compared it to a great empty walnut. 
Leake, p. 402. 

* We read especially of the “long portico,” 
~hnch was also used as a market. 


§ Tn one of the theatres near the harbor we 
have the mention of a great meeting during 
the Peloponnesian war. Leake, p. 394. 

® See Pausanias. It is here that Pausanias 
mentions the altars to the unknown gods. 

T “Theses brachia longa vis,” as they are 
called by Propertius (iii. 20, 24). But the 
name by which they were usually known at 
Athens was “ the Long legs.” 








804 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. CHAP, 2 


whose habitations were shut out from all view of the country by the vast 
wall on either side. Some of the most pathetic passages of Athenian 
history are associated with this “longomural” enclosure: as when, in 
the beginning of the Peloponnesian war, the plague broke out in the 
autumn weather among the miserable inhabitants, who were crowded 
here to suffocation ;! or, at the end of the same war, when the news 
came of the defeat on the Asiatic shore, and one long wail went up from 
. the Pireus, “and no one slept in Athens that night.”? The result of — 
that victory was, that these long walls were rendered useless by being 
partially destroyed ; and though another Athenian admiral and states- : 
man * restored what Pericles had first completed, this intermediate fortifi- — 
cation remained effective only for a time. In the incessant changes 
which fell on Athens in the Macedonian period, they were injured and 
became unimportant.‘ In the Roman siege under Sulla, the stones were 
used as materials for other military works. So that when Augustus was 
on the throne, and Athens had reached its ultimate position as a free city 
of the province of Achaia, Strabo, in his description of the place, speaks 
of the Long Walls as matters of past history ; and Pausanias, a century 
later, says simply that “ you see the ruins of the walls as you go up from 
the Pireus.”” Thus we can easily imagine the aspect of these defences 
in the time of St. Paul, which is intermediate to these two writers. On 
each side of the road were the broken fragments of the rectangular 
masonry put together in the proudest days of Athens ; more conspicuous 
than they are at present (for now’ only the foundations can be traced 
here and there acro:s the plain), but still very different from what they 
were when two walls of sixty feet high, with a long succession of towers,‘ 
stood to bid defiance to every invader of Attica. 

The consideration of the Long Walls leads us to that of the city walls 
themselves. Here many questions might be raised concerning the ex- 
tent of the enclosure,’ and the positions of the gates,® when Athens was 


1 Thucyd. ii. 17. 

2 Xen. Heil. ii. 2, 3. = Conon. 

* Livy speaks of their ruins being objects 
of admiration in the time of 2m. Paulus. 

5 See Leake, Wordsworth, and other mod- 
ern travellers. It seems from what Spon and 
Wheler say, that, in 1676, the remains were 
larger and more continuous than at present. 

8 « There is no direct evidence of the height 
of the Long Walls; but, as Appian informs us 
that the walls of the Peiraic city were forty 
cubits high, we may presume those of the Long 
Walls were not less. Towers were absolutely 
necessary to such a work; and the inscription 


relating to the Long Walls leaves no question 
as to their having existed.” — Leake. 

7 Our plan of Athens is taken from that of 
Kiepert, which is based on Forchammer’s argu- 
ments. It differs materially from that of 
Leake, especially in giving a larger area to the 
city on the east and south, and thus bringing 
the Acropolis into the centre. Forchammer 
thinks that the traces of ancient walls which 
are found on the Pnyx, &., do not belong to 
the fortification of Themistocles, but to some 
later defences erected by Valerian. 

8 For various discussions on the gates, ges 
Leake, Wordsworth, and Forchammer. 


cuar. x. OBJECTS SEEN BY ST. PAUL 305 
under the Roman dominion. But all such inquiries must be entirely 
dismissed. We will assume that St. Paul entered the city by the gate 
which led from the Pirzeus, that this gate was identical with that by 
which Pausanias entered, and that its position was in the hollow between 
the outer slopes of the Pnyx and Museum.’ It is no ordinary advantage 
that we possess a description of Athens under the Romans, by the tray- 
eller and antiquarian whose name has just been mentioned. The work 
of Pausanias? will be our best guide to the discovery of what St. Paul 
saw. By following his route through the city, we shall be treading in 
the steps of the Apostle himself, and shall behold those very objects which 
excited his indignation and compassion. 

Taking, then, the position of the Peiraic gate as determined, or at least 
resigning the task of topographical inquiries, we enter the city, and, with 
Pausanias as our guide, look round on the objects which were seen by the 
Apostle. At the very gateway we are met with proofs of the peculiar 
‘tendency of the Athenians to multiply their objects both of art and de- 
votion.* Close by the building where the vestments were laid up which 
were used in the annual procession of their tutelary divinity Minerva, is 
an image of her rival Neptune, seated on horseback, and hurling his tri- 
dent. We pass by a temple of Ceres, on the walls of which an archaic 
inscription informs us that the statues it contains were the work of 
Praxiteles. We go through the gate: and immediately the eye is at- 
tracted by the sculptured forms of Minerva, Jupiter, and Apollo, of Mer- 
cury and the Muses, standing near a sanctuary of Bacchus. We are 
already in the midst of an animated scene, where temples, statues, and 
altars are on every side, and where the Athenians, fond of publicity and 
the open air, fond of hearing and telling what is curious and strange,§ 
are enjoying their climate and inquiring for news. A long street is 
before us, with a colonnade or cloister on either hand, like the covered 
arcades of Bologna or Turin. At the end of the street, by turning to 


exception of the new buildings erected by 
Hadrian. 

® Acts xvii. 23. 

* We have used the terms “ Minerva, Nep- 


1 Pausanias does not mention the Peuraic 
gate by that name. See Leake, Wordsworth, 
and Forchammer. The first of these authori- 
ties places it where the modern road from the 


Pireus enters Athens, beyond all the high 
ground to the north of the Pnyx; the second 
places it in the hollow between the Pnyx and the 
Museum ; the third in the same direction, but 
more remote from the Acropolis, in conformity 
with his view concerning the larger circum- 
ference of the walls. 

2 Pausanias visited Athens about fifty years 
after St. Paul. It is probable that very few 


changes had taken place in the city, with the 
20 


tune,” &c., instead of the more accurate terms 
“ Athene, Poseidon,” &c., in accommodation to 
popular language. So before (Ch. VI.), in 
the case of Jupiter and Mercury. See note p. 
168, n. 3. 

5 Acts xvii. 21. 

6 Forchammer makes this comparison. It 
is probable, however, that these covered walks 
were not formed with arches, but with pillars 
bearing horizontal entablatures. The posi- 


206 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST, PAUL. omar, 





the left, we might go through the whole Ceramicus,' which leads by 
tombs of eminent Athenians to the open inland country and the grovee 
of the Academy. But we turn to the right into the Agora, which was the 
centre of a glorious public life, when the orators and statesmen, the poets 
and the artists of Greece, found there all the incentives of their noblest 
enthusiasm ; and still continued to be the meeting-place of philosophy, 
of idleness, of conversation, and of business, when Athens could only be 
proud of her recollections of the past. On the south side is the Pnyx,? 
a sloping hill partially levelled into an open area for political assemblies ; 
on the north side is the more craggy eminence of the Areopagus ;* before 
us, towards the east, is the Acropolis,‘ towering high above the scene of 
which it is the glory and the crown. In the valley enclosed by these 
heights is the Agora,’ which must not be conceived of as a great “ market” 
(Acts xvii. 17), like the bare spaces in many modern towns, where little 
attention has been paid to artistic decoration, — but is rather to be com: 
pared to the beautiful squares of such Italian cities as Verona and Flor- 
ence, where historical buildings have closed in the space within narrow 
limits, and sculpture has peopled it with impressive figures. Among the 
buildings of greatest interest are the porticoes or cloisters, which were dec- 
orated with paintings and statuary, like the Campo Santo at Pisa. We 
think we may be excused for multiplying these comparisons: for though 

they are avowedly imperfect, they are really more useful than any at- 

tempt at description could be, in enabling us to realize the aspect of 

ancient Athens. Two of the most important of these were the Portico 
of the King, and the Portico of the Jupiter of Freedom.’ On the 

roof of the former were statues of Theseus and the Day: in front of 

the latter was the divinity to whom it was dedicated, and within were 

allegorical paintings illustrating the rise of the Athenian democracy. 

One characteristic of the Agora was, that it was full of memorials of 

actual history. Among the plane-trees planted by the hand of Cimon 


tion we nave assigned to this street is in 
accordance with the pian of Forchammer, who 
places the wall and gate more remotely from 
the Agora than our English topographers. 

1 This term, in its full extent, included not 
only the road between the city wall and the 
Academy, but the Agora itself. See plan of 
Athens. 

2 It is remarkable that the Pnyx, the 
fomous meeting-place of the political assem- 
blies of Athens, is not mentioned by Pausanias. 
This may be because there were no longer any 
such assemblies, and therefore his attention 
was not called to it; or, perhaps, it is omitted 


because it was simply a level space, without 
any work of art to attract the notice of an 
antiquarian. 

3 See this more fully described below. 

* See above, p. 300. 

& We adopt the view of Forchammer, 
which is now generally received, that the posi- 
tion of the Agora was always the same. The 
hypothesis of a new Agora to the north of the 
Areopagus was first advanced by Meursius, and 
has been adopted by Leake. 

® In the plan, these two porticoes are places 
side by side, after Kiepert. 


ity. AP a ae 
Re 
»)) , 


ouar, x. THE AGOBA. 307 


were the statues of the great men of Athens—such as Solon the law: 
giver, Conon the Admiral, Demosthenes the orator. But among her his- 
torical men were her deified heroes, the representatives of her mythology 
— Hercules and Theseus — and all the series of the Eponymi on their 
elevated platform, from whom the tribes were named, and whom an 
ancient custom connected with the passing of every successive law. And 
among the deified heroes were memorials of the older divinities, — Mer- 
euries, which gave their name to the street in which they were placed, — 
statues dedicated to Apollo, as patron of the city,’ and her deliverer from 
plague,” — and, in the centre of all, the Altar of the Twelve Gods, which 
was to Athens what the Golden Milestone was to Rome. If we look up 
to the Areopagus, we see the temple* of that deity from whom the 
eminence had received the name of “ Mars’ Hill” (Acts xvii. 22); and 
we are aware that the sanctuary of the Furies‘ is only hidden by the 
projecting ridge beyond the stone steps and the seats of the judges. If 
we look forward to the Acropolis, we behold there, closing the long per- 
spective, a series of little sanctuaries on the very ledges of the rock, — 
shrines of Bacchus and Adsculapius, Venus, Earth, and Ceres, ending 
with the lovely form of that Temple of Unwinged Victory ° which glittered 
by the entrance of the Propylea above the statues of Harmodius and 
Aristogeiton.6 Thus, every god in Olympus found a place in the Agora. 
But the religiousness of the Athenians (Acts xvii. 22) went even further. 
For every public place and building was likewise a sanctuary. The 
Record-House was a temple of the Mother of the Gods. The Council- 
House held statues of Apollo and Jupiter, with an altar of Vesta.’’ The 
Theatre at the base of the Acropolis, into which the Athenians crowded to 
hear the words of their great tragedians, was consecrated to Bacchus.® 
The Pnyx, near which we entered, on whose elevated platform they 


Wheler. Subsequent travellers found that it 
had disappeared. In 1835 the various portions 
were discovered in an excavation, with the 


1 Apollo Patrous. His temple was called 
Pythium. In this building the naval car, used 
in the Panathenaic procession, was laid up 


after its festal voyages, to be exhibited to 
travellers ; ‘‘as the Ducal barge of Venice, the 
Bucentoro, in which the Doge solemnized the 
annual marriage with the sea, is now preserved 
for the same purpose in the Venetian arsenal.” 
Wordsworth, p. 189. 

2 Apollo Alexicacus, who was believed to 
have made the plague to cease in the Pelopon- 
nesian war. 5 See the plan. 

* The sanctuary was in a deep cleft in the 
front of the Areopagus, facing the Acropolis. 
See below. 

5 The history of this temple is very curious. 
In 1676 it was found entire by Spon and 


exception of two, which are in the British 
Museum. It is now entirely restored. The 
original structure belongs to the period of the 
close of the Persian wars. 

§ For their position, see Pausanias. These 
statues were removed by Xerxes; and Alexan- 
der, when at Babylon, gave an order for their 
restoration. Images of Brutus and Cassius 
were at one time erected near them, but proba- 
bly they were removed by Augustus. 

7 For these two buildings, the Metroum and 
Bouleuterium, see the plan. 

8 Tts position may be seen on the pian, on 
the south side of the Acropolis. 





308 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. omar. x 


listened in breathless attention to their orators, was dedicated to Jupiter 
on High,' with whose name those of the Nymphs of the Demus were grace. 
fully associated. And, as if the imagination of the Attic mind knew no 
bounds in this direction, abstractions were deified and publicly honored. 
Altars were erected to Fame, to Modesty, to Energy, to Persuasion, and 
to Pity.” This last altar is mentioned by Pausanias among “ those objects 
in the Agora which are not understood by all men: for,” he adds, “the — 
Athenians alone of all the Greeks give divine honor to Pity.”* It is 
needless to show how the enumeration which we have made (and which is 
no more than a selection from what is described by Pausanias) throws — 
light on the words of St. Luke and St. Paul; and especially how the : 
groping after the abstract and invisible, implied in the altars alluded to 
last, illustrates the inscription “ To the Unknown God,” which was used : 
by Apostolic wisdom (Acts xvii. 23) to point the way to the highest truth. — 
What is true of the Agora is still more emphatically true of the — 
Acropolis, for the spirit which rested over Athens was concentrated here. — 
The feeling of the Athenians with regard to the Acropolis was well, 
though fancifully, expressed by the rhetorician who said that it was the 
middle space of five concentric circles of a shield, whereof the outer 
four were Athens, Attica, Greece, and the world. The platform of the 
Acropolis was a museum of art, of history, and of religion. The whole 
was “one vast composition of architecture and sculpture, dedicated to 
the national glory and to the worship of the gods.” By one approach 
only — through the Propylea built by Pericles — could this sanctuary 
be entered. If St. Paul went up that steep ascent on the western front 
of the rock, past the Temple of Victory, and through that magnificent 
portal, we know nearly all the features of the idolatrous spectacle he saw 
before him. At the entrance, in conformity with his attributes, was the 
statue of Mercurius Propyleus. Farther on, within the vestibule of the 
beautiful enclosure, were statues of Venus and tue Graces. The re- 
covery of one of those who had labored among the edifices of the 
Acropolis was commemorated by a dedication to Minerva as the goddess 
of Health. There was a shrine of Diana, whose image had been wrought 
by Praxiteles. Intermixed with what had reference to divinities were tre 


1 This is attributed to the elevated position Cicero speaks of a temple or altar to Contn- 
of the Pnyx as seen from the Agora. Words- mely. In the temple of Minerva Polias, ™ 


worth’s Athens and Attica, p. 72. the Acropolis, Plutarch mentions an altar q” 
2 It is doubtful in what part of Athens Oblivion. 
the altars of Fame, Modesty, and Energy were 8 He adds, that this altar was nal se much 


placed. AMschines alludes to the altar of due to their human sympathy as to their peculiar 
Fame. The altar of Persuasion was on the piety towards the gods; and he confirms this 
ascent of the Acropolis. There were many opinion by proceeding to mention the altare 
other memorials of the same kind in Athens. of Fame, Modesty, and Energy. 








































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































ASCRIBED TO THE SEVENTH CENTURY B. 0. 


SUPPOSNHD TEMPLE OF MINERVA AT CORINTH ; 


oHAaP. x. THE PARTHENON. 30¢ 


memorials of eminent men and of great victories. The statue of Peri- 
cles, to whom the glory of the Acropolis was due, remained there for 
centuries. Among the sculptures on the south wall was one which 
recorded a victory we have alluded to, — that of Attalus over the Gala- 
tians.' Nor was the Roman power without its representatives on this 
proud pedestal of Athenian glory. Before the entrance were statues of 
Agrippa and Augustus ;? and at the eastern extremity of the esplanade 
a temple was erected in honor of Rome and the Emperor.’ But the 
main characteristics of the place were mythological and religious, and 
truly Athenian. On the wide levelled area were such groups as the fol- 
lowing : — Theseus contending with the Minotaur; Hercules strangling 
the serpents; the Earth imploring showers from Jupiter; Minerva 
causing the olive to sprout while Neptune raises the waves. The 
mention of this last group raises our thoughts to the Parthenon, — 
the Virgin’s House, —the glorious temple which rose in the proudest 
period of Athenian history to the honor of Minerva, and which ages of 
war and decay have only partially defaced. The sculptures on one of its 
pedimenis represented the birth of the goddess: those on the other 
depicted her contest with Neptune.* Under the outer cornice were 
groups exhibiting the victories achieved by her champions. Round the 
inner frieze was the long series of the Panathenaic procession.» Within 
was the colossal statue o: ivory and gold, the work of Phidias, unrivalled 
in the world, save only }1y the Jupiter Olympius of the same famous 
artist. This was not the only statue of the Virgin Goddess within the 
sacred precincts; the Acropolis boasted of three Minervas.6 The oldest 
and most venerated was in the small irregular temple called the Erec- 
theium, which contained the mystic olive-tree of Minerva and the mark 
of Neptune’s trident. This statue, like that of Diana at Ephesus (Acts 
xix. 35), was believed to have fallen from heaven.’ The third, though 


1 See p. 206. Several of the statues seen 
by Pausanias in Athens were those of the 
Greek kings who reigned over the fragments 
of Alexander’s empire. 

2 One pedestal is still standing in this posi- 
tion, with the name of Agrippa inscribed on 
it. There is some reason to believe that some 
earlier Greek statues had been converted in 
this instance, as in so many others, into mon- 
uments of Augustus and Agrippa. Cicero, in 
one of his letters from Athens, speaks indig- 
nantly of this custom. 

® Some fragments remain, and among them 
she inscription which records the dedication. 
Augustus did not allow the provinces to ded- 


icate any temple to him except in conjunction 
with Rome. There was a temple of this kind 
at Casarma. See p. 107. 

* For descriptive papers on these pediments, 
see the Classical Museum, Nos. VI., XVIII., 
and XXII. With the remains themselves, in 
the Elgin Room at the British Museum, the 
restoration of Mr. Lucas should be sindied. 

5 For these sculptures, it is only necessary 
to refer to the Elgin Room in the British 
Museum. 

§ See here, especially, Dr Wordsworth’s 
chapter on the three Minervas. 

7 Its material was not marble nor metal 
but olive-wood. 


310 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


less sacred than the Minerva Polias, was the most conspicuous of all.’ 
Formed from the brazen spoils of the battle of Marathon, it rose in 
gigantic proportions above all the buildings of the Acropolis, and stood 
with spear and shield as the tutelary divinity of Athens and Attica. It 
was the statue which may have caught the eye of St. Paul himself, from — 
the deck of the vessel in which he sailed round Sunium to the Pireus.? 
Now he had landed in Attica, and beheld all the wonders of that city 
which divides with one other city all the glory of Heathen antiquity. 
Here, by the statue of Minerva Promachus, he could reflect on the 
meaning of the objects he had seen in his progress. His path had been 
among the forms of great men and deified heroes, among the temples, 
the statues, the altars of the gods of Greece. He had seen the creations — 
of mythology represented to the eye, in every form of beauty and 
grandeur, by the sculptor and the architect. And the one overpowering 
result was this: —‘“* His spirit was stirred within him, when he saw the 
city crowded with idols.” 

But we must associate St. Paul, not merely with the Religion, but with 
the Philosophy, of Greece. And this, perhaps, is our best opportunity 
for doing so, if we wish to connect together, in this respect also, the ap- 
pearance and the spirit of Athens. If the Apostle looked out from the 
pedestal of the Acropolis over the city and the open country, he would 
see the places which are inseparably connected with the names of those — 
who have always been recognized as the great teachers of the pagan 
world. In opposite directions he would see the two memorable suburbs 
where Aristotle and Plato, the two pupils of Socrates, held their illustri- 
ous schools. Their positions are defined by the courses of the two rivers 
to which we have already alluded.*? The streamless bed of the Dlissus © 
passes between the Acropolis and Hymettus in a south-westerly direction, 
till it vanishes in the low ground which separates the city from the 
Pireus. Looking towards the upper part of this channel, we see (or- 
we should have seen in the first century) gardens with plane-trees and 
thickets of agnus-castus, with “ others of the torrent-loving shrubs of 
Greece.” * At one spot, near the base of Lycabettus, was a sacred en- 
closure. Here was a statue of Apollo Lycius, represented in an attitude 
of repose, leaning against a column, with a bow in the left hand and the 


i For the position of this statue, see coin * Leake, p. 275. See Plato’s Phedrus. 
at end of the chapter. The pedestal appears The Lyceum was remarkable for its plane- 
to have been twenty feet, and the statue fifty- trees. Socrates used to discourse under them, 
five feet, in height. Leake, p. 351. The and Aristotle and Theophrastus afterwards 
lower part of the pedestal has lately been dis- enjoyed their shade. We cannot tell how far 
covered. these groves were restored since the time of 

2 See above, pp. 800, 302. Sulla, who cut them down. 

* Above, p. 303. 








THE “PAINTED CLOISTER.’ 31] 


CHAP. x. 


right hand resting on his head. The god gave the name to the Lyceum. 
Here among the groves, the philosopher of Stagirus,' the instructor of 
Alexander, used to walk. Here he founded the school of the Peripatetics. 
To this point an ancient dialogue represents Socrates as coming, outside 
the northern city-wall, from the grove of the Academy. Following, 
therefore, this line in an opposite direction, we come to the scene of 
Plato’s school. Those dark olive-groves have revived after all the disas- 
ters which have swept across the plain. The Cephisus has been more 
highly favored than the Ilissus. Its waters still irrigate the suburban 
gardens of the Athenians.? Its nightingales are still vocal among the 
twinkling olive-branches.* The gnarled trunks of the ancient trees of 
our own day could not be distinguished from those which were familiar 
with the presence of Plato, and are more venerable than those which 
had grown up after Sulla’s destruction of the woods, before Cicero‘ 
visited the Academy in the spirit of a pilgrim. But the Academicians and 
Peripatetics are not the schools to which our attention is called in consid- 
ering the biography of St. Paul. We must turn our eye from the open coun- 
try to the city itself, if we wish to see the places which witnessed the rise 
of the Stoics and Hpicureans. Lucian, in a playful passage, speaks of Phi- 
losophy as coming up from the Academy, by the Ceramicus, to the Agora: 
“ and there,” he says, ‘‘ we shall meet her by the Stoa Peecile.”” Let us 
follow this line in imagination, and, having followed it, let us look down 
from the Acropolis into the Agora. There we distinguish a cloister or 
colonnade, which was not mentioned before, because it is more justly 
described in connection with the Stoics. The Stoa Pecile,® or the 
“ Painted Cloister,” gave its name to one of those sects who encountered 
the Apostle in the Agora. It was decorated with pictures of the legen- 
dary wars of the Athenians, of their victories over thei: fellow-Greeks, 
and of the more glorious struggle at Marathon. Originally the meeting- 
place of the poets, it became the school where Zeno met his pupils, and 
founded the system of stern philosophy which found adherents both 
among Greeks and Romans for many generations. The system of Epicurus 
was matured nearly at the same time and in the same neighborhood. 
The site of the philosopher’s Garden* is now unknown, but it was well 
known in the time of Cicero;7 and in the time of St. Paul it could not 


1 See an allusion to his birthplace above, 
p. 277. 
2 The stream is now divided and distrib- 


* Cicero, at one time, contemplated the 
erection of a monument to show his attach- 
ment to the Academy. Ai. vi. 1. 


uted, in order to water the gardens and olive- 
trees. Plutarch calls the Academy the best 
wooded of the suburbs of Athens. 

3 See the well-known chorus in Sophocles. 
Ed. Col. 668. 


& ra worxiAn, — hence “ Stoic.” 

6 This garden was proverbially known 
among the ancients. See Juvenal, xiii. 172, 
xiv. 319. 

7 On his first visit to Athens, at the age 


812 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL 


have been forgotten, for a peculiarly affectionate feeling subsisted among 


the Epicureans towards their founder. He left this garden as a legacy 


to the school, on condition that philosophy should always be taught there, . 


and that he himself should be annually commemorated. The sect had 
dwindled into smaller numbers than their rivals, in the middle of the first 
century. But it is highly probable that, even then, those who looked 
down from the Acropolis over the roofs of the city could distinguish the 
quiet garden where Epicurus lived a life of philosophic contentment, and 
taught his disciples that the enjoyment of tranquil pleasure was the 
highest end of human existence. 
The spirit in which Pausanias traversed these memorable places and 
scrutinized every thing he saw, was that of a curious and rather supersti- 
tious antiquarian. The expressions used by Cicero, when describing the 
same objects, show that his taste was gratified, and that he looked with 
satisfaction on the haunts of those whom he regarded as his teachers. 
The thoughts and feelings in the mind of the Christian Apostle, who 
came to Athens about the middle of that interval of time which separates 
the visit of Pausanias from that of Cicero, were very different from those 
of criticism or admiration. 


“as he went through the city,’ he saw dishonored on every side. He 


was melted with pity for those who, notwithstanding their intellectual — 


greatness, were ‘ wholly given to idolatry.’ His eye was not blinded to 
the reality of things, by the appearances either of art or philosophy. 
Forms of earthly beauty and words of human wisdom were valueless in 
his judgment, and far worse than valueless, if they deified vice and made 
falsehood attractive. He saw and heard with an earnestness of convic- 
tion which no Epicurean could have understood, as his tenderness of 
affection was morally far above the highest point of the Stoic’s impassive 
dignity. 

It is this tenderness of affection which first strikes us, when we turn 


He burned with zeal for that Gop whom, — 


of twenty-eight, Cicero lodged with an Epi- 
curean. On the occasion of his second visit, 
the attachment of the Epicureans to the gar- 
den of their founder was brought before him 
in a singular manner. ‘There lived at this 
time in exile at Athens C. Memmius. . . 

The figure which he had borne in Rome gave 
him great authority in Athens; and the coun- 
cil of Areopagus had granted him a piece of 
ground to build upon, where Epicurus for- 
merly lived, and where there still remained 
the old ruins of his walls. But this grant 
had given great offence to the whole body of 
the Enicureans, to see the remains of their 


master in danger of being destroyed. They 
had written to Cicero at Rome, to beg him to 
intercede with Memmius to consent to a resto 
ration of it; and now at Athens they renewed 
their instances, and prevailed on him to write 
about it. ... Cicero’s letter is drawn with 
much art and accuracy ; he laughs at the tri- 
fling zeal of these philosophers for the old rub- 
bish and paltry ruins of their founder, yet 
earnestly presses Memmius to indulge them in 
a prejudice contracted through weakness, nov 
wickedness.” — Middleton’s Life of (Cucere. 
Sect. viz. 





omar. x. : ST. PAUL ALONE IN ATHENS. ola 


from the manifold wonders of Athens to look upon the Apostle himself. 
The existence of this feeling is revealed to us in a few words in the 
Epistle to the Thessalonians.’ He was filled with anxious thoughts con- 
cerning those whom he had left in Macedonia, and the sense of solitude 
weighed upon his spirit. Silas and Timotheus were not arrived, and it 
was a burden and a grief to him to be “ left in Athens alone.” Modern 
travellers have often felt, when wandering alone through the streets of a 
foreign city, what it is to be out of sympathy with the place and the peo- 
ple. The heart is with friends who are far off; and nothing that is 
merely beautiful or curious can effectually disperse the cloud of sadness. 
If, in addition to this instinctive melancholy, the thought of an irreligious 
world, of evil abounding in all parts of society, and of misery following 
everywhere in its train, —if this thought also presses heavily on the 
spirit, —a state of mind is realized which may be some feeble approxi- 
mation to what was experienced by the Apostle Paul in his hour of 
dejection. But with us such feelings are often morbid and nearly allied 
to discontent. We travel for pleasure, for curiosity, for excitement. It 
is well if we can take such depressions thankfully, as the discipline of a 
worldly spirit. Paul travelled that he might give to others the knowledge 
of salvation. His sorrow was only the cloud that kindled up into the 
bright pillar of the divine presence. -He ever forgot himself in his Mas- 
ter’s cause. He gloried that God’s strength was made perfect in his 
weakness. It is useful, however, to us, to be aware of the human weak- 
ness of that heart which God made strong. Paul was indeed one of us. 
He loved his friends, and knew the trials both of anxiety and loneliness. 
As we advance with the subject, this and similar traits of the man ad- 
vance more into view, — and with them, and personified as it were in 
him, touching traits of the religion which he preached, come before us, — 
and we see, as we contemplate the Apostle, that the Gospel has not only 
deliverance from the coarseness of vice, and comfort for ruder sorrows, 
but sympathy and strength for the most sensitive and delicate minds. 

No were pensive melancholy, no vain regrets and desires, held sway 
over St. Paul, so as to hinder him in proceeding with the work appointed 
to him. He was “in Athens alone,” but he was there as the Apostle of 
God. No time was lost; and, according to his custom, he sought out his 
brethren of the scattered race of Israel. Though moved with grief and 

indignation when he saw the idolatry all around him, he deemed that his 


1] Thess. iii. 1. It may be thought that chapter), and the depression and sense of 
too much is built here on this one expression. isolation evidently experienced by St. Paul 
But we think the remarks in the text will be when he was without companions. See, es 
justified by those who consider the tone of pecially, Acts xxviii. 15; and 2 Cor. ii. t3 
tbe Epistles to the Thessalonians (see next vii.6. Compare the Introduction. 






314 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. ' CHAP, x 


first thought should be given to his own people. They had a synagogue 
at Athens, as at Thessalonica; and in this synagogue he first proclaimed 
his Master. Jewish topics, however, are not brought before us promi- 
nently here. They are casually alluded to; and we are not informed 
whether the Apostle was welcomed or repulsed in the Athenian syna- 
gogue. The silence of Scripture is expressive: and we are taught that 
the subjects to which our attention is to be turned are connected, not 
with Judaism, but with Paganism. Before we can be prepared to con- 
sider the great speech, which was the crisis and consummation of this 
meeting of Christianity and Paganism, our thoughts must be given for a 
few moments to the characteristics of Athenian Religion and Athenian 
Philosophy. 

The mere enumeration of the visible objects with which the city of the — 
Athenians was crowded, bears witness (to use St. Paul’s own words) to 
their “‘ carefulness in Religion.””! The judgment of the Christian Apostle 
agreed with that of his Jewish contemporary Josephus, — with the proud 
boast of the Athenians themselves, exemplified in Isocrates and Plato, — — 
and with the verdict of a multitude of foreigners, from Livy to Julian, — 
all of whom unite in declaring that Athens was peculiarly devoted to 
religion. Replete as the whole of Greece was with objects of devotion, — 
the antiquarian traveller informs us that there were more gods in Athens 
than in all the rest of the country; and the Roman satirist hardly exag- 
gerates, when he says that it was easier to find a god there than a man. 
But the same enumeration which proves the existence of the religious 
sentiment in this people, shows also the valueless character of the religion 
which they cherished. It was a religion which ministered to art and 
amusement, and was entirely destitute of moral power. Taste wag 
gratified by the bright spectacle to which the Athenian awoke every 
morning of his life. Excitement was agreeably kept up by festal sea- 
sons, gay processions, and varied ceremonies. But all this religious 
dissipation had no tendency to make him holy. It gave him no victory 
over himself: it brought him no nearer to God. A religion which ad- 
dresses itself only to the taste is as weak as one that appeals only to the 
intellect. The Greek religion was a mere deification of human attributes 
and the powers of nature. It was doubtless better than other forms of 
idolatry which have deified the brutes ; but it had no real power to raise 
him to a higher position than that which he occupied by nature. It could 
not even keep him from falling continually to a lower degradation. To 
the Greek this world was every thing: he hardly even sought to rise 
above it. And thus all his life long, in the midst of every thing to gratify 
his taste and exercise his intellect, he remained in ignorance of God. 





ES 


1 See below, on the Speech, p. $27. 





GREEK RELIGION. 315 


otAP. x, 


This fact was tacitly recognized by the monuments in his own religious 
city. The want of something deeper and truer was expressed on the 
yery stones. As we are told by a Latin writer that the ancient Romans, 
when alarmed by an earthquake, were accustomed to pray, not to any 
specilied divinity, but to a god expressed in vague language, as avowedly 
Unknown ; so the Athenians acknowledged their ignorance of the True 
Deity by the altars ‘‘ with this inscription, TO THE UNKNOWN GoD,” which 
are mentioned by Heathen writers,’ as well as by the inspired historian. 
Whatever the origin of these altars may have been,’ the true significance 
of the inscription is that which is pointed out by the Apostle himself.* 
The Athenians were ignorant of the right object of worship. But if we 
are to give a true account of Athenian religion, we must go beyond the 
darkness of mere ignorance into the deeper darkness of corruption and 
sin. The most shameless profligacy was encouraged by the public works 
of art, by the popular belief concerning the character of the gods, and 
by the ceremonies of the established worship. Authorities might be 
crowded in proof of this statement, both from Heathen and Christian 
writings.‘ It is enough to say with Seneca, that “ no other effect could pos- 
sibly be produced, but that all shame on account of sin must be taken 
away from men, if they believe in such gods ;”’ and with Augustine, that 
“ Plato himself, who saw well the depravity of the Grecian gods, and has 
seriously censured them, better deserves to be called a god, than those 
ministers of sin.” It would be the worst delusion to infer any good of 
the Grecian religion from the virtue and wisdom of a few great Athe- 
nians whose memory we revere. The true type of the character formed 
by the influences which surrounded the Athenian, was such a man as 
Alcibiades, — with a beauty of bodily form equal to that of one of the 
consecrated statues,— with an intelligence quick as that of Apollo or 
Mercury, — enthusiastic and fickle, — versatile and profligate,— able to 
admire the good, but hopelessly following the bad. And if we turn to the 
one great exception in Athenian history, — if we turn from Alcibiades to 


1 The two Heathen writers who mention 
these altars are Pausanias and Philostratus. 
_ See above, pp. 298 and 308. 

2 It is very probable that they originated 
from a desire to dedicate the altar to the god 
under whose censure the dedicator had falien, 

whom he had unwittingly offended, or whom, 
mm the particular case, he ought to propitiate. 
Richhorn thinks that these altars belonged to a 
period when writing was unknown, and that 
the inscription was added afterwards by those 
who were ignorant of the deity to which they 
were consecrated Jerome says that the in- 


scription was not as St. Paul quoted it, but in 
the form of a general dedication to all un- 
known gods. But unless St. Paul quoted the 
actual words, his application of the inscrip- 
tion would lose nearly all its point. Some 
have fancifully found in the inscription an al- 
lusion to the God of the Jews. For some of 
the notions of the older antiquarians concern- 
ing the “temple” of the Unknown God, see 
Leake. 5 Acts xvii. 23. 

* A great number of passages are collected 
together by Tholuck, in his Essay on the 
Nature and Moral Influence of Heathenism. 












316 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. cas 
the friend who nobly and affectionately warned him, — whc, conscio 
of his own ignorance, was yet aware that God was best known. hy listen 
ing to the voice within, — yet even of Socrates we cannot say more than 
has been said in the following words: “* His soul was certainly in some 
alliance with the Holy God ; he certainly felt, in his demon or guardian 
spirit, the inexplicable nearness of his Father in heaven ; but he was des- 
titute of a view of the divine nature in the humble form of a servant, 
the Redeemer with the crown of thorns; he had no ideal conception of 
that true holiness, which manifests itself in the most humble love and 
the most affectionate humility. Hence, also, he was unable to become 
fully acquainted with his own heart, though he so greatly desired it. 
Hence, too, he was destitute of any deep humiliation and grief on ac 
count of his sinful wretchedness, of that true humility which no longer 
allows itself a biting, sarcastic tone of instruction; and destitute, like- 
wise, of any filial, devoted love. These perfections can be shared only 
by the Christian, who beholds the Redeemer as a wanderer upon earth in 
the form of a servant; and who receives in his own soul the sanctifying 
power of that Redeemer by intercourse with Him.” ! 

When we turn from the Religion of Athens to take a view of its 
Philosophy, the first name on which our eye rests is again that of Socra- 
tes.2. This is necessarily the case, not only because of his own singular 
and unapproached greatness ; but because he was, as it were, the point 
to which all the earlier schools converged, and from which the later 
rays of Greek philosophy diverged again. The earlier philosophical 
systems, such as that of Thales in Asia Minor, and Pythagoras in Italy, 
were limited to physical inquiries: Socrates was the first to call man to 
the contemplation of himself, and became the founder of ethical science.’ 
A new direction was thus given to all the philosophical schools which 
succeeded ; and Socrates may be said to have prepared the way for the 
gospel, by leading the Greek mind to the investigation of moral truth. 
He gave the impulse to the two schools, which were founded in the 
Lyceum and by the banks of the Cephisus,‘ and which have produced 
such vast results on human thought in every generation. We are not 
called here to discuss the doctrines of the Peripatetics and Academicians. 
Not that they are unconnected with the history of Christianity: Plato 
and Aristotle have had a great work appointed to them, not only as the | 
1 Tholuck’s Essay on Heathenism, as above, maturité, elle change de caractére et de diree — 
p. 163. tion, et elle devient une philosophie morals, © 

2 For Socrates, see especially the eighth sociale, humaine. C’est Socrate qui ouvre © 
volume of Grote’s History, and the Quarterly cette nouvelle ére, et qui en représente le ¥ — 
Review for December, 1830. ractére eu sa personne.” — Victor Cousin. 


8 « La philosophie grecque avait été d’abord * See above, pp. 810 311. 
une philosophie de la nature; arrivée & sa 


coe 
auar, §, GREEK PHILOSOPHY. 317 
eathen pioneers of the Truth before it was revealed, but as the educa 
tors of Christian minds in every age: the former enriched human 
thought with appropriate ideas for the reception of the highest truth in 
the highest form ; the latter mapped out all the provinces of human 
‘nowledge, that Christianity might visit them and bless them: and the 
liistorian of the Church would have to speak of direct influence exerted 
on the Gospel by the Platonic and Aristotelian systems, in recounting 
the conflicts of the parties of Alexandria, and tracing the formation of 
the theology of the Schoolmen. But the biographer of St. Paul has 
only to speak of the Stoics and Epicureans. They only, among the 
various philosophers of the day, are mentioned as having argued with 
the Apostle ; and their systems had really more influence in the period 
in which the Gospel was established, though, in the Patristic and Medie- 
yal periods, the older systems, in modified forms, regained their sway. 
The Stoic and Epicurean, moreover, were more exclusively limited than 
other philosophers to moral investigations! —a fact which is tacitly im- 
plied by the proverbial application of the two words to moral principles 
and tendencies which we recognize as hostile to true Christianity. 

Zeno, the founder of the Stoie school, was a native of the same part 
of the Levant with St. Paul himself? He came from Cyprus to Athens 
at a time when patriotism was decayed and political liberty lost, and 
when a system, which promised the power of brave and self-sustaining 
endurance amid the general degradation, found a willing acceptance 
among the nobler minds. Thus in the Painted Porch, which, as we have 
said, had once been the meeting-place of the poets, those who, instead of 
yielding to the prevailing evil of the times, thought they were able to 
resist it, formed themselves into a school of philosophers. In the high 
tone of this school, and in some part of its ethical language, Stoicism 
was an apparent approximation to Christianity ; but on the whole, it was 

a hostile system, in its physics, its morals, and its theology. The Stoics 
condemned the worship of images and the use of temples, regarding 
them as nothing better than the ornaments of art. But they justified 
the popular polytheism, and, in fact, considered the gods of mythology as 
minor developments of the Great World-God, which summed up their 


1 “Te caractére commun du Stoicisme et 
ee YEpicuréisme est de réduire presque en- 
titrement la philosophie @ la morale.” — V. 
Cousin 

* Ge was bom et Citium in Cyprus. See 
p- 189. His aitenticn was turned to phileso- 
phy by the books brought from Athens by 
his father, who was a merchant. Somewhere 
between the ages of twenty and thirty he was 


shipwrecked near the Pireus, and settled in 
Athens. The exact dates of his birth and 
death are not known, but he lived through the 
greater part of the century between B Cc. 350 
and B.c. 250. A portrait-bust at Naples is as- 
signed to him, but there is some doubt whether 
it is to be referred to him or to Zeno the 
Eleatic. 











318 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


belief concerning the origin and existence of the world. The § 
were Pantheists; and much of their language is a curious anticipatio 
of the phraseology of modern Pantheism. In their view, God was merel 
the Spirit or Reason of the Universe. The world was itself a rationa 
soul, producing all things out of itself, and resuming them all to itself 
again. Matter was inseparable from the Deity. He did not create: He 
only organized.! He merely impressed law and order on the substance, 
which was, in fact, himself. The manifestation of the Universe was only 
a period in the development of God. In conformity with these notions 
of the world, which substitute a sublime destiny for the belief in a per- 
sonal Creator and Preserver, were the notions which were held concern- 
ing the soul and its relations to the body. The soul was, in fact, cor- 
poreal. The Stoics said that at death it would be burnt, or return to be 
absorbed in God. Thus, a resurrection from the dead, in the sense in 
which the Gospel has revealed it, must have appeared to the Stoics 
irrational. Nor was their moral system less hostile to “the truth as it 
is in Jesus.” The proud ideal which was set before the disciple of 

Zeno was, a magnanimous self-denial, an austere apathy, untouched — 
by human passion, unmoved by change of circumstance. To the Wise 
man all outward things were alike. Pleasure was no good. Pain was 
no evil. All actions conformable to Reason were equally good; all 
actions contrary to Reason were equally evil. The Wise man lives 
according to Reason ; and living thus, he is perfect and self-sufficing. 
He reigns supreme as a king:? he is justified in boasting as a god. 

Nothing can well be imagined more contrary to the spirit of Christianity. 

Nothing could be more repugnant to the Stoic than the news of a 
“‘ Saviour,’ who has atoned for our sin, and is ready to aid our weakness. 

Christianity is the School of Humility: Stoicism was the Education of 

Pride. Christianity is a discipline of life: Stoicism was nothing better 

than an apprenticeship for death. And fearfully were the fruits of its 

principle illustrated both in its earlier and later disciples. Its first two 

leaders * died by their own hands; like the two Romans*® whose names 


1 “Te Dieu des Stoiciens n’a pas créé la 
nature, ii l’a formée et organisée.”— V. 
Cousin: who, however, will not allow the 
Stoical system to be Pantheistic. 

2 Hor. Sat. t. iii., Ep. 1. i. 

® “Te Stoicisme est essentiellement soli- 
taire ; c’est le soin exclusif de son &me, sans 
regard & celle des autres; et, comme la seule 
chose importante est la pureté de l’4me, quand 
eette pureté est trop en péril, quand on déses- 
pere d’étre victorieux dans la lutte, on peut la 
terminer comme |’a terminée Caton. Ainsi la 


philosophie n’est plus qu’un apprentissage de la 
mort et non de la vie ; elle tend & la mort par son 
image, l’apathie et l’ataraxie, et se résout défini- 
tivement en un €goisme sublime.”” —V. Cousin. 

* Zeno and Cleanthes. And yet Cleanthes 
was the author of that hymn which is, per- 
haps, the noblest approximation to a Christian 
hymn that heathenism has produced. In the 
speech below (Acts xvii. 28) there is some doubt 
whether the Apostle quotes from Cleanthes or 
Aratus. See the note there 

5 Cato and Seneca. 





STOICS AND EPICUREANS. 319 


first rise to the memory when the school of the Stoics is mentioned. 
But Christianity turns the desperate resolution, that seeks to escape 
disgrace by death, into the anxious question, “‘ What must I do to be 
saved?” ! It softens the pride of stern indifference into the consolation 
of mutual sympathy. How great is the contrast between the Stoic idea! 
and the character of Jesus Christ! How different is the acquiescence 
in an iron destiny from the trust in a merc.ful and watchful Providence ! 
How infinitely inferior is that sublime egotism, which looks down with 
contempt on human weakness, to the religion which tells us that “ they 
who mourn are blessed,” and which commands us to “ rejoice with them 
that rejoice, and to weep with them that weep”! 

If Stoicism, in its full development, was utterly opposed to Christianity, 
the same may be said of the very primary principle of the Epicurean? 
school. If the Stoics were Pantheists, the Epicureans were virtually 
Atheists. Their philosophy was a system of materialism, in the strictest 
sense of the word. In their view, the world was formed by an accidental 
concourse of atoms, and was not in any sense created, or even modified, 
by the Divinity. They did indeed profess a certain belief in what were 


called gods; but these equivocal divinities were merely phantoms, — im 


pressions on the popular mind, — dreams, which had no objective reality, 
or at least exercised no active influence on the physical world or the 
business of life. The Epicurean deity, if self-existent at all, dwelt apart, 
in serene indifference to all the affairs of the universe. The universe was 
a great accident, and sufficiently explained itself without any reference to 
a higher power. The popular mythology was derided, but the Epicureans 
had no positive faith in any thing better. As there was no creator, so 
there was no moral governor. All notions of retribution and of judg- 
ment to come were of course forbidden by such a creed. The principles 
of the atomic theory, when applied to the constitution of man, must have 
caused the resurrection to appear an absurdity. The soul was nothing 
without the body ; or rather, the soul was itself a body, composed of finer 
atoms, or at best an unmeaning compromise between the material and 


immaterial. Both body and soul were dissolved together and dissipated 
into the elements; and when this occurred, all the life of man was ended. 


—e 
<am. 


ine 


The moral result of such a creed was necessarily that which the Apostle 
Paul described :*— ‘If the dead rise not, let us eat and drink: for to- 
morrow we die.’”’ The essential piinciple of the Epicurean philosopher 


1 See p. 266. He died 3.c. 270. An authentic bust has 
2 Epicurus, who founded, and indeed ma- been preserved of him, which is engraved ip 
tured, this school (for its doctrines were never Milman’s Horace, p. 391. 
further developed), was born in Samos, B.c. = 1 Cor. xy. 32 
342. though his parents were natives of Attica. 


320 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


was that there was nothing to alarm him, nothing to disturb him. His 


furthest reach was to do deliberately what the animals do instinctively. 


His highest aim was to gratify himself. With the coarser and more 
energetic minds, this principle inevitably led to the grossest sensuality 
and crime; in the case of others, whose temperament was more common- 
place, or whose taste was more pure, the system took the form of a 
selfishness more refined. As the Stoic sought to resist the evil which 
surrounded him, the Epicurean endeavored to console himself by a tran- 
quil and indifferent life. He avoided the more violent excitements of 
political and social engagements, to enjoy the seclusion of a calm con 
tentment. But pleasure was still the end at which he aimed; and if we 
remove this end to its remotest distance, and understand it to mean an 
enjoyment which involves the most manifold self-denial, — if we give Epi- 
curus credit for taking the largest view of consequences, — and if we be- 
lieve that the life of his first disciples was purer than there is reason to 
suppose,' — the end remains the same. Pleasure, not duty, is the motive 
of moral exertion ; expediency is the test to which actions are referre ; 
and the self-denial itself, which an enlarged view of expediency requires, 
will probably be found impracticable without the grace of God. Thus, 
the Gospel met in the Garden an opposition not less determined, and 
more insidious, than the antagonism of the Porch. The two enemies it 
has ever had to contend with are the two ruling principles of the Epicu- 
reans and Stoics, — Pleasure and Pride. 

Such, in their original and essential character, were the two schools of 
philosophy with which St. Paul was brought directly into contact. We 
ought, however, to consider how far these schools had been modified by 
the lapse of time, by the changes which succeeded Alexander and accom- 


panied the formation of the Roman Empire, and by the natural tenden- ~ 


cies of the Roman character. When Stoicism and Epicureanism were 
brought to Rome, they were such as we have described them. In as far as 
they were speculative systems, they found little favor: Greek philosophy 
was always regarded with some degree of distrust among the Romans. 
Their mind was alien from science and pure speculation. Philosophy. 
like art and literature, was of foreign introduction. The cultivation of 
such pursuits was followed by private persons of wealth and taste, but 
was little extended among the community at large. There were no pub- 
lic schools of philosophy at Rome. Where it was studied at all, it was 
studied, not for its own sake, but for the service of the state.? Thus, the 
peculiarly practical character of the Stoic and Epicurean systems recom- 


1 Ritter speaks strongly of scenes of sen- 2 Tennemann. 
saality witnessed in the Garden of Epicurus. 






: 
: 


cuak, Xx. GREEK PHILOSOPHY. 32) 


mended them to the notice of many. What was wanted in the prevail- 
ing misery of the Roman world was a philosophy of life. There were 
some who weakly yielded, and some who offered a courageous resistance, 
to the evil of the times. The former, under the name of Epicureans, 
either spent their time in a serene tranquillity, away from the distractions 
and disorders of political life, or indulged in the grossest sensualism, and 
justified it on principle. The Roman adherents of the school of Epicurus 
were never numerous, and few great names can be mentioned among 
them ; though one monument remains, and will ever remain, of this phase 
of philosophy, in the poem of Lucretius. The Stoical school was more 
congenial to the endurance of the Roman character ; and it educated the 
minds of some of the noblest men of the time, who scorned to be carried 
away by the stream of vice. Three great names can be mentioned, which 
divided the period between the preaching of St. Paul and the final estab- 
lishment of Christianity, Seneca, Epictetus, and Marcus Aurelius.! 
But such men were few in a time of general depravity and unbelief. And 
this was really the character of the time. It was a period in the history 
of the world, when conquest and discovery, facilittes of travelling, and 
the mixture of races, had produced a general fusion of opinions, result- 
ing in an indifference to moral distinctions, and at the same time encour 
aging the most abject credulity. The Romans had been carrying on the 
work which Alexander and his successors begun. A certain degree of 
culture was very generally diffused. The opening of new countries ex- 
cited curiosity. New religions were eagerly welcomed. Immoral rites 
found willing votaries. Vice and superstition went hand in hand through 
all parts of society, and, as the natural consequence, a scornful scepti- 
cism held possession of all the higher intellects. 

But though the period of which we are speaking was one of general 
scepticism, for the space of three centuries the old dogmatic schools still 
lingered on, more especially in Greece.? Athens was indeed no longer what 
she had once been, the centre from which scientific and poetic light radiated 
to the neighboring shores of Asia and Europe. Philosophy had found new 
homes in other cities, more especially in Tarsus and Alexandria.* But 
Alexandria, though she was commercially great and possessed the trade 
of three continents, had not yet seen the rise of her greatest schools; and 
Tarsus could never be what Athens was, even in her decay, to those who 
travelled with cultivated tastes and for the purposes of education. Thus 
Philosophy still maintained her seat in the city of Socrates. The four 


1 The approximation of the latter Stoics, virtue.” — See Paradise Regained, book iv. line 
especially Epictetus, to Christianity, is remark- 300. 
able. Hence the emphasis laid by Milton on 2 Tennemann. 
she Stoic’s “philosophic pride, by him called * For the schools of Tarsus, see pp. 21, 98. 
21 





322 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


great schools, the Lyceum and the Academy, the Garden and the Porcli, 
were uever destitute of exponents of their doctrines. When Cicero came, 
not long after Sulla’s siege, he found the philosophers in residence.! As 
the Empire grew, Athens assumed more and more the character of a 
university town. After Christianity was first preached there, this char- 
acter was confirmed to the place by the embellishments and the benefac- 
tions of Hadrian.? And before the schools were closed by the orders of © 
Justinian,’ the city which had received Cicero and Atticus* as students” 
together became the scene of the college-friendship of St. Basil and St. | 
Gregory,’ one of the most beautiful episodes of primitive Christianity. : 
Thus, St. Paul found philosophers at Athens, among those whom he 
addressed in the Agora. This, as we have seen, was the common meet-— 
ing-place of a population always eager for fresh subjects of intellectual © 
curiosity. Demosthenes had rebuked the Athenians for this idle tendency — 
four centuries before, telling them that they were always craving after news 
and excitement, at the very moment when destruction was impending 
over their liberties. And they are described in the same manner, on the 
occasion of St. Paul’s visit, as giving their whole leisure to telling and — 
hearing something newer than the latest news (Acts xvii. 21). Among | 
those who sauntered among the plane-trees*® of the Agora, and gathered in - 
knots under the porticoes, eagerly discussing the questions of the day, 
were philosophers, in the garb of their several sects, ready for any new : 
question, on which they might exercise their subtlety or display their rheto- — 
ric. Among the other philosophers, the Stoics and Epicureans would more - 
especially be encountered ; for the “ Painted Porch” * of Zeno was in the 
Agora itself, and the “‘ Garden ”’® of the rival sect was not far distant. To 
both these classes of hearers and talkers — both the mere idlers and the 
professors of philosophy — any question connected with a new religion was 
peculiarly welcome ; for Athens gave a ready acceptance to all supersti- — 
tions and ceremonies, and was glad to find food for credulity or scepticism, 
ridicule or debate. To this motley group of the Agora, St. Paul made 
known the two great subjects he had proclaimed from city to city. He 
spoke aloud of “ Jesus and the Resurrection,” *— of that Name which is 


: 
1 See above, p. 311, and the note. 6 See above, p. 306. It is, of course, im- : 
2 Between the visits of St. Paul and Pau- possible to prove that Cimon’s plane-trees were — 
sanias, Hadrian made vast additions to the succeeded by others; but a boulevard is com- 
buildings of Athens, and gave large endow- monly renewed, when a city recovers from iv 


ments for the purposes of education. disasters. 
3 See Gibbon, xl. 7 For the “ Stoa Pecile,” see above, p. 11 
* See Middleton’s Life of Cicere. 5 See again above, p. 311. 
5 Basil and Gregory Nazianzene were sta- ® Acts xvii. 18. 


dents together at Athens from 351 to 355. 
Julian was there at the same time. 


0) 


onaP. x. 8ST. PAUL IN THE AGORA 323 


above every name, — that consummation which awaits all the generations 
of men who have successively passed into the sleep of death. He was in 
the habitof conversing “ daily ” on these subjects with those whom he met. 
His varied experience of men, and his familiarity with many modes of 
thought, enabled him to present these subjects in such a way as to arrest 
attention. As regards the philosophers, he was providentially prepared 
for his collision with them. It was not the first time he had encountered 
them.' His own native city was a city of philosophers, and was especially 
famous (as we have remarked before) for a long line of eminent Stoics, 
and he was doubtless familiar with their language and opinions. 

Two different impressions were produced by St. Paul’s words according 
to the disposition of those who heard him. Some said that he was a 
mere “ babbler,”? and received him with contemptuous derision. Others 
took a more serious view, and, supposing that he was endeavoring to 
introduce new objects of worship,® had their curiosity excited, and were 
desirous to hear more. If we suppose a distinct allusion, in these two 
classes, to the two philosophical sects which have just been mentioned, 
we have no difficulty in seeing that the Epicureans were those who, 
according to their habit, received the new doctrine with ridicule, — 
while the Stoics, ever tolerant of the popular mythology, were naturally 
willing to hear of the new “‘demons” which this foreign teacher was 
proposing to introduce among the multitude of Athenian gods and heroes. 
Or we may imagine that the two classes denote the philosophers on the 
one hand, who heard with scorn the teaching of a Jewish stranger 
untrained in the language of the schools, — and the vulgar crowd on the 
other, who would easily entertain suspicion (as in the case of Socrates) 
against any one seeking to cast dishonor on the national divinities, or 
would at least be curious to hear more of this foreign and new religion. 
It is not, however, necessary to make any such definite distinction 
between those who derided and those who listened. Two such classes 
are usually found among those to whom truth is presented. When Paul 
came among the Athenians, he came “ not with enticing words of man’s 
wisdom,” and to some of the “‘ Greeks” who heard him the Gospel was 


1 See Ch. III. p. 98. Two of the most temptible and worthless person.” Or, from 
influential of the second generation of Stoics the perpetual chattering or chirping of such 
were Antipater of Tarsus and Zeno of Tar- birds, the word may denote an idle “ babbler.”’ 
sus. Chrysippus also is said by Strabo to 8 Acts xvii. 18. These are the very words 
have been a native of the same place. used in the accusation against Socrates. The 

2 The Greek word here means properly a term “demon” is probably here used quite 
bird that picks up seeds from the ground, and generally. This is the only place where it 
it is so used in the Birds of Aristophanes. occurs in the Acts of the Apostles. See the 
Hence, secondarily, it may mean a pauper remarks which have been made before on this 
who prowls about the market-place, ora para- subject, pp. 257-260. 
site who iives by his wits, and hence “‘a con- 





4 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST, PAUL. 


“ foolishness ;””' while in others there was at least that curiosity which is 
sometimes made the path whereby the highest truth enters the mind; and 
they sought to have a fuller and more deliberate exposition of the myste- 
rious subjects, which now for the first time had been brought before their 
attention. 

The place to which they took him was the summit of the hill of 
Areopagus, where the most awful court of judicature had sat from time © 
immemorial, to pass sentence on the greatest criminals, and to decide the 
most solemn questions connected with religion. The judges sat in the | 
open air, upon seats hewn out in the rock, on a platform which was 
ascended by a flight of stone steps immediately from the Agora.? On 
this spot a long series of awful causes, connected with crime and religion, 
had been determined, beginning with the legendary trial of Mars, which 
gave to the place its name of “ Mars’ Hill.” A temple of the god,’ as we 
have seen, was on the brow of the eminence ; and an additional solemnity 
was given to the place by the sanctuary of the Furies,‘ in a broken cleft 
of the rock, immediately below the judges’ seats. Even in the political — 
decay of Athens, this spot and this court were regarded by the people 
with superstitious reverence.® It was a scene with which the dread recol- 
lections of centuries were associated. It was a place of silent awe in the - 
midst of the gay and frivolous city. Those who withdrew to the Areopa-— 
gus from the Agora, came, as it were, into the presence of a higher power. — 
No place in Athens was so suitable for a discourse upon the mysteries of - 
religion. We are not, however, to regard St. Paul’s discourse on the — 
Areopagus as a formal defence, in a trial before the court. The whole 


1 See 1 Cor. i. 18-ii. 5. 

2 The number of steps is sixteen, See 
Wordsworth’s Athens and Attica, p.73. “ Six- 
teen stone steps cut in the rock, at its south- 
east angle, lead up to the hill of the Areopa- 
gus from the valley of the Agora, which lies 
between it and the Pnyx. This angle seems 
to be the point of the hill on which the coun- 
cil of the Areopagus sat. Immediately above 
the steps, on the level of the hill, is a bench 
of stone excavated in the limestone rock, 
forming three sides of a quadrangle, like a 
triclinium : it faces the south: on its east and 
west side is a raised block: the former may, 
perhaps, have been the tribunal, the two lat- 
ter the rude stones which Pausanias saw 
here, and which are described by Euripides as 
assigned, the one to the accuser, the other to 
the criminal, in the causes which were tried in 
this court.” The stone seats are intermediate 
in position to the sites of the Temple of Mars 


and the Sanctuary of the Eumenides men- 
tioned below. 
8 This temple was on the southern slope 


of the Areopagus, immediately above the 
Agora, near the Eponymi and the statne of — 


Demosthenes. 

* In harmony with the euphemistic titles 
given by the Athenians: to these dread god- 
desses, Pausanias says that their statues in 
this place had nothing ferocious in their as- 
pect. The proximity of this sanctuary to the 
Areopagite court must have tended to give 
additional solemnity to the place. 

5 In some respects it seems that the infiu- 


ence of the court was increased under the 


Romans. 

6 Some are of opinion that he was 
forcibly apprehended and put on a formal 
trial. It may be argued that, if a public ad- 
dress was all that was required, the Pnyx 
would have been more suitable than the Areop- 


CHAP. X. ST. PAUL’S DISCOURSE ON THE AREOPAGUS. 325 


aspect of the narrative in the Acts, and the whole tenor of the discourse 
itself, militate against this supposition. The words, half derisive, half 
courteous, addressed to the Apostle before he spoke to his audience, 
“ May we know what this new doctrine is?” are not like the words which 
would have been addressed to a prisoner at the bar; and still more unlike 
a judge’s sentence are the words with which he was dismissed at the 
conclusion, ‘“‘ We will hear thee again of this matter.”! Nor is there 
any thing in the speech itself of a really apologetic character, as any one 
may perceive, on comparing it with the defence of Socrates. Moreover, 
the verse? which speaks so strongly of the Athenian love of novelty and ex- 
citement is so introduced, as to imply that curiosity was the motive of the 
whole proceeding. We may, indeed, admit that there was something of a 
mock solemnity in this adjournment from the Agora to the Areopagus. 
The Athenians took the Apostle from the tumult of public discussion, to 
the place which was at once most convenient and most appropriate. 
There was every thing in the place to incline the auditors, so far as they 
were seriously disposed at all, to a reverent and thoughtful attention. It 
is probable that Dionysius,’ with other Areopagites, were on the judicial 
seats. And a vague recollection of the dread thoughts associated by 
poetry and tradition with the Hill of Mars may have solemnized the 
minds of some of those who crowded up the stone steps with the Apostle, 
and clustered round the summit of the hill, to hear his announcement of 
the new divinities. 

There is no point in the annals of the first planting of Christianity 
which seizes so powerfully on the imagination of those who are familiar 
with the history of the ancient world. Whether we contrast the intense 
earnestness of the man who spoke, with the frivolous character of those 
who surrounded him, — or compare the certain truth and awful meaning 
of the Gospel he revealed, with the worthless polytheism which had 
made Athens a proverb in the earth, — or even think of the mere words 
uttered that day in the clear atmosphere, on the summit of Mars’ Hill, 
in connection with the objects of art, temples, statues, and altars, which 


agus. But we need not suppose the crowd 
about Si. Paul to have been very great; and 
though the Pnyx might be equally accessible 
from the Agora, and more convenient for a 
general address, the Areopagus was more ap- 
propriate for a discourse upon religion. We 
are disposed, too, to lay great stress on the 
verse (21) which speaks of the curiosity of the 
Athenians. Unless it were meant to be em- 
phatic, it would almost have the appearance 
of an interpolation. The phrase in v. 19 isa 
word of general import. See Acts ix. 27. 


1 There is indeed an apparent resemblance 
between Acts xvii. 32 and Acts xxiv. 25, but 
even in the latter passage Felix is rather set 
ting aside an irksome subject than giving a 
judicial decision. 

2 Acts xvii. 21. 

5 Tradition says that he was the first bishop 
of Athens. The writings attributed to him, 
which were once so famous, are now acknowl: 
edged to be spurious. 


826 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


stood round on every side,— we feel that the moment was, and was 
intended to be, full of the most impressive teaching for every age of the 
world. Close to the spot where he stood was the Temple of Mars. The 
sanctuary “of the Eumenides was immediately below him; the Parthenon 
of Minerva facing him above. Their presence seemed to challenge the 
assertion in which he declared here, that in TEMPLES made with hands the 
Deity does not dwell. In front of him, towering from its pedestal on the 
rock of the Acropolis,—as the Borromean Colossus, which at this day, 
with outstretched hand, gives its benediction to the low village of Arona ; 
or as the brazen statue of the armed angel, which from the summit of 
the Castle S. Angelo spreads its wings over the city of Rome, — was the 
bronze Colossus of Minerva, armed with spear, shield, and helmet, as the 
champion of Athens. Standing almost beneath its shade, he pronounced 
that the Deity was not to be likened either to that, the work of Phidias, or 
to other forms in gold, silver, or stone, graven by art, and man’s device, 
which peopled the scene before him.” ! Wherever his eye was turned, it 
saw a succession of such statues and buildings in every variety of form 
and situation. On the rocky ledges on the south side of the Acropolis, 
and in the midst of the hum of the Agora, were the “ objects of devo- 
tion ” already described. And in the northern parts of the city, which 
are equally visible from the Areopagus, on the level spaces, and on every 
eminence, were similar objects, to which we have made no allusion, — 
and especially that Temple of Theseus, the national hero, which remains 
in unimpaired beauty, to enable us to imagine what Athens was when 
this temple was only one among the many ornaments of that city, which 
was “ crowded with idols.” 

In this scene St. Paul spoke, probably in his wonted attitude,’ “ stretch- _ 
ing out his hand; ”’ his bodily aspect still showing what he had suffered 
from weakness, toil, and pain ;* and the traces of sadness and anxiety 
mingled on his countenance with the expression of unshaken faith. 
Whatever his personal appearance may have been, we know the words 
which he spoke. And we are struck with the more admiration, the more 
narrowly we scrutinize the characteristics of his address. To defer for 
the present all consideration of its manifold adaptations to the various 
characters of his auditors, we may notice how truly it was the outpour- 
ing of the emotions which, at the time, had possession of his soul. The 
mouth spoke out of the fulness of the heart. With an ardent and 
enthusiastic eloquence he gave vent to the feelings which had been 


1 Wordsworth’s Athens and Attica, p. 77. 2 See p. 155 and the note. 
The word “graven” (Acts xvii. 29) should be ® See the account of what took place at 
nouced. The Apostle was surrounded by Philippi, and compare p. 281. 
sculpture as well as by temples. 





CHAP. X, SPEECH OF ST. PAUL. 327 


excited by all that he had seen around him in Athens. We observe, 
also, how the whole course of the oration was regulated by his own 
peculiar prudence. He was placed in a position, when he might easily 
have been insnared into the use of words which would have brought 
down upon him the indignation of all the city. Had he begun by 
attacking the national gods in the midst of their sanctuaries and with 
the Areopagites on the seats near him, he would have been in almost as 
zreat danger as Socrates before him. Yet he not only avoids the 
sare, but uses the very difficulty of his position to make a road to 
she convictions of those who heard him. He becomes a Heathen to the 
Heathen. He does not say that he is introducing new divinities. He 
rather implies the contrary, and gently draws his hearers away from 
polytheism by telling them that he was making known the God whom 
they themselves were ignorantly endeavoring to worship. And if the 
speech is characterized by St. Paul’s prudence, it is marked by that 
wisdom of his Divine Master, which is the pattern of all Christian teach- 
ing. As our Blessed Lord used the tribute-money for the instruction 
of His disciples, and drew living lessons from the water in the well of 
Samaria, so the Apostle of the Gentiles employed the familiar objects of 
Athenian life to tell them of what was close to them, and yet they knew 
not. He had carefully observed the outward appearance of the city. 
He had seen an altar with an expressive, though humiliating, inscrip- 
tion. And, using this inscription as a text,' he spoke to them, as follows, 
the Words of Eternal Wisdom. 


Their altars to 
UNKNOWN 

GoOvDs prove 

both their desire 
to worship and 
their ignorance 
in worshipping. 


Ye men of Athens, all things which I behold bear wit- Ars 
ness to your carefulness in religion.? For as I passed 99 
through your city, and beheld the objects of your wor- 93 
ship, I found amongst them an altar with this inscription, 
TO THE’ UNKNOWN GOD. Whon, therefore, ye worship, though ye 
know Him not, Him declare I unto you. 


1 The altar erected to Pity, above alluded 
to, was once used in a similar manner. The 
Athenians were about to introduce gladiatorial 
shows, and Demonax the Cynic said: “Do 
not do this till you have first thrown down 
the altar of Pity.” 

2 The mistranslation of this verse in the 
Authorized Version is much to be regretted, 
because it entirely destroys the graceful cour- 
tesy of St. Paul’s opening address, and repre- 
sents him as beginning his speech by offending 
his audience. 


® Although there is no article before the 
adjective, yet we need not scruple to retain 
the definite article of the Authorized Version ; 
for although, if we take the expression by it- 
self, ‘AN Unknown God” would be a more 
correct translation, yet if we consider the 
probable origin (see above) of these altars 
erected to unknown gods it will be evident 
that “To THE Unknown God” would be 
quite as near the sense of the inscription upen. 
any particular one of such altars. Hach par- 
ticular altar was devoted to the unknown god 


26 


27 


80 


31 


328 


God, who made the world and all things therein, seeing God dwells nc 
that He is Lord of heaven and earth, dwelleth not in tem- 
Neither is He served by the hands 
of men, as though He needed any thing; for it is He that giveth unw 
And He made of one blood? all th: 
nations of mankind, to dwell upon the face of the whole earth; anv 
ordained to each the appointed seasons of their existence, and th 
That they should seek God,’ 
if haply they might feel after Him and find Him, mavudhtact 


ples made with hands.' 


all life, and breath, and all things. 


bounds of their habitation. 


though He be not far from every one of us, for in Him into the follies 
we live and move and have our being; as certain also of 


your own poets‘ have said, 


“‘ For we are also His offspring.” 


Forasmuch, then, as we are the offspring of God, we ought not to 
think that the Godhead is like unto gold, or silver, or stone, graven by 


the art and device of man. 


Howbeit, those past times of ignorance God hath over- 
looked ;5 but now He commandeth all men everywhere to the world to 
repent, because He hath appointed a day wherein He will Christ's judg. 
judge the world in righteousness, by that Man whom He hath ordained; 


to whom it properly belonged, though which 
of the gods it might be the dedicator knew 
not. 

1 Here again (as at Antioch in Pisidia) 
we find St. Paul employing the very words of 
St. Stephen. Acts vii. 48. 

2 « OF one blood ;” excluding the boastful 
assumption of a different origin claimed by the 
Greeks for themselves over the barbarians. It 
is not necessary to take the words together so 
as to mean “ He caused to dwell,’ as some in- 
terpreters maintain. 

8 The reading of MSS. A. B. G. H. &. 
(‘‘ God,” not “Lord ’’) is the best. 


“Thou, who amid the Immortals art thronéd the highest in glory, 
Giver and Lord of life, who by law disposest of all things, 
Known by many a name, yet One Almighty forever, 
Hail, O Zeus! for to Thee should each mortal voice be uplifted: 
Offspring are we too of thine, we and all that is mortal around us.” 


5 See notes upon St. Paul’s speech at Lys- 
tra. It should be observed that no such meta- 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


en oe 
: Se, 












the temp) 
of the Ac: ) 
lis, nor needs 
the service of | 
His creatures, 


Man was creat 
ed capable of 
knowin 


to have fallen 


of idolatry, 
even where it 
was adorned 
3 the art of 


















Got crs 
looked the 
but now calla 4 


* The quotation is from Aratus, a Greek 
poet, who was a native of Cilicia; a circum- 
stance which would, perhaps, account for St. 
Paul’s familiarity with his writings. His 
astronomical poems were so celebrated, that 
Ovid declares his fame will liveeas long as the 
sun and moon endure. How little did the 
Athenian audience imagine that the poet’s im- 
mortality would really be owing to the quota- 
tion made by the despised provincial who ad- 
dressed them! Nearly the same words occur 
also in the hymn of Cleanthes. [See p. 5, n. 
2,and p. 318, n. 4. The opening lines of 
this hymn have been thus translated : — 


B.] 


phor as “ winked at” is to be found im the 
original. 


ae? 


cuaP. x. DEPARTURE FROM ATHENS. 329 


Christ’smission Whereof He hath given assurance unto all,! in that He hath 
is proved by His 


resurrection. raised Him from the dead. 


St. Paul was here suddenly interrupted, as was no doubt frequently 
the case with his speeches both to Jews and Gentiles. Some of those 
who listened broke out into laughter and derision. The doctrine of the 
“resurrection ” was to them ridiculous, as the notion of equal religious 
rights with the “ Gentiles ” was offensive and intolerable to the Hebrew 
audience at Jerusalem.? Others of those who were present on the Are 
opagus said, with courteous indifference, that they would “ hear him again 
on the subject.” The words were spoken in the spirit of Felix, who had 
no due sense of the importance of the matter, and who waited for “a 
convenient season.” Thus, amidst the derision of some, and the 
indifference of others,’ St. Paul was dismissed, and the assembly dis- 
persed. 

But though the Apostle “ departed” thus “ from among them,” and 
though most of his hearers appeared to be unimpressed, yet many of 
them may have carried away in their hearts the seeds of truth, destined 
to grow up into the maturity of Christian faith and practice. We can- 
not fail to notice how the sentences of this interrupted speech are con 
structed to meet the cases in succession of every class of which the 
audience was composed. Each word in the address is adapted at once to 
win and to rebuke. The Athenians were proud of every thing that 
related to the origin of their race and the home where they dwelt. St. 
Paul tells them that he was struck by the aspect of their city; but he 
shows them that the place and the time appointed for each nation’s 
existence are parts of one great scheme of Providence, and that one 
God is the common Father of all nations of the earth. For the general 
and more ignorant population, some of whom were doubiless listening, a 
word of approbation is bestowed on the care they gave to the highest of 
all concerns; but they are admonished that idolatry degrades all wor- 
ship, and leads men away from true notions of the Deity. That more 
educated and more imaginative class of hearers, who delighted in the 
diversified mythology which personified the operations of nature and 
localized the divine presence‘ in sanctuaries adorned by poetry and art, 
are led from the thought of their favorite shrines and customary sacri- 


1 Observe the coincidence between this * The sacred grottoes in the rocks withm 

sentiment and that in Rom. i. 4. view from the Areopagus should be remem- 
2 Acts xxii. 22. bered, as well as the temples, &e. See Words. 
5 Some commentators find again in these worth. 

two classes the Stoics and Epicureans. It is 

aot necessary to make so precise a division. 


330 THE LIFE AND EBPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


fices, to views of that awful Being who is the Lord of heaven and earth, 
and the one Author of universal life. “Up to a certain point in this 
high view of the Supreme Being, the philosopher of the Garden, as well 
as of the Porch, might listen with wonder and admiration. It soared, 
indeed, high above the vulgar religion; but in the lofty and serene Deity, 
who disdained to dwell in the earthly temple, and needed nothing from 
the hand of man, the Epicurean might almost suppose that he heard the 
language of his own teacher. But the next sentence, which asserted the 
providence of God as the active, creative energy,— as the conservative, 
the ruling, the ordaining principle,— annihilated at once the atomic 
theory, and the government of blind chance, to which Epicurus ascribed 
the origin and preservation of the universe.”! And when the Stoic 
heard the Apostle say that we ought to rise to the contemplation of the 
Deity without the intervention of earthly objects, and that we live and 
move and have our being in Him —it might have seemed like an echo 
of his own thought?— until the proud philosopher learnt that it was — 
no pantheistic diffusion of power and order of which the Apostle spoke, — 
but a living centre of government and love — that the world was ruled, 
not by the iron necessity of Fate, but by the providence of a personal 
God —and that from the proudest philosopher repentance and meek 
submission were sternly exacted. Above all, we are called upon to 
notice how the attention of the whole audience is concentred at the 
last upon Jesus Curist, though His name is not mentioned in the whole 
speech. Before St. Paul was taken to the Areopagus, he had been ~ 
preaching “‘ Jesus and the resurrection ;”* and though his discourse was 
interrupted, this was the last impression he left on the minds of those 
who heard him. And the impression was such as not merely to excite 
or gratify an intellectual curiosity, but to startle and search the con- 
science. Not only had a revival from the dead been granted to that man — 
whom God had ordained — but a day had been appointed on which by 
Him the world must be judged in righteousness. 

Of the immediate results of this speech we have no further knowledge, 
than that Dionysius,‘ a member of the Court of Areopagus, and a woman 
whose name was Damaris,’ with some others, were induced to join 
themselves to the Apostle, and became converts to Christianity. How 


1 Milman’s History of Christianity, vol. ii. ® Acts xvii. 18. 
p. 18. See his observations on the whole * See above, p. 325, n. 8. 
speech. He remarks, in a note, the coinci- 5 Nothing is known of Damaris. But, 


dence of St. Paul’s “needing nothing” with considering the seclusion of the Greek women, 

the “nihil indiga nostri” of the Epicurean the mention of her name, and apparently im 

Lucretius. connection with the crowd on the Areopagos. 
2 This strikes us the moreforcibly ifthe quo- is remarkable. 

‘ation is from the Stoie Cleanthes. See above 





ree 
ouar. 2. FROITS OF PAUL’S SOJOURN AT ATHENS. 3a] 


| jong St. Paul staid in Athens, and with what success, cannot possibly 
be determined. He does not appear to have been driven away by any 

_ tumult or persecution. We are distinctly told that he waited for some 
time at Athens, till Silas and Timotheus should join him; and there is 

_ some reason for believing that the latter of these companions did rejoin 
lim in Athens, and was despatched again forthwith to Macedonia.! The 
Apostle himself remained in the province of Achaia, and took up his 
abode at its capital on the Isthmus. He inferred, or it was revealed to 
him, that the Gospel would meet with a more cordial reception there 
than at Athens. And it is a serious and instructive fact that the mer- 
eantile populations of Thessalonica and Corinth received the message of 
God with greater readiness than the highly educated and polished Athe- 
nians. Two letters to the Thessalonians, and two to the Corinthians, 
remain to attest the flourishing state of those Churches. But we possess 
no letter written by St. Paul to the Athenians ; and we do not read that 
ne was ever in Athens again.? 

Whatever may have been the immediate results of St. Paul’s sojourn 
at Athens, its real fruits are those which remain to us still. That speech 
on the Areopagus is an imperishable monument of the first victory of 
Christianity over Paganism. To make a sacred application of the words 
used by the Athenian historian,’ it was “no mere effort for the moment,” 
but it is a “ perpetual possession,” wherein the Church finds ever-fresh 
supplies of wisdom and guidance. It is in Athens we learn what is the 
highest point to which unassisted human nature can attain ; and here we 
learn also the language which the Gospel addresses to a man on his 
proudest eminence of unaided strength. God, in His providence, has 
preserved to us, in fullest profusion, the literature which unfolds to us all 
the life of the Athenian people, in its glory and its shame; and He has 
ordained that one conspicuous passage in the Holy Volume should be the 
speech, in which His servant addressed that people as ignorant idolaters, 
called them to repentance, and warned them of judgment. And it can 
hardly be deemed profane, if we trace to the same Divine Providence the 
preservation of the very imagery which surrounded the speaker — not 
only the sea, and the mountains, and the sky, which change not with the 
decay of nations— but even the very temples, which remain, after wars 
and revolutions, on their ancient pedestals in astonishing perfection. We 


1 See 1 Thess. iii. 1. For the movements flourishing there as ever. The Christian com- 
of Silas and Timotheus about this time, see munity seems at one time to have been entire'y 
the note at p. 338. dispersed, and to have been collected again 

2 The church of Athens appears to have about a.p.165. See Leake, p. 60. 
been long im a very weak state. In the time 8 Thue. i. 22. 
of the Antonines, Paganism was almost as 


282 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 






are thus provided with a poetic and yet a truthful commentary on 
words that were spoken once for all at Athens; and Art and Nature have 
been commissioned from above to enframe the portrait of that Apostle, 
who stands forever on the Areopagus as the teacher of the Gentiles. 





Coin of Athens.? 


1From the British Museum. This coin shows the position of the colossal statue of 
Minerva Promachus, facing the west. 


CHAPTER XL 


Letters to Thessalonica written from Corinth. — Expulsion of the Jews from Rome. — Aquila 
ana Priscilla. — St. Paul’s Labors.— Arrival of Timothy and Silas. — First Epistle to the 
Thessatonians. — St. Paul is opposed by the Jews, and turns to the Gentiles. — His Vision. — 
Second Kpistle to the Thessalonians. — Continued residence in Corinth. 


HEN St. Paul went from Athens to Corinth, he entered on a scene 
very different from that which he had left. It is not merely that 
his residence was transferred from a free Greek city to a Roman colony ; 
as would have been the case had he been moving from Thessalonica to 
Philippi. His present journey took him from a quiet provincial town 
to the busy metropolis of a province, and from the seclusion of an ancient 
university to the seat of government and trade.?_ Once there had been a 
time, in the flourishing age of the Greek republics, when Athens had 
been politically greater than Corinth: but now that the little territories 
of the Levantine cities were fused into the larger political divisions of 
the empire, Athens had only the memory of its pre-eminence, while 
Corinth held the keys of commerce and swarmed with a crowded popu- 
lation. Both cities had recently experienced severe vicissitudes, but a 
spell was on the fortunes of the former, and its character remained more 
entirely Greek than that of any other place:* while the latter rose from 
its ruins, a new and splendid city, on the Isthmus between its two seas, 
where a multitude of Greeks and Jews gradually united themselves with 
the military colonists sent by Julius Cesar from Italy,‘ and were kept in 
order by the presence of a Roman proconsul.® 
The connection of Corinth with the life of St. Paul and the early prog- 
ress of Christianity is so close and eventful, that no student of Holy 


1 See above, p. 288. 

2 A journey in the first century from Ath- 
ens to Corinth might almost be compared to a 
journey, in the eighteenth, from Oxford to 
London. For the probabilities of St. Paul’s 
actual route, see notes on p. 356. 

3 See the preceding chapter on Athens. 

4 At the close of the Republic, Corinth was 
entirely destroyed. Thus we find Cicero tray- 
slling, not by Corinth, but by Athens. But 


Julius Csesar established the city on the Isth- . 
mus, in the form of a colony; and the mer- 
cantile population flocked back to their old 
place ; so that Corinth rose with great rapidity, 
till it was a city of the second rank in tne 
Empire. The historical details will be given 
in the next chapter. 

5 Acts xviii. 12 shows that the province of 
Achaia was proconsular. See, under Cyprus, 
pp. 129-131, 

338 



























334 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


Writ ought to be satisfied without obtaining as correct and clear an ide 
as possible of its social condition, and its relation to other parts of th 
Saati This subject will be considered in the succeeding chapter. - 
present another topic demands our chief attention. We are now ed 
at that point in the life of St. Paul when his first Epistles were written. 
This fact is ascertained, not by any direct statements either in the Act 
or the Epistles themselves, but by circumstantial evidence derived from a 
comparison of these documents with one another.’ Such a comparison 
enables us to perceive that the Apostle’s mind, on his arrival at Corinth 
was still turning with affection and anxiety towards his converts at 
salonica. In the midst of all his labors at the Isthmus, his agh 
were continually with those whom he had left in Macedonia; and though 
the narrative* tells us only of his tent-making and preaching in the 
metropolis of Achaia, we discover, on a closer inquiry, that the Letters 
the Thessalonians were written at this particular crisis. It would t 
interesting, in the case of any man whose biography has been thoug: 
worth preserving, to find that letters full of love and wisdom had been 
written at a time when no traces would have been discoverable, except 
in the letters themselves, of the thoughts which had been occupying the 
writer’s mind. Such unexpected association of the actions done in one 
place with affection retained towards another, always seems to add to 
our personal knowledge of the man whose history we may be studying, 
and to our interest in the pursuits which were the occupation of his life. 
This is peculiarly true in the case of the first Christian correspondence, 
which has been preserved to the Church. Such has ever been the influ- 
ence of letter-writing, — its power in bringing those who are distant — 
near to one another, and reconciling those who are in danger of being 
estranged ;— such especially has been the influence of Christian letters 
in developing the growth of faith and love, and binding together the dis 
located members of the body of our Lord, and in making each generation — 
in succession the teacher of the next, — that we have good reason to take 
these Epistles to the Thessalonians as the one chief subject of the present 
chapter. The earliest occurrences which took place at Corinth must — 
first be mentioned: but for this a few pages will suffice. . 
The reasons which determined St. Paul to come to Corinth (over and — 
above the discouragement he seems to have met with in Athens) were, 
probably, twofold. In the first place, it was a large mercantile city, in 
immediate connection with Rome and the West of the Mediterranean, 
with Thessalonica and Ephesus in the Mgean, and with Antioch and 
Alexandria in the East? The Gospel once established in Corinth, woula 


® Acts xviii. 1. 


1 See the arguments below, p. 340, n. 6. * For full details, see the next chapter. 





Ld 

| omar. XI. EXPULSION OF THE JEWS FROM ROME. 335 
| rapidly spread everywhere. And, again, from the very nature of the 
_. city, the Jews established there were numerous. Communities of scat- 
' tered Israelites were found in various parts of the province of Achaia, — 
in Athens, as we have recently seen,!— in Argos, as we learn from Philo, 

—in Beotia and Eubea. But their chief settlement must necessarily 

have been in that city, which not only gave opportunities of trade by 

land along the Isthmus between the Morea and the Continent, but received 

in its two harbors the ships of the Hastern and Western Seas. A religion 
_ which was first io be planted in the Synagogue, and was thence intended 
to scatter its seeds over all parts of the earth, could nowhere find a more 
favorable soil than among the Hebrew families at Corinth.? 

At this particular time there was a greater number of Jews in the eity 
than usual ; for they had lately been banished from Rome by command 
of the Emperor Claudius. The history of this edict is involved in some 
obscurity But there are abundant passages in the contemporary Hea- 
then writers which show the suspicion and dislike with which the Jews 
were regarded.‘ Notwithstanding the general toleration, they were 
violently persecuted by three successive Emperors ;° and there is good 
reason for identifying the edict mentioned by St. Luke with that alluded 
to by Suetonius, who says that Claudius drove the Jews from Rome be- 
cause they were incessantly raising tumults at the instigation of a certain 
Chrestus.6 Much has been written concerning this sentence of the 
biographer of the Cesars. Some have held that there was really a Jew 
called Chrestus, who had excited political disturbances, others that the 
name is used by mistake for Christus, and that the disturbances had 
arisen from the Jewish expectations concerning the Messiah, or Christ. 
It seems to us that the last opinion is partially true; but that we must 
trace this movement not merely to the vague Messianic idea entertained 
by the Jews, but to the events which followed the actual appearance of 
the Christ. We have seen how the first progress of Christianity had been 
the occasion of tumult among the Jewish communities in the provinces ;* 
and there is no reason why the same might not have happened in the 
capital itself.* Nor need we be surprised at the inaccurate form in 
which the name occurs, when we remember how loosely more careful 


1 See the preceding chapter, p. 313. 

2 See what has been said above on Thessa- 
lonica. 

° Acts xviii. 2. 

* Tacitus, for instance, and Juvenal. See 
the quotation from Cicero, p. 262, n. 1. 

5 Four thousand Jews or Jewish proselytes 
were sent as convicts by Tiberius to the island 
of Sardinia The more directly religious per- 


.secution of Caligula has been mentioned previ 
ously, Ch. IV. pp. 102, 103. 

§ The words are quoted p. 262, n. 2. Com 
pare p. 287. 

7 In Asia Minor (Ch. VI.), and more espe- 
cially in Thessalonica and Bercea (Ch. IX.). 

8 Christianity must have been more or less 
known in Rome since the return of the Italian 
Jews from Pentecost (Acts ii.). 


836 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 






writers than Suetonius express themselves concerning the affairs of 
Jews.! Chrestus was a common name ;? Christus was not: and we have 
a distinct statement by Tertullian and Lactantius* that in their day the 
former was often used for the latter.‘ 

Among the Jews who had been banished from Rome by Claudius, and 
had settled for a time at Corinth, were two natives of Pontus, whose 
names were Aquila and Priscilla. We have seen before (Ch. VIII.) 
that Pontus denoted a province of Asia Minor on the shores of the 
Euxine, and we have noticed some political facts which tended to bring 
this province into relations with Judea.‘ Though, indeed, it is hardly 
necessary to allude to this: for there were Jewish colonies over every 
part of Asia Minor, and we are expressly told that Jows from Pontus 
heard St. Peter’s first sermon’ and read his first Epistle. Aquila and 
Priscilla were, perhaps, of that number. Their names have a Roman 
form ;* and we may conjecture that they were brought into some con- 
nection with a Roman family, similar to that which we have supposed 
to have existed in the case of St. Paul himself." We find they were on 
the present occasion forced to leave Rome ; and we notice that they are 
afterwards addressed " as residing there again ; so that it is reasonable 
to suppose that the metropolis was their stated residence. Yet we 
observe that they frequently travelled ; and we trace them on the Asiatic 
coast on two distinct occasions, separated by a wide interval of time. 
First, before their return to Italy (Acts xviii. 18, 26; 1 Cor. xvi. 19), 
and again, shortly before the martyrdom of St. Paul (2 Tim. iv. 19), we 
find them at Ephesus. From the manner in which they are referred to 
as having Christian meetings in their houses, both at Ephesus and Rome,” 


of good education. Her name appears im 
2 Tim. iv. 19 (also, according, to the best 
MSS., in Rom. xvi. 8), under- the form 
“ Prisca.” So, in Latin authors, ‘ Livia” and 
“ Livilla,” “ Drusa” and “ Drusilla,” are used 
of the same person. Prisca is well known as 
a Roman name. 


1 Even Tacitus. 

2 Moreover, Christus and Chrestus are pro- 
nounced alike in Romaic. 

8 See the passages quoted by Dean Milman 
(Hist. of Christianity, 1. p. 480), who remarks 
that these tumults at Rome, excited by the 
mutual hostility of Jews and Christians, imply 


that Christianity must already have made con- 
siderable progress there. 

* See pp. 111, 112, and Tac. Ann. xv. 44. 

5 Acts xviii. 2. 

8 Especially the marriage of Polemo with 
Berenice, p. 23 and p. 213. 

7 Acts ii. 9. 

8 1 Pet. i. 1. 

® See p. 136, also p. 44. From the men- 
tion of Priscilla as St. Paul’s “ fellow-labor- 
er,” and as one of the instructors of Apollos, 
we might naturally infer that she was a woman 


It is well worthy of notice that in both 
cases St. Paul mentions the name of Priscilla 
before that of Aquila. This conveys the 
impression that she was the more energetic 
character of the two. See the notice of these 
two Christians by the Archdeacon Evans 
(Seript. Biog.), and his remarks on the proba- 
ble usefulness of Priscilla with reference to 
female converts, the training of Deaconesses, 
&c. Compare the note on Rom. xvi. 3. 

10 P. 43. 1 Rom. xvi. 3. 

12 Rom. xvi. 3; 1 Cor. xvi. 19. 


CHAP, XI. AQUILA AND PRISCELLA. 307 


we should be inclined to conclude that they were possessed of some 
considerable wealth. The trade at which they labored, or which at least 
they superintended, was the manufacture of tents,’ the demand for 
which must have been continual in that age of travelling,— while the 
cilicium,? or hair-cloth, of which they were made, could easily be pro- 
cured at every large town in the Levant. 

A question has been raised as to whether Aquila and Priscilla were 
already Christians when they met with St. Paul. Though it is cer- 
tainly possible that they may have been converted at Rome, we think, on 
the whole, that this was probably not the case. They are simply classed 
with the other Jews who were expelled by Claudius; and we are told 
that the reason why St. Paul “came and attached himself to them’’* 
was not because they had a common religion, but because they had a 
common trade. There is no doubt, however, that the connection soon 
_ resulted in their conversion to Christianity. The trade which St. Paul’s 
father had taught him in his youth ® was thus made the means of procur- 
ing him invaluable associates in the noblest work in which man was ever 
engaged. No higher example can be found of the possibility of combin- 
ing diligent labor in the common things of life with the utmost spiritual- 
ity of mind. Those who might have visited Aquila at Corinth in the 
working-hours would have found St. Paul quietly occupied with the 
same task as his fellow-laborers. Though he knew the Gospel to be a 
matter of life and death to the soul, he gave himself to an ordinary 
trade with as much zeal as though he had no other occupation. It is the 
duty of every man to maintain an honorable independence; and this, he 
felt, was peculiarly incumbent on him, for the sake of the Gospel he 
came to proclaim.?, He knew the obloquy to which he was likely to be 
exposed, and he prudently prepared for it. The highest motives instigat- 
ed his diligence in the commonest manual toil. And this toil was no 
hinderance to that communion with God, which was his greatest joy, and 
the source of all his peace. While he “labored, working with his own 
hands,” among the Corinthians, as he afterwards reminded them,* — in 


1 Many meanings have been given by the 
commentators to the word, — weavers of tap- 


estry, saddlers, mathematical instrument- 
makers, ropemakers. But nothing is so prob- 
able as that they were simply makers of those 


hair cloth tents, which are still in constant use 
in the Levant. 
of the cloth itself is less likely. 

2 An account of this cloth is given in Ch. 
II. p. 44. See p. 150 and p. 284. 

% See the various commentators. 


22 
4 


That they were manufacturers 


* Acts xviii. 2. 

5 They were Christians, and able to instruct 
others, when St? Paul left them at Ephesus, 
on his voyage from Corinth to Syria. See 
Acts xviii. 18, 26. 

§ See p. 44. 

7 See what is said above in reference to his 
labors at Thessalonica, pp. 284, 285. We 
shall meet with the same subject again in the 
Epistles to the Corinthians. 

5 1 Cor. iv. 12. 


338 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 






his heart he was praying continually, with thanksgiving, on behalf of the 
Thessalonians, as he says to them himself! in the letters which he dictat- 
ed in the intervals of his labor. 

This was the first scene of St. Paul’s life at Corinth. For the second 
scene we must turn to the synagogue. The Sabbath? was a day of rest. | 
On that day the Jews laid aside their tent-making and their other trades, 
and, amid the derision of their Gentile neighbors, assembled in the house 
of prayer to worship the God of their ancestors. There St. Paul spoke 
to them of the “mercy promised to their forefathers,” and of the “ oath 
sworn to Abraham,” being “ performed.” There his countrymen listened 
with incredulity or conviction ; and the tent-maker of Tarsus “ reasoned” 
with them, and “ endeavored to persuade” * both the Jews and the Gen- 
tiles who were present to believe in Jesus Christ as the promised Messiah 
and the Saviour of the World. 

While these two employments were proceeding,— the daily labor in 
the workshop, and the weekly discussions in the synagogue, — Timotheus 
and Silas returned from Macedonia.‘ The effect produced by their 
arrival® seems to have been an instantaneous increase of the zeal and 


1 | Thess. i. 2, ii. 18; 2 Thess. i. 11. 

2 See Acts xviii. 4. 

® This is the sense of the imperfect. 

* Acts xviii. 5. We may remark here that 
Silas and Timotheus were probably the 
“brethren ” who brought the collection men- 
tioned 2 Cor. xi. 9. Compare Phil. iv. 15. 

> There are some difficulties and differences 
of opinion, with regard to the movements of 
Siles and Timotheus, between the time when 
St. Paul left them in Macedonia and their 
rejoining him in Achaia. 

The facts which are distinctly stated are as 
follows. (1.) Silas and Timotheus were left 
at Bercea (Acts xvii. 14) when St. Paul went 
to Athens. We are not told why they were 
left there, or what commissions they received ; 
but the Apostle sent a message from Athens 
(Acts xvii. 15) that they should follow him 
with all speed, and (Acts xvii. 16) he waited 
for them there. (2.) The Apostle was rejoined 
by them when at Corinth (Acts xviii. 5). 
‘We are not informed how they had been em- 
ployed in the interval, but they came “from 
Macedonia.” It is not distinctly said that they 
came together, but the impression at first sight is 
that they did. (3.) St. Paul informs us (1 Thess. 
iii. 1) that he was “left in Athens alone,” and 
that this solitude was in consequence of Timothy 
having been sent to Thessalonica (1 Thess. iii. 


2). Though it is not expressly stated that 
Timothy was sent from Athens, the first 
impression is that he was. 

Thus there is a seeming discrepancy be 
tween the Acts and Epistles; a journey of 
Timotheus to Athens, previous to his arriva} 
with Silas at Corinth, appearing to be men- 
tioned by St. Paul, and to be quite unnoticed 
by St. Luke. 

Paley, in the Hore Pauline, says that the 
Epistle “ virtually asserts that Timothy came 
to the Apostle at Athens,” and assumes that 
it is “necessary” to suppose this, in order to 
reconcile the history with the Epistle. And 
he points out three intimations in the history, 
which make the arrival, though not expressly 
mentioned, extremely probable:— first, the 
message that they should come with all speed ; 
secondly, the fact of his waiting for them; 
thirdly, the absence of any appearance of 
haste in his departure from Athens to Corinth. 
‘Paul had ordered Timothy to follow him with- 
out delay: he waited at Athens on purpose 
that Timothy might come up with him, and 
he staid there as long as his own choice led 
him to continue.” 

This explanation is satisfactory. But twe 
others might be suggested, which would 
equally remove the difficulty. 

It is not expressly said that Timotheus wa 


GBS aes 

amar, XL ARRIVAL OF SILAS AND TIMOTHEUS. 339 
energy with which St. Paul resisted the opposition, which was even now 
beginning to hem in the progress of the truth. The remarkable word’ 
which is used to describe the “ pressure” which he experienced at this 
moment in the course of his teaching at Corinth, is the same which is 
employed of our Lord Himself in a solemn passage of the Gospels? when 


He says, “I have a baptism to be baptized with; and how am I straitened 


till it be accomplished !” 


us human help to aid us in what He requires us to do. 


He who felt our human difficulties has given 


When St. Paul’s 


companions rejoined him, he was re-enforced with new earnestness and 


sent from Athens to Thessalonica. St. Paul 
was anxious, as we have seen, to revisit the 
Thessalonians; but since he was hindered 
from doing so, it is highly probable (as Hem- 
sen and Wieseler suppose) that he may have 
sent Timotheus to them from Berea. Silas 
wight be sent on some similar commission, and 
this would explain why the two companions 
were left behind in Macedonia. This would 
necessarily cause St. Paul to be “left alone in 
Athens.” Such solitude was doubtless pain- 
ful to him ; but the spiritual good of the new 
converts was at stake. The two companions, 
after finishing the work intrusted to them, 
finally rejoined the Apostle at Corinth. [We 
should observe that the phrase is “from 
Macedonia,” not “from Berea.”] That he 
“waited for them” at Athens need cause us 
no difficulty : for in those days the arrival of 
travellers could not confidently be known be- 
forehand. When he leit Athens and pro- 
ceeded to Corintli, be knew that Silas and 
Timothens could easily ascertain his move 
ments, and follow his steps, by help of infor- 
mation obtained at the synagogue. 

But, again, we may reasonably suppose, 
that, in the course of St. Paul’s stay at 
Corinth, he may have paid a second visit to 
Athens, after the first arrival of Timotheus 
and Silas from Macedonia; and that during 
some such visit he may have sent Timotheus 
to Thessalonica. This view may be taken 
without our supposing, with Boéttger, that the 
First Epistle to the Thessalonians was written 
at Athens. Schrader and others imagine a 
visit to that city at a later period of his life; 
but this view cannot be admitted without de- 
ranging the arguments for the date of 1 Thess., 
which was evidently written soon after leay- 
ing Macedonia. 

Two further remarks may be added. (1.) 
If Timothy did rejoin St. Paul at Athens, we 


need not infer that Silas was not with him, 
from the fact that the name of Silas is not 
mentioned. It is usually taken for granted 
that the second arrival of Timothy (1 Thess. 
iii. 6) is identical with the coming of Silas 
and Timotheus to Corinth (Acts xviii. 5) ; 
but here we see that only Timothy is men- 
tioned, doubtless because he was most recently 
and familiarly known at Thessalonica, and per- 
haps, also, because the mission of Silas was to 
some other place. (2.) On the other hand, it 
is not neccessary to assume, because Silas and 
Timotheus are mentioned together (Acts 
xviii. 5), that they came together. All condi- 
tions are satisfied if they came about the same 
time. If they were sent on missions to two 
different places, the times of their return 
would not necessarily coincide. [Something 
may be implied in the form of the Greek 
phrase, ‘‘ Silas as well as Timotheus.”] In 
considering 2l] these jourmers, it is very need- 
ful to take into account that they would be 
modified by the settled or unseitled siate of 
the country with regard to bandits, and by 
the various opportunities of travelling, which 
depend on the season and the weather, and the 
sailing of vessels. Hinderances connected 
with some such considerations may be referred 
to in Phil. iv. 10. 

1 The state of mind, whatever it was, is 
clearly connected with the coming of Timo- 
thy and Silas, and seems to imply increasing 
zeal with increasing opposition. ‘“‘ Instabat 
verbo.” Compare avdyxy, 1 Thess. iii. 7. 
The A. V. rests on an incorrect reading, 
though the general resuli is the same. Hack- 
ett’s note is very much to the purpose. “He 
was engrossed with the word. The arrival of 
his associates relieved him from anxiety which 
had pressed heavily upon him; and he could 
now devote himself with unabated energy te 
his work.” 2 Luke xii. 50. 


840 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. omar, 3 


vigor in combating the difficulties which met him. He acknowledges 
himself that he was at Corinth “in weakness, and in fear and much 
trembling ;” ' but “ God, who comforteth those that are cast down, com- 
forted him by the arrival” * of his friends. It was only one among many 
instances we shall be called to notice, in which, at a time of weakness, 
“he saw the brethren and took courage.” ® 

But this was not the only result of the arrival ‘of St. Paul’s com 
panions. Timotheus*‘ had been sent, while St. Paul was still at Athens, 
to revisit and establish the Church of Thessalonica. The news he 
brought on his return to St. Paul caused the latter to write to these be- 
loved converts; and, as.we have already observed, the letter which he 
sent them is the first of his Epistles which has been preserved to us. It 
seems to have been occasioned partly by his wish to express his earnest 
affection for the Thessalonian Christians, and to encourage them under 
their persecutions ; but it was also called for by some errors into which 
they had fallen. Many of the new converts were uneasy about the state 
of their relatives or friends, who had died since their conversion. They 
feared that these departed Christians v lose the happihess of witness- 
ing their Lord’s second coming, which they expected soon to behold. In 
this expectation others had given themselves up to a religious excitement, 
under the influence of which they persuaded themselves that they need 
not continue to work at the business of their callings, but might claim 
support from the richer members of the Church. Others, again, had 
yielded to the same temptations which afterwards influenced the Corin- 
thian Church, and despised the gift of prophesying® in comparison with 
those other gifts which afforded more opportunity for display. These 
reasons, and others which will appear in the letter itself, led St. Paul to 
write to the Thessalonians as follows : — 


FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS.® 


PAUL, and Silvanus, and Timotheus, TO THE CHURCH saiutation. 
OF THE THESSALONIANS, in God our Father, and our Lord Jesus © 
Christ. 


1 1 Cor. ii. 38. 

2 2 Cor. vii. 6. 

3 Acts xxviii. 15. 
tude in Athens, p. 313. 

* See above, p. 331. 

5 1 Thess. v. 20. 

5 The correctness of the date here assigned 
to this Epistle may be proved as follows : — 
(1.) It was written not long after the conver- 


See above on his soli- 


sion of the Thessalonians (1 Thess. i. 8, 9), 
while the tidings of it were still spreading (the 
verb is in the present tense) through Macedo- 
nia and Achaia, and while St. Paul could 
speak of himself as only taken from them for 
a short season (1 Thess. ii. 17). (2.) St. 
Paul had been recently at Athens (iii. 1), and 
had already preached in Achaia (i. 7,8). (8.) 
Timotheus and Silas were just returned (iii. 





‘uf 
be * 
CHAP, XI, 


Grace! be to you and peace.’ 


Thanksgiving 
for their cop - 
version. 


FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS. 


341 


I give* continual thanks to God for you all, and make i. 
mention of you in my prayers without ceasing ; remembering, 


in the presence of our God and Father, the working of your faith, and 


the labors of your love, and the steadfastness of your hope of our Lord 


Jesus Christ.’ 


Brethren, beloved by God, I know how God has chosen 


you; for my Glad-tidings came to you, not only in word, but also in 
power ; with the might of the Holy Spirit, and with the full assurance 


of belief.> 


As you, likewise, know the manner in which I behaved my- 


self among you, for your sakes. Moreover, you followed in my steps, and 


6) from Macedonia, which happened (Acts 
xviii. 5) seon after St. Paul’s first arrival at 
Corinth. 

We haye- already observed (Ch. IX. p. 
285), that the ch r of these Epistl 
the Thessalonians proves ho predominalt 
was the Gentile element in that church, and 
that they are among the very few letters of 
St. Paul in which not a single qkotation from 
the Old Testament is to be found. The use, 
however, of the word “Satan” (1 Thess. ii. 
18, and 2 Thess. ii. 9) might be adduced as 
implying some previous knowledge of Juda- 
ism in those to whom the letter was addressed. 
See also the note on 2 Thess. ii. 8. 

1 This salutation occurs in all St. Panl’s 
Epistles, except the three Pastoral Epistles, 
where it is changed into “Grace, mercy, and 
peace.” 

2 The remainder or this verse has been 
introduced into the Textus Receptus by mis- 
take in this place, where it is not found in the 
best MSS. It properly belongs to 2 Thess. 
2. 

8 Jt is imporiant to observe in this place, 
once for all, that St. Paul uses “we,” accord- 
ing to the idiom of many ancient writers, 
where a modern writer would use “J.” Great 
confusion is caused in many passages by not 
translating, according to his true meaning, in 
the first person singular ; for thus it often hap- 
pens, that what he spoke of himself individ- 
ually appears to us as if it were meant for a 
general truth: instances will occur repeatedly 
of this in the Epistles to the Corinthians, 
especially the Second. It might have been 
supposed, that when St. Paul associated 


others with himself in the salutation at the 
beginning of an epistle, he meant to indicate 
that the epistle proceeded from them as well as 
from himself; but an examination of the body 
of the Epistle will always convince us that 
such was not the case, but that he was the sole 
author. For example, in the present Epistle, 
Silvanus and Timotheus are joined with him 
in the salutauon; but yet we find (ch. iii. 
1, 2) — “we thought it good to be left in 
Athens alone, and sent Timothy our brother.” 
Now, who was it who thought fit to be left 
at Athens alone? Plainly St. Paul himself, 
and he only ; neither Timotheus (who is hers 
expressly excluded) nor Silvanus (who proba- 
bly did not rejoin St. Paul till afterwards 
at Corinth, Acts xviii. 5, and see the note, 
p- 338) being included. Ch. iii. 6 is not less 
decisive —“ but now that Timotheus is just 
come to us from you’’— when we remember 
that Silvanus came with Timotheus. Several 
other passages in the Epistle prove the same 
thing, but these may euffice. 

It is true, that sometimes the ancient idiom 
in which a writer spoke of himself in the plu- 
ral is more graceful, and seems less egotistical, 
than the modern usage; but yet (the modern 
usage being what it is) a literal translation of 
the jyuei¢ very often conveys a confused idea of 
the meaning ; and it appears better, therefore, 
to translate according to the modern idiom. 

* St. Paul is here referring to the time when 
he first visited and converted the Thessalo- 
nians ; the “ hope ” spoken of was the hope of 
our Lord’s coming. 

5 Jn illustration of the word here we may 
refer to Rom. xiv. 5, and Heb. x. 22. 


bS 


on 


THY § 


342 


in the steps of the Lord; and you received the word in great tribula- 
tion,’ with joy which came from the Holy Spirit. 
become patterns to all the believers in Macedonia and in Achaia. 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8ST, PAUL. 


And thus you have 


from you the word of the Lord has been sounded forth,’ and not only 


has its sound been heard in Macedonia and Achaia, but also in every 


place the tidings of your faith towards God have been spread abroad, so 
that I have no need to speak of it at all. For others are telling of their 
own accord,’ concerning me, what welcome you gave me, and how you~ 
forsook your idols, and turned to serve God, the living and the true; 
and to wait for His Son from the heavens, whom He raised from the 
dead, even Jesus our deliverer from the coming wrath. 


For, you know yourselves, brethren, that my coming He reminds 


them of his 


amongst you was not fruitless; but after I had borne suffer- °w™ example 
ing and outrage (as you know) at Philippi, I trusted in my God, and 


boldly declared to you God’s Glad-tidings, in the midst of great conten-— 
For my exhortations are not prompted by imposture, nor by 


tion. 


lasciviousness, nor do I speak in guile.‘ 


But as God has proved my 


fitness for the charge of the Glad-tidings, so I speak, not seeking to 


please men, but God, who proves our hearts. 


For never did I use flatter- 


ing words, as you know; nor hide covetousness under fair pretences, 
(God is witness) ; nor did I seek honor from men, either from you or 
others; although I might have been burdensome, as Christ’s apostle.’ 





For | 





I 
: 


But I behaved myself among you with gentleness; and as a nurse 
cherishes her own children,’ so in my fond affection it was my joy to give 
you not only the Glad-tidings of God, but my own life also, because you~ 


were dear to me. 


1 This tribulation they brought on them- 
selves by receiving the Gospel. 

2 See p. 279, n. 8. 

8 « Themselves,” emphatic. 

* In this and the following verses, we have 
allusions to the accusations brought against 
St. Paul by his Jewish opponents. He would 
of course have been accused of imposture, as 
the preacher of a miraculous revelation; the 
charge of impurity might also have been sug- 
gested to impure minds, as connected with the 
conversion of female proselytes; the charge of 
seeking to please men was repeated by the Juda- 
vers in Galatia. See Gal. i. 10. 

5 One of the grounds upon which St. Panl’s 


For you remember, brethren, my toilsome labors; 


Judaizing opponents denied his apostolic au- | 


thority was the fact that he (in general) refused 
to be maintained by his converts, whereas our 


Lord had given to His apostles the right of — 
being so maintained. St. Paul fully explains — 


his reasons for not availing himself of that 
right in several passages, especially 1 Cor. ix. ; 
and he here takes care to allude to his posses- 
sion of the right, while mentioning his renun- 
ciation of it. Cf. 2 Thess. iii. 9. 

§ « Her own children.” See p. 284, n. 4 


It will be observed, also, that we adopt a 


different punctuation from that which has led 
to the received version. 


OHALP. XI. FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS. 343 


how I worked both night and day, that I might not be burdensome to 
any of you, while I proclaimed to you the message’ which I bore, the 
Glad-tidings of God. 
witness, how holy, and just, and unblamable were my dealings towards 
you that believe. You know how earnestly, as a father his own children, 
I exhorted, and entreated, and adjured each one among you to walk 
worthy of God, by whom you are called into His own kingdom and glory. 

Wherefore I also give continual thanks to God, because, when you 
heard from me the spoken word? of God, you received it not as the word 
of man, but, as it is in truth, the word of God; who Himself works 
effectually in you that believe. For you, brethren, followed in the steps 
of the churches of God in Judza, which are in Christ Jesus, inasmuch 
as you suffered the like persecution from your own countrymen, which 
they endured from the Jews; who killed both the Lord Jesus, and the 
prophets, and who have driven me forth [from city to city*]; a people 
displeasing to God, and enemies to all mankind, who would hinder me 
from speaking to the Gentiles for their salvation; continuing always to 
fill up the measure of their sins ; but the wrath [of God] has overtaken 
them to destroy them.‘ 

But I, brethren, having been torn from you for a short 
season (in presence, not in heart), sought very earnestly to 
behold you [again] face to face.® Wherefore I, Paul (for my own part), 
desired to visit you once and again; but Satan hindered me. For what 
is my hope or joy? what is the crown wherein I glory ? what but your 
own selves, in the presence of our Lord Jesus Christ at His appearing ? ® 
Yea, you are my glory and my joy. 


And his joy 
in hearing of 
their well- 
doing from 
Timotheus. 


mined willingly to be left at Athens alone; and I sent Timo- 
theus, my brother, and God’s fellow-worker’? in the Glad-tidings 
of Christ, that he might strengthen your constancy, and exhort you con- 


1 The original word involves the idea of a 
herald proclaiming a message. 

2 Literally word received by hearing, i. e. 
spoken word, Cf. Rom. x. 16. 

8 Referring to his recent expulsion from 
Thessalonica and Bercea. 

* More literally, ‘‘ to make an end of them.” 

® See what is said in the preceding chapter 
in connection with Berea. 


® The anticipative blending of the future 
with the present here is parallel with and 
explains Rom. ii. 15, 16. 

7 There is some doubt about the reading 
here. That which we adopt is analogous to 
1 Cor. iii. 9. The boldness of the expression 
probably led to the variationin the MSS. On 


the fact mentioned in these two verses, see the) 


note at p. 338 above. 


Ye are yourselves witnesses, and God also isii.1@ 


ie 


vy 


*5 


20 


Therefore, when I was no longer able to forbear, I deter- iii. 1 


2 


344 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8ST. PAUL 


ii. 8 cerning your faith, that none of you should waver in these afflictions ; since 
4 you know yourselves that such is our appointed lot, for when I was with 
you, I forewarned you that affliction awaited us, as you know that it befell. © 


a Mo mm 6 


For this cause, I also, when I could no longer forbear, sent to learn 





tidings of your faith ; fearing lest perchance the tempter had tempted you, — 


and lest my labor should be in vain. But now that Timotheus has 
returned from you to me, and has brought me the glad tidings of your 


faith and love, and that you still keep an affectionate remembrance of me, © 


longing to see me, as I to see you— I have been comforted, brethren, on 
your behalf, and all my own tribulation and distress! has been lightened 
by your faith. For now I live,’ if you be steadfast in the Lord. What 
thanksgiving can I render to God for you, for all the joy which you 
cause me in the presence of my God? Night and day, I pray exceeding 
earnestly to see you face to face, and to complete what is yet wanting in 
your faith. Now, may our God and Father Himself, and our Lord Jesus,’ 
direct my path towards you. Meantime, may the Lord cause you tc 
increase and abound in love to one another and to all men; even as | 
to you. And so may He keep your hearts steadfast and unblamable in 
holiness, in the presence of our God and Father, at the appearing of ow 
Lord Jesus, with all his saints. 
Furthermore, brethren, I beseech and exhort you in the 

name of the Lord Jesus, that, as I taught you how to walk that “U4 
you might please God, you would do so more and more. For you know 
what commands I delivered to you by the authority of the Lord Jesus. 
This, then, is the will of God, even your sanctification ; that you should 
keep yourselves from fornication, that each of you should learn to master 
his body,‘ in sanctification and honor; not in lustful passions, like the 
Heathen who know not God; that no man wrong his brother in this 
matter by transgression.’ All such the Lord will punish, as I forewarned 
you by my testimony. For God called us not to uncleanness, but His 


1 See p. 339, and note. may be said to gain possession of his own body 

2 Compare Rom. vii. 9. when he subdues those lusts which tend to 

8 The word for “ Christ” is omitted by the destroy his mastery over it. Hence the inter 
best MSS. both here and in verse 15. pretation which we have adopted. 

* The original cannot mean to possess; it 5 The reading adopted in the Receiver 


means, to gain possession of, to acquire for one’s ‘Text is allowed by all modern critics to be 
mon use. The use of “vessel” for body is wrong. The obvious translation is, “in the 
coramon, aud found 2 Cor.iv.7. Nowaman matter in question.” 


JHAP. XI, FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS. 345 


ealling is a holy calling.’ 
despises not man, but God, who also has given unto me? His Holy Spirit. 


Eanoration, Concerning brotherly love it is needless that 1 should write 
oa to you; for ye yourselves are taught by God to love one another ; 


as you show by deeds towards all the brethren through the whole of 
Macedonia. But I exhort you, brethren, to abound still more; and be it 
your ambition to live quietly, and to mind your own concerns ;* and to 
work with your own hands (as I commanded you); that the seemly 
order of your lives may be manifest to those without, and that you may 
need help from no man.’ 

But I would not have you ignorant, brethren, concerning 
those who are asleep, that you sorrow not like other men, who 
have no hope.> For if we believe that Jesus died and rose again, so 
also will God, through Jesus,’ bring back those who sleep, together with 
Him. This I declare to you, in the word of the Lord, that we who are 
living, who survive to the appearing of the Lord, shall not come before 
those who sleep. For the Lord himself shall descend from heaven with 
the shout of war,’ the Archangel’s voice, and the trumpet of God; and 
first the dead in Christ® shall rise ; then we the living, who remain, shall 
be caught up with them among the clouds*® to meet the Lord in the air; 
and so we shall be forever with the Lord. Wherefore comfort” one 
another with these words. 


Happiness of 
e Chris 


The sudden- 
coming. 8, 0 should write to you. For yourselves know perfectly that the 

Vv" 
day of the Lord will come as a robber in the night ; and while 


fulness. 


Wherefore, he that despises these my wordsiy 


1 Literally “in holiness,” not “unto holi- 
ness,” asin A. V. 

2 We have retained “us” with the Re 
ceived Text, on the ground of context; al- 
though the weight of MS. authority is in 
favor of “‘ you.” 

% The original expression is almost equiva- 
lent to “ ne ambitious to be unambitious.” 

+ Tt seems better to take this as masculine 
than as neuter. We may compare with these 
verses the similar directions in the speech at 
Miletus, Acts xx. 

5 This hopelessness in death is illustrated 
by the funeral-inscriptions found at Thessa- 
toniea, referred to p. 286. 


§ This connection is more natural than that 
of the Authorized Version. 

7 The word denotes the shout used in baitle. 

8 Equivalent to “they that sleep in Christ” 
(1 Cor. xv. 18). 

® “7 Borne aloft from earth by upbearing 
clouds,” as it is rendered by Professor Ellicott 
in his Historical Lectures on the Life of our 
Lord, p. 234. See his note there, and in his 
Comm. on 1 Thess. ii. — 3.] 

10 This verb, originally to call to one’s side, 
thence sometimes to comfort, more usually te 
exhort, must be translated according to the 
context. (See on Barnabas, pp. 109, 155, and 
notes. — B.) 


on 


Ld =] 


10 
11 


12 


13 


14 


15 


1€ 


17 


18 


But of the times and seasons, brethren, you need not that Iv. 1 


2 
3 


y.4 


13 


14 
15 


346 


men say Peace and Safety, destruction shall come upon them in 
moment, as the pangs of travail upon a woman with child; and they shall 
find no escape. But you, brethren, are not in darkness, that The Day 
should come upon you as the robber on sleeping men;' for you are al 
the children of the light and of the day. 
of darkness; therefore let us not sleep as do others, but let us watch and 
be sober ; for they who slumber, slumber in the night ; and they who are 
drunken, are drunken in the night; but let us, who are of the day, 
sober ; putting on faith and love for a breastplate ; and fora helmet, the 
For not to abide His wrath, but to obtain salvation 
hath God ordained us, through our Lord Jesus Christ, who died for us 
that whether we wake or sleep we should live together with Him. 
Wherefore exhort one another, and build one another up, even as you 


hope of salvation. 


already do. 


I beseech you, brethren, to acknowledge those who are labor- The Prosbyter 
ing among you; who preside over you in the Lord’s name, garded. 
I beseech you to esteem them very highiy in 
And maintain peace among yourselves. 


and give you admonition. 
love, for their work’s sake. 


Postscript [ADDRESSED TO THE PRESBYTERS (?) ].* 


But you, brethren, I exhort ; admonish the disorderly, en- 
courage the timid, support the weak, be patient with all. Take *™*?7*™ 
heed that none of you return evil for evil, but strive to do good always, 
both to one another and to all men. 


1 There is some authority for the accusative 
plural, — “‘as the daylight surprises robbers ; ” 
and this sort of transition, where a word sug- 
gests a rapid change from one metaphor to 
another, is not unlike the style of St. Paul. 
We may add that the A. V. in translating the 
word “‘ thief,” both here and elsewhere, gives 
an inadequate conception of the word. It is 
in fact the modern Greek “klepht,” and de- 
notes a bandit, who comes to murder as well 
as to steal. For the meaning of “the Day ” 
(the great day, the day of Judgment), compare 
1 Cor. iii. 18. 

2 The full meaning is, “build one another 
up, that you may all together grow into a 
temple of God.” The word is frequently used 
by St. Paul in this sense, which is fully ex- 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 














We are not of the night, nor 


Duties of the 


Rejoice evermore; pray without 


plained 1 Cor. iii. 10-17. It is very difficult 
to express the meaning by any single word in 
English, and yet it would weaken the expres- 
sion too much if it were diluted into a pe 
riphrasis fully expressing its meaning. 

8 It appears probable, as Chrysostom 
thought, that those who are here directed “to 
admonish” are the same who are described 
immediately before (v. 12) as “giving admo- 
nition.’’ Also they are very solemnly directed — 
(v. 27) to see that the letter be read to all the 
Christians in Thessalonica; which seems to 
imply that they presided over the Christian 
assemblies. At the same time it must be ad-— 
mitted that many of the duties here enjoined 
are duties of all Christians. 


EE 


OWAP. XI. THE MALEVOLENCE OF THE JEWS. 847 


_ceasing; continue to give thanks, whatever be your lot; for this is the v.17 
will of God in Christ Jesus concerning you. Quench not [the manifes-18,19 
tation of | the Spirit; think not meanly of! prophesyings; try all [which 20 
the prophets utter]; reject? the false, but keep the good; hold your- 21 
selves aloof from every form of evil.’ 22 
Now may the God of peace Himself sanctify you wholly; 28 


and may your spirit and soul and body all together be preserved 


Concluding 
prayers and 
salutations. 


blameless at the appearing of our Lord Jesus Christ. Faithful is He who 24 
calls you; He will fulfil my prayer. 
Brethren, pray for me. Greet all the brethren with the kiss of holi- 25 


ness. I adjure you,’ in the name of the Lord, to see that this letter be 926 
read to all the ® brethren. 27 
Autograph = The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ be with you.* 28 


The strong expressions used in this letter concerning the malevolence 
of the Jews, lead us to suppose that the Apostle was thinking not only 
of their past opposition at Thessalonica,’ but of the difficulties with which 
they were beginning to surround him at Corinth. At the very time of 
his writing, that same people who had “killed the Lord Jesus and their 


1 We know, from the First Epistle to 
Corinth, that this warning was not unneeded 
in the early church. (See 1 Cor. xiv.) The 
gift of prophesying (7. e. inspired preaching) 
had less the appearance of a supernatural gift 
then several of the other Charisms; and 
hence it was thought little of by those who 
sought more for display than edification. 

2 This word includes the notion of reject- 
ing that which does not abide the test. 

8 Not “appearance” (A. V.), but species 
under a genus. 

4 This alludes to the same custom which is 
referred to in Rom. xvi. 16; 1 Cor. xvi. 20; 
2 Cor. xiii. 12. We find a full account of it, 
as it was practised in the early church, in the 
Apestolic Constitutions (book ii. ch. 57). The 
men and women were placed in separate parts 
of the building where they met for worship; 
and then, before receiving the Holy Com- 
munion, the men kissed the men, and the 
women the women: before the ceremony, 


® proclamation was made by ‘the principal - 


deacon ; — “‘ Let none bear malive against any ; 
{et none do it in hypocrisy.” |“ Then,” it is 


added, “let the men salute one another, and 
the women one another, with the kiss of the 
Lord.” It should be remembered by English 
readers, that a kiss was in ancient times (as, 
indeed, it is now in many foreign countries) 
the ordinary mode of salutation between 
friends when they met. 

5 Whom does he adjure here? Plainly 
those to whom, in the first instance, the letter 
was addressed, or rather delivered. Now these 
must probably have been the Presbyters. 

§ The word for “holy” is omitted in the 
best MSS. ’ 

7 It should be remarked, that this conclud- 
ing benediction is used by St. Paul at the end 
of the Epistles to the Romans, Corinthians 
(under a longer form in 2 Cor.), Galatians, 
Ephesians, Philippians, and Thessalonians. 
And, in a shorter form, it is used also at the 
end of all his other Epistles. It seems (from 
what he says in 2 Thess. iii. 17, 18) to have 
been always written with his own hand. 

5 The “Amen” of the Received Text is « 
later addition, not found in the best MSS. 

% See above, Chap. IX. 


348 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 












own prophets,” and had already driven Paul “ from city to city,” wer 
showing themselves “a people displeasing to God, and enemies to all 
mankind,” by endeavoring to hinder him from speaking to the Gentiles 
for their salvation (1 Thess. ii. 15, 16). Such expressions would natu- 
rally be used in a letter written under the circumstances described in the 
Acts (xviii. 6), when the Jews were assuming the attitude of an organ- 
ized and systematic resistance,’ and assailing the Apostle in the language 
of blasphemy,? like those who had accused our Saviour of casting out 
devils by Beelzebub. 
Now, therefore, the Apostle left the Jews, and turned to the Gentiles. 
He withdrew from his own people with one of those symbolical actions, 
which, in the East, have all the expressiveness of language,’ and which, 
having received the sanction of our Lord Himself,‘ are equivalent to the 
denunciation of woe. He shook the dust off his garments,> and pro- 
claimed himself innocent of the blood * of those who refused to listen to 
the voice which offered them salvation. A proselyte, whose name was 
Justus,’ opened his door to the rejected Apostle ; and that house became 
thenceforward the place of public teaching. While he continued doubt 
less to lodge with Aquila and Priscilla (for the Lord had said * that His 
Apostle should abide in the house where the “Son of peace” was), he 
met his flock in the house of Justus. Some place convenient for general 
meeting was evidently necessary for the continuance of St. Paul’s work 
in the cities where he resided. So long as possible, it was the Synagogue. 
When he was exiled from the Jewish place of worship, or unable from 
other causes to attend it, it was such a place as providential circumstances 
might suggest. At Rome it was his own hired lodging (Acts xxviii. 30): © 
at Ephesus it was the School of Tyrannus (Acts xix. 9). Here at 
Corinth it was a house “contiguous to the Synagogue,” offered on the 
emergency for the Apostle’s use by one who had listened and believed. It 
may readily be supposed that no convenient place could be found in the 
manufactory of Aquila and Priscilla. There, too, in the society of Jews 
lately exiled from Rome, he could hardly have looked for a congregation 
of Gentiles; whereas Justus, being a proselyte, was exactly in a position 
to receive under his roof, indiscriminately, both Hebrews and Greeks. 
Special mention is made of the fact, that the house of Justus was — 
‘contiguous to the Synagogue.” We are not necessarily to infer from — 


‘ St. Luke here uses a military term. 7 Nothing more is known of him. The 

* Compare Matt. xii. 24-81. name is Latin. 

5 See Acts xiii. 51 [p. 162]. 8 Luke x. 6,7. St. Paul “abode” (imp.) 

* Mark vi. 11. 5 Acts xviii. 6. in the house of Aquila and Priscilla (vy. 3), — 

® See Acts v.28, xx. 26. Also Ezek. xxxiii. | while it is merely said that he “went to” 
&. 9; and Matt. xxvii. 24. (aor.) that of Justus (v. 7). 


BaP. Kl, CORINTHIANS REFEREED TO BY 8ST. PAUL. 3439 


this that St. Paul had any deliberate motive for choosing that locality. 
Though it might be that he would show the Jews, as in a visible symbol, 
that “ by their sin salvation had come to the Gentiles, to provoke them to 
jealousy,” !'— while at the same time he remained as near to them as 
possible, to assure them of his readiness to return at the moment of their 
repentance. Whatever we may surmise concerning the motive of this 
choice, certain consequences must have followed from the contiguity of 
the house and the Synagogue, and some incident resulting from it may 
have suggested the mention of the fact. The Jewish and Christian con- 
gregations would often meet face to face in the street ; and all the success 
of the Gospel would become more palpable and conspicuous. And even 
if we leave out of view such considerations as these, there is a certain 
interest attaching to any phrase which tends to localize the scene of Apos- 
tulical labors. When we think of events that we have witnessed, we always 
reproduce in the mind, however dimly, some image of the place where the 
eyents have occurred. This condition of human thought is common to 
us and to the Apostles. The house of John’s mother at Jerusalem (Acts 
xii.), the proseucha by the water-side at Philippi (Acts xvi.), were asso- 
ciated with many recollections in the minds of the earliest Christians. 
And when St. Paul thought, even many years afterwards, of what 
occurred on his first visit to Corinth, the images before the “inward eye” 
would be not merely the general aspect of the houses and temples of 
Corinth, with the great citadel overtowering them, but the Synagogue 
and the house of Justus, the incidents which happened in their neighbor- 
hood, and the gestures and faces of those who encountered each other in 
the street. 

If an interest is attached to the places, a still deeper interest is attached 
to the persons, referred to in the history of the planting of the Church. 
In the case of Corinth, the names both of individuals and families are 
mentioned in abundance. The family of Stephanas is the first that 
occurs to us; for they seem to have been the earliest Corinthian converts. 
St. Paul himself speaks of that household, in the first Epistle to the 
Corinthians (xvi. 15), as “ the first-fruits of Achaia.”? Another Chris- 
tian of Corinth, well worthy of the recollection of the church of after- 
ages, was Caius (1 Cor. i. 14), with whom St. Paul found a home on his 
next visit (Rom. xvi. 23), as he found one now with Aquila and Priscilla. 
We may conjecture, with reason, that his present host and hostess had 
now given their formal adherence to St. Paul, and that they left the 


1 Rom. xi. 11. ia” were retained, we should be at liberty to 

2 In Rom. xvi. 5 we hold “ Asia” to be suppose that Epenetus was a member of the 
undoubtedly the right reading. See note on household of Stephanas, and thus we might 
the passage. If however, the reading“ Acha- reconcile 1 Cor. xvi. 15 with Rom. xvi. 5. 


850 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 



























Synagogue with him. After the open schism had taken place, we find 
the Church rapidly increasing. ‘ Many of the Corinthians began to be- 
lieve when they heard, and came to receive baptism.” (Acts xviii. 8.) 
We derive some information from St. Paul’s own writings concerning the 
character of those who became believers. Not many of the philosophers, 
—not many of the noble and powerful (1 Cor. i. 26),— but many of 
those who had been profligate and degraded (1 Cor. vi. 11), were called. 
The ignorant of this world were chosen to confound the wise, and the 
weak to confound the strong. From St. Paul’s language we infer that 
the Gentile converts were more numerous than the Jewish. Yet one 
signal victory of the Gospel over Judaism must be mentioned here, 
the conversion of Crispus (Acts xviii. 8), who, from his position as 
“ruler of the Synagogue,” may be presumed to have been a man of 
learning and high character, and who now, with all his family, joined 
himself to the new community. His conversion was felt to be so impor- 
tant, that the Apostle deviated from his usual practice (1 Cor. i. 14-16), 
and baptized him, as well as Caius and the household of Stephanas, with 
his own hand. ; 

Such an event as the baptism of Crispus must have had a great effec 
in exasperating the Jews against St. Paul. Their opposition grew with 
his success. As we approach the time when the second letter to the 
Thessalonians was written, we find the difficulties of his position increas- 
ing. In the first Epistle the writer’s mind is almost entirely occupied 
with the thought of what might be happening at Thessalonica: in the 
second, the remembrance of his own pressing trial seems to mingle 
xaore conspicuously with the exhortations and warnings addressed to 
those who are absent. He particularly asks for the prayers of the 
Thessalonians, that he may be delivered from the perverse and wicked 
men around him, who were destitute of faith. It is evident that he 
was in a condition of fear and anxiety. This is further manifest from 
the words which were heard by him in a vision vouchsafed at this criti- 
cal period.2 We have already had occasion to observe, that such timely 
visitations were granted to the Apostle, when he was most in need of 
supernatural aid.’ In the present instance, the Lord, who spoke to him 
in the night, gave him an assurance of His presence,‘ and a promise of 
safety, along with a prophecy of good success at Corinth, and a command” 
io speak boldly without fear, and not to keep silence. From this we may 
infer that his faith in Christ’s presence was failing, that fear was 
beginning to produce hesitation, —and that the work of extending the 


7 


» See below, 2 Thess. iii. 2. ® See p. 243. 
* Acts xviii. 9, 10 * Compare Matt. xxviii. 20- 


THE SECOND ADVENT OF THE LORD. 30] 





Gospel was in danger of being arrested.’ The servant of God received 
conscious strength in the moment of trial and conflict; and the divine 
words were fulfilled in the formation of a large and flourishing church at 
Corinth, and in a safe and continued residence in that city, through the 
space of a year and six months. 

Not many months of this period had elapsed when St. Paul found it 
necessary to write again to the Thessalonians. The excitement which 
he had endeavored to allay by his first Epistle was not arrested, and the 
fanatical portion of the church had availed themselves of the impres 
sion produced by St. Paul’s personal teaching to increase it. It will be 
remembered that a subject on which he had especially dwelt while he was 
at Thessalonica,’ and to which he had also alluded in his first Epistle,’ 
was the second advent of our Lord. We know that our Saviour Him- 
self had warned His disciples that “ of that day and that hour knoweth 
no man, no, not the angels of heaven, but the Father only;”’ and we 
find these words remarkably fulfilled by the fact that the early Church, 
and even the Apostles themselves, expected‘ their Lord to come 
again in that very generation. St. Paul himself shared in that expecta- 
tion, but, being under the guidance of the Spirit of Truth, he did not 
deduce therefrom any erroneous practical conclusions. Some of his 
disciples, on the other hand, inferred that if indeed the present world 
were so soon to come to an end, it was useless to pursue their common 
earthly employments any longer. They forsook their work, and gave 
themselves up to dreamy expectations of the future; so that the whole 
framework of society in the Thessalonian Church was in danger of dis- 
solution. Those who encouraged this delusion, supported it by imagina- 
ry revelations of the Spirit: * and they even had recourse to forgery, and 
circulated a letter purporting to be written by St. Paul,* in confirmation 
of their views. To check this evil, St. Paul wrote his second Episile. 
In this he endeavors to remove their present erroneous expectations of 
Christ’s immediate coming, by reminding them of certain signs which 
must precede the second advent. He had already told them of these 
signs when he was with them; and this explains the extreme obscurity 
of his description of them in the present Epistle ; for he was not giving 
new information, but alluding to facts which he had already explained te 


1 Observe the strong expressions which St. 
Paul himself uses (1 Cor. ii. 3) of his own 
State of mind during this stay at Corinth. 

2 As he himself reminds his readers (2 
Thess. ii. 5), and as we find in the Acts (xvii. 
7). See p. 282. 

® 1 Thess. y. 1-11. 

* [Professor Ellicott, in his note on 1 Thess. 


iv. 15, deprecates the inference that the Apos 
tle definitely expected the second Advent to 
eccur in his own lifetime. — 5.] 

5 2 Thess. ii. 2. 

6 2 Thess. ii. 2. Compare iii. 17. Per- 
haps, however, these expressions may admit 
of being explained as referring to the ramoz 
of a letter. 


10 


852 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 



















them at an earlier period. It would have been well if this had beer 
remembered by all those who have extracted such numerous and dis- 
cordant prophecies and anathemas from certain passages in the followi 
Epistle. 


SECOND EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS.' 


PAUL, and Silvanus, and 'Timothous, TO THE CHURCH Sattation 
OF THE THESSALONIANS, in God our Father, and our Lord Jesus 
Christ. 

Grace be to you, and peace, from God our Father and our Lord Jesus 
Christ. 


I? am bound to give thanks to God continually on your be- 
half, brethren, as is fitting, because of the abundant increase 


ander their 
under the 
secutions from | 
Sint 
of your faith, and the overflowing love wherewith you are ~" *” 


filled, every one of you, towards each other. So that I myself boast of 
you among the churches of God, for your steadfastness and faith, in all 
the persecutions and afflictions which you are bearing. And these 
things are a token that the righteous judgment of God will count you 
worthy of His kingdom, for which you are even now suffering. For 
doubtless God’s righteousness cannot but render back trouble to those 
who trouble you, and give to you, who now are troubled, rest with 
me,? when the Lord Jesus shall be revealed from heaven with the 
angels of His might, in flames of fire, taking vengeance on those who 
know not God, and will not hearken to the Glad-tidings of our Lord 
Jesus Christ. And from‘ the presence of the Lerd, and from the 
brightness of His glorious majesty, they shail receive their righteous 
doom, even an everlasting destruction, in that day when He shall come 


1 Tt is evident that this Epistle was writen 
at the time here assigned to it, soon after the 
first, from the following considerations : — 

(1) The state of the Thessalonian Church 
described in both Epistles is almost exactly 
the same. (A.) The same excitement pre- 
rails concerning the expected advent of our 
Lord, only in a greater degree. (B.) The 
same party continued fanatically to neglect 
their ordinary employments. Compare 2 
Thess. iii. 6-14 with 1 Thess. iv. 16-12, and 
1 Thess. ii. 9. 


(2) Silas and Timotheus were still with St. 
Paul. 2 Thess. i. 1. It should be observed — 
that Timotheus was next with St. Paul at 
Ephesus; and that, before then, Silas disap 
pears from the history. 

2 See note on 1 Thess. i. 3. 

8 On the use of the plural pronoun, see — 
note on 1 Thess. i. 8. ¥ 

* The preposition here has the sense of 


“ proceeding from.” 








SECOND EPISTLE T@ THE THESSALONIANS. 353 


JHaP. XI. 


to be glorified in His saints, and to be admired in all believers; [and you 

are of that number], for you believed my testimony. To this end I prayi.1! 
continually on your behalf, that our God may count you worthy of the 
calling wherewith He has called you, and mightily perfect within you all 
the content of goodness! and the work of faith. ‘That the name of our 12 
Lord Jesus may be glorified in you, and that you may be glorified? in 
Him, according to the grace of our God, and of our Lord Jesus Christ.’ 


Warning But concerning* the appearing of our Lord Jesus Christ, i.1 
mediate ex» and our gathering together to meet Him, I beseech you, 3 
?s com- 


brethren, not rashly to be shaken from your soberness of mind, 
nor to be agitated either by spirit,‘ or by rumor, or by letter ° attributed to 
me,’ saying that the day of the Lord is come.? Let no one deceive youby 3 
any means ; for before that day, the falling-away must first have come, and 
the man of sin be revealed, the son of perdition; who opposes himself 4 
and exalts himself against all that is called God, and against all worship ; 
even to seat himself* in the temple of God, and openly declare himself a 
God. Do you not remember that when I was still with you, I often® told 5 
you this? And now you know the hinderance why he is not yet revealed, 6¢ 
in his own season. For the mystery of lawlessness * is already working, 7 
only he, whe now hinders, will hinder till he be taken out of the way ; 
and then the lawless one will be revealed, whom the Lord shall consume § 
with the breath of His mouth," and shall destroy with the brightness of 


1 The same word is used in the sense ef 
good will, geod pleasure, satisfaction, in Luke ii. 
14 and Rom. x.i. The A. V. here would 
require a word to be supplied. 

2 The glory of our Lord at His coming 
will be manifested in His people (see vy. 10) ; 
that is, they, by virtue of their union with 
Him, will partake of His glorious likeness. 
C£ Rom. viii. 17, 18,19. And, even in this 
world, this glorification takes place partially, 
by their moral conformity to His image. See 
Rem. viii. 30, and 2 Cor. iii. 18. 

3 In respect of, or perhaps (as Prof. Jowett 
takes it) en behalf of, as though St. Paul were 
pleading in honor of that day; it is wrongly 
translated in A. V. as an adjuration. 

* 7%. e. any pretended revelation ef these 
who claimed inspiration. 

5 See the preceding remarks upen the 
occasion of this Epistle. 

23 


o 


§ Literally ‘“‘as theugh eriginated by me:” 
the words may include both “ spirit,” “ ra- 
mor,” and “ letter.” 

7 Literally “is present.” So the verb is 
always used in the New Testament. See 
Rom. viii. 88; 1 Cor. iii. 22; Gal. i. 4; 2 
Tim. iii. 1; Heb. ix. 9. 

® The received text interpolates here “ as 
Ged,” but the MSS. do not confirm this read- 


ing. 

® The verb is in the imperfect. 

1° The proper meaning of avouec is one un- 
restrained by law: hence it is often used as a 
transgressor, or, generally, @ wicked man, as 
éveuia is used often simply for iniquity ; but in 
this passage it seems best to keep to the origi- 
nal meaning of the word. y 

ll This appears to be an allusion to (al- 
though not an exact quotation of) Isaiah xi. 
4;— “ With the breath of His lips He shall 


13 


\7 


fii. 1 


[o) 


2 


354 THE LIFE AND EFISTLES OF 8T. PAUL 







His appearing. But the appearing of that lawless one evw! be in the 
strength of Satan’s working, with all the might and signs and yonders of 
falsehood, and all the delusions of unrighteousness, for those wo are in 
the way of perdition; because they received not the love of the truth, 
whereby they might be saved. For this cause, God will send upon them 
an inward working of delusion, making them believe in lies, that all 
should be condemned who have not believed the truth, but have taken 
pleasure in unrighteousness. . 

But for you, brethren beloved of the Lord, 1 am bound to ie cae 
thank God continually, because He chose you from the first 1, stex 
unto salvation, in sanctification of the Spirit, and belief of the °“™* 
truth. And to this He called you through my Glad-tidings, that you 
might obtain the glory of our Lord Jesus Christ. Therefore, bretl.ren, bs 
steadfast, and hold fast the teaching which has been delivered ‘o you, 
whether by my words or by my letters. And may our Lord Jesus Chris’ 
Himself, and our God and Father, who has loved us, and has given us i? 
His grace a consolation that is eternal, and a hope that cannot fai) — 
comfort your hearts, and establish you in all goodness both of word anc 
deed. 

Finally, brethren, pray for me, that the word of the Lord = 
Jesus may hold its onward course, and that its glory may be Prayers. . 
shown forth towards others as towards you; and that I may be delivered 
from the perverse and wicked ; for not all men have faith. But the Lor¢ 
is faithful, and He will keep you steadfast, and guard you from evil. Ané 
I rely upon you in the Lord, that you are following and will follow my 
precepts. And may the Lord guide your hearts to the love of God, and 
to the steadfastness of Christ. 

I charge you, brethren, in the name of the Lord Jesus oe 
Christ, to withdraw yourselves from every brother who walks {Oeciet, 
disorderly, and not according to the rules which I delivered. =e a 
For you know yourselves the way to follow my examvle; you know that © 
my life among you was not disorderly, nor war J fed by any man’s ' 
bounty, but earned my bread by my own labor, toiling night and day. 


a oe ee ee 


e 
destroy the impious man.” (LXX. version.) Paul’s thoughts) to the Messiah’s coming, and \ 
Some of the Rabbinical commentators applied _interpreted “‘ the impious ” to mean an individ- 
this prophecy (which was probably in St. ual opponent of the Messiah. 


CHAP, XI. CHRISTIAN CORRESPONDENCE. 355 


that I might not be burdensome to any of you.! And this I did, not ii % 
because I am without the right? [of being maintained by those to whom 

I minister], but that I might make myself a pattern for you to imitate. 

For when I was with you I often® gave you this rule: “ If any man will 10 
not work, neither let him eat.”” Whereas I hear that some among you il 


are walking disorderly, neglecting their own work, and meddling‘ with 


that of others. Such, therefore, I charge and exhort, by the authority of 12 
our Lord Jesus Christ, to work in quietness, and eat their own bread. 

Mode of deal: But you, brethren, notwithstanding,’ be not weary of doing 13 
wo reuse good. If any man be disobedient to my written word, mark 14 
that man, and cease from intercourse with him, that he may be brought 

to shame. Yet count him not as an enemy, but admonish him as a 15 
brother. And may the Lord of peace Himself give you peace in all ways 16 


and at all seasons. The Lord be with you all. 


An autograph The salutation of me Paul with my own hand, which is my 17 


postscript the i d 

sign of genu- token in every letter. Thus I write.’ 

ineness, ¥ 

eudiog The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ be with you all.’ 12 


Such was the second of the two letters which St. Paul wrote to Thes- 
salonica during his residence at Corinth. Such was the Christian cor- 
respondence now established, in addition to the political and commercial 
correspondence existing before, between the two capitals of Achaia and 
Macedonia. Along with the official documents which passed between the 
governors of the contiguous provinces,’ and the communications between 
the merchants of the Northern and Western Aigean, letters were now 
sent, which related to the establishment of a “kingdom not of this 
world,” and to “ riches ”’ beyond the discovery of human enterprise.” 


7 «<Thus.” With this we may compare 
Gal. vi. 11. We have before remarked that 


1 Compare the speech at Miletus, Acts xx. 
2 See note on 1 Thess. ii. 6. 


5 Imperfect. 

* The characteristic paronomasia here is not 
exactly translatable into English. “ Busy-bodies 
who do no business” would be an imitation. 

> 7. e. although your kindness may have 
been abused by such idle trespassers on your 
bounty. 

§ Literally, my word [sent] by the letter, 
which probably refers to the directions sent in 
the former letter, 1 Thess. iv. 11, 12. Soa 
previous letter is referred to, 1 Cor. v. 9, and 
2 Cor. vii. 8. 


St. Paul’s letters were written by an amanuen- 
sis, with the exception of an autograph post- 
script. Compare Rom. xvi. 22. 

8 « Amen ”’ here (as in the end of 1 Thess. } 
is a subsequent addition. 

® Cicero’s Cilician Correspondence  fur- 
nishes many specimens of the letters which 
passed between the governors of neighboring 
provinces. 

10 John xviii. 36. 

u Eph. iii. 8. 


856 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 

























The influence of great cities has always been important on the wid 
movements of human life. We see St. Paul diligently using this in 
fluence, during a protracted residence at Corinth, for the spreading an 
strengthening of the Gospel in Achaia and beyond. As regards th 
province of Achaia, we have no reason to suppose that he confined his 
activity to its metropolis. The expression used by St. Luke’ need only 
denote that it was his headquarters, or general place of residence. Com- 
munication was easy and frequent, by land or by water,’ with other parts 
of the province. Two short days’ journey to the south were the Jews of 
Argos,’ who might be to those of Corinth what the Jews of Berea had 
been to those of Thessalonica.! About the same distance to the east was 
the city of Athens,° which had been imperfectly evangelized, and could be 
visited without danger. Within a walk of a few hours, along a road 
busy with traffic, was the seaport of Cenchrea, known to us as the resi- 
dence of a Christian community. These were the “ Churches of God” 
(2 Thess. i. 4), among whom the Apostle boasted of the patience and the 
faith of the Thessalonians,’ — the homes of “ the saints in all Achaia” 
(2 Cor. i. 1), saluted at a later period, with the Church of Corinth,’ in a 
letter written from Macedonia. These Churches had alternately the 
blessings of the presence and the letters — the oral and the written teach- 
ing —of St. Paul. The former of these blessings is now no longer 
granted to us; but those long and wearisome journeys, which withdrew 
the teacher so often from his anxious converts, have resulted in our pos- 
session of inspired Epistles, in all their freshness and integrity, and with 
all their lessons of wisdom and love. 





Coin of Thessalonica.? 


1 Acts xviii. 11. 

2 Much of the intercourse in Greece has 
always gone on by small coasters. Pouque- 
ville mentions traces of a paved road between 
Corinth and Argos. 

8 See pp. 17 and 335. 

* See above, p. 293. 

5 We have not entered into the question of 
St. Paul’s journey from Athens to Corinth. 
He may have travelled by the coast road 


through Eleusis and Megara; or a sail of a 
few hours, with a fair wind, would take him 
from the Pirsus to Cenchrea. 

6 Rom. xvi. 1. i 

7 Compare 1 Thess. i. 7, 8. 

8 It is possible that the phrase “in every” 
place” (1 Cori. 2) may have the same meaning. 

® From the British Museum. For a long 
series of coins of this character, see Mionnet 
and the Supplement. ¢ 


| 
| 
. 
| 
3 


CHAPTER XIL 


The Isthmus and Acrecerinthus.— Early Histery of Corinth.—Its Trade and Wealth. — 
Corinth under the Romans.— Province of Achaia.—Gallio the Governor.— Tumult at 
Corinth. — Cenchrea. — Voyage by Enhesus to Cexsarea.— Visit to Jerusalem. — Antioch. 


OW that wo ave entered upon the first part of the long series of St. 
Paul’s letters, we seem to be arrived at a new stage of the Apostle’s 
biography. The materials for a mors intimate knowledge are before us. 
More life.is given to the picture. We have advanced from the field of 
geographical description and general history to the higher interest of per- 
sonal detail. Even such details as relate to the writing materials employed 
in the Epistles, and the mode in which these epistles were transmitted 
from city to city, —all stages in the history of an Apostolic letter, from 
the hand of the amanuensis who wrote from the author’s inspired dicta- 
tion, to the opening and reading of the document in the public assembly © 
of the Church to which it was addressed, have a sacred claim on the 
Christian’s attention. For the present we must defer the examination of 
such particulars.' We remain with the Apostle himself, instead of follow- 
ing the journeys of his letters to Thessalonica, and tracing the effects 
which the last of them produced. We have before us a protracted resi- 
dence in Corinth,’ a voyage by sea to Syria,’ and a journey by land from 
Antioch to Ephesus,‘ before we come to the next group of St. Paul’s 
Epistles. 

We must linger first for a time in Corinth, the great city where he 
staid a longer time than at any point on his previous journeys, and 
from which, or to which, the most important of his letters were written.° 
And, according to the plan we have hitherto observed, we proceed to 
elucidate its geographical position, and the principal stages of its history. 

The Jsthmus® is the most remarkable feature in the Geography of 
Greece ; and the peculiar relation which it established between the land 
and the water—and between the Morea and the Continent —had the 


1 See a note on this subject in Ch. XXVL - 3t is from this Greek “bridge of the 
2 Acts xviii. 11-18. % Acts xviii. 18-22. sea that the name isthmus has been given te 
* Acts xviii. 23. See xix. 1. Overy similar neck of land in the world. 


® The Epistles to the Thessalonians, Corin- 
thians, and Romans. 
857 


858 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 















utmost effect on the whole course of the History of Greece. When we 
were considering the topography and aspect of Athens, all the associa- 
tions which surrounded us were Athenian. Here at the Isthmus, we 
are, as it were, at the centre of the activity of the Greek race in general. 
It has the closest connection with all their most important movements, 
beth military and commercial. 

In all the periods of Greek history, from the earliest to the latest, we 
see the military importance of the Isthmus. The phrase of Pindar is, 
that it was “the bridge of the sea:” it formed the only line of mare: 
for an invading or retreating army. Xenophon speaks of it as “ the gate 
of the Peloponnesus,” the closing of which would make all ingress and 
egress impossible. And we’ find that it was closed at various times, by 
being fortified and re-fortified by a wall, some traces of which remain to the 
present day. In the Persian war, when consternation was spread amongst 
the Greeks by the death of Leonidas, the wall was first built. In the 
Peloponnesian war, when the Greeks turned fratricidal arms against each 
other, the Isthmus was often the point of the conflict between the Athe- 
nians and their enemies. In the time of the Theban supremacy, the wall 
again appears as a fortified line from sea to sea. When Greece became 
Roman, the provincial arrangements neutralized, for a time, the military 
importance of the Isthmus. But when the barbarians poured in from 
the North, like the Persians of old, its wall was repaired by Valerian. 
Again it was rebuilt by Justinian, who fortified it with a hundred and 
fifty towers. And we trace its history through the later period of the 
Venetian power in the Levant, from the vast works of 1463, to the peace 
of 1699, when it was made the boundary of the territories of the Re- 
public. 

Conspicuous, both in connection with the military defences of the 
Isthmus, and in the prominent features of its scenery, is the Acrocorinthus 
or citadel of Corinth, which rises in form and abruptness like the rock of 
Dumbarton. But this comparison is quite inadequate to express the 
magnitude of the Corinthian citadel. It is elevated two thousand feet? 
above the level of the sea; it throws a vast shadow across the plain at its 
base; the ascent is a journey involving some fatigue; and the space of 
ground on the summit is so extensive, that it contained a whole town,’ 


1 The wall was not built in a straight line, 
bat followed the sinuosities of the ground. 
‘The remains of square towers are visible in 
some places. The eastern portion abutted 
on the Sanctuary of Neptune, where the Isth- 
mian games are held. 

* Dodwell. The ascent is by a zigzag 
yoad, which Strabo says was thirty stadia in 
iwagth. “ Looking down upon the isthmus, 


the shadow of the Acrocorinthus, of a conical 
shape, extended exactly half across its length, 
the point of the cone being central between 
the two seas.” — Dr. Clarke. 

3 Dodwell and Clarke. The city, accord- 
ing to Xenophon, was forty stadia in circum-— 
ference without the Acropolis, and eighty-five 
with it. 







CHAP, XH, THE ACROCORINTAODS. 359: 


which, under the Turkish dominion, had several mosques. Yet notwith- 
standing its colossal dimensions, its sides are so precipitous, that a few 
soldiers are enough to guard it.! The possession of this fortress has been 
the object of repeated struggles in the latest wars between the Turks and 
the Greeks, and again between the Turks and the Venetians. It was said to 
Philip, when he wished to acquire possession of the Morea, that the Acro 
corinthus was one of the horns he must seize, in order to secure the heifer. 
Thus Corinth might well be called “the eye of Greece” in a military 
sense, as Athens has often been so called in another sense. If the rock 
of Minerva was the Acropolis of the Athenian people, the mountain of 
the Isthmus was truly named “ the Acropolis of the Greeks.” 

It will readily be imagined that the view from the summit is magnifi- 
cent and extensive.? A seais on either hand. Across that which lies on 
the east, a clear sight is obtained of the Acropolis of Athens, at a dis- 
tance of forty-five miles? The mountains of Attica and Beotia, and the 
islands of the Archipelago, close the prospect in this direction. Beyond 
the western sea, which flows in from the Adriatic, are the large masses 
of the mountains of north-eastern Greece, with Parnassus towering 
above Delphi. Immediately beneath us is the narrow plain which 
separates the seas. The city itself is on a small table-land‘ of no great 
elevation, connected with the northern base of the Acrocorinthus. At 
the edge of the lower level are the harbors which made Corinth the em- 
porium of the richest trade of the Hast and the West. 

We are thus brought to that which is really the characteristic both of 
Corinthian geography and Corinthian history, its close relation to the 
commerce of the Mediterranean. Plutarch says, that there was a want 


\ 


1 Plutarch says that it was guarded by 400 ‘tered up and down it, is none of the least of 
soldiers, 50 dogs, and as many keepers. the ornaments of this prospect. The town 

2 Wheler’s description is as follows: — also that lieth north of the castle, in little 
“We mounted to the top of the highest point, knots of houses, surrounded with orchards 
and had one of the most agreeable prospects and gardens of oranges, lemons, citrons, and 
in the world. On the right hand of us the cypress-trees, and mixed with cornfields between, 
Saronic Gulf, with all its little islands strewed is asightnot less delightful. So that it is hard 
up and down it, to Cape Colonne on the to judge whether this plain is more beautiful to 
Promontory Sunium. Beyond that the is- the beholders or profitable to the inhabitants.” 
lands of the Archipelago seemed to close up This was in 1675, before the last conflicts of 
the mouth of the Gulf. On the left handofus the Turks and Venetians. 
we had the Gulf of Lepanto or Corinth, as 3“ As from the Parthenon at Athens we 
far as beyond Sicyon, bounded northward with had seen the citadel of Corinth, so now we 
all these famous mountains of old times, with had a commanding view, across the Saronic 
the Isthmus, even to Athens, lying in a row, Gulf, of Salamis and the Athenian Acrop- 
and presenting themselves orderly to our view. lis.” — Dr. Clarke. See above, under 
The plain of Corinth towards Sicyon or Athens. 
Basilico is well watered by two rivulets, well * Leake’s description entirely corresponds 
tilled, well planted with olive-yards and vine- with Strabo’s. 
yards, and, having many little villages scat- 


360 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 
























of good harbors in Achaia; and Strabo speaks of the circumnavigatio 
of the Morea as dangerous.! Cape Malea was proverbially formidable 
and held the same relation to the voyages of ancient days which th 
Cape of Good Hope does to our own.? Thus, a narrow and level isth 
mus,° across which smaller vessels could be dragged from gulf to gulf} 
was of inestimable value to the early traders of the Levant. And th 
two harbors, which received the ships of a more maturely develo 
trade, — Cenchrea® on the Eastern Sea, and Lecheum® on the Western 
with a third and smaller port, called Schcenus,’ where the isthmus w 
narrowest, — form an essential part of our idea of Corinth. Its commo 
title in the poets is “the city of the two seas.”*® It is allegoricall 
represented in art as a female figure on a rock, between two othe 
figures, each of whom bears a rudder, the symbol of navigation an 
trade.® It is the same image which appears under another form in th 
words of the rhetorician, who said that it was “ the prow and the stern 
of Greece.” ” 

As we noticed above a continuous fortress which was carried across 
the Isthmus, in connection with its military history, so here we have to 
mention another continuous work which was attempted, in connection 
with its mercantile history. This was the ship canal ;— which, after 
being often projected, was about to be begun again near the very time 
of St. Paul’s visit." Parallels often suggest themselves between the 
relation of the parts of the Mediterranean to each other, and those of 
the Atlantic and Pacific: for the basins of the “‘ Midland Sea” were to 
the Greek and Roman trade what the Oceanic spaces are to ours. And 


1 He adds that the Sicilian sea was avoided 
by mariners as much as possible. 

2 A proverb said of this south-eastern point 
of the Morea: “ When you are round Cape 
Malea, forget all you have at home.” 

5 See above, note on the word “ Isthmus.” 

* Hence the narrowest part of the Isthmus 
was called by a word which in meaning and in 
piratic associations corresponds with the Yar- 
bert of Scotch geography. The distance 
across is about three miles; nearer Corinth it 
is six miles, whence the name of the modern 
village of Hexamili. 

5 For Cenchrea, see below, pp. 366, 367. 
It was seventy stadia distant from the city. 

§ Lechseum was united to Corinth by long 
walls. Itwas about twelve stadia distant from 
the city. 

7 Schenrs was at the point where the 
Isthmus was narrowest, close to the Sanctuary 








of Neptune and the eastern portion of the 
Isthmian wall. The ship is described as sail- 
ing to this port in the early times when Athens 
had the presidency of the games. 
5 One phrase which was used of it is that 
which we find in Acts xxvii. 41. 
® See this on the coin at the end of Chap. 
xii. 
10 The phrase seems to have been pro- 
verbial. . 
Demetrius Poliorcetes, Julius Cesar, and 
Caligula had all entertained the notion of cut 
ting through the Isthmus. Nero really began 
the undertaking in the year 52, but soon de 
sisted. See Leake (pp. 297-302), who quoter 
all the authorities. The portion of the trench 
which remains is at the narrowest part, near 
the shore of the Corinthian Gulf. Dodwel) 
came upon it, after crossing Mount Geraneia 
from Attica. 


oar, xm. COMMERCE AND WEALTH OF CORINTH. $61 


it is difficult, in speaking of a visit to the Isthmus of Corinth in the year 
52,1 — which only preceded by a short interval the work of Nero’s engi- 
neers, — not to be reminded of the Isthmus of Panama in the year 1852, 
during which active progress was made in an undertaking often project 
ed, but never yet carried into effect.” 

There is this difference, however, between the Oceanic and the Medi- 
terranean Isthmus, that one of the great cities of the ancient world always 
existed at the latter. What some future Darien may be destined to be- 
come, we cannot prophesy: but, at a very early date, we find Corinth 
celebrated by the poets for its wealth. This wealth must inevitably have 
grown up, from its mercantile relations, even without reference to its two 
seas, — if we attend to the fact on which Thucydides laid stress, that it 
was the place through which all ingress and egress took place between 
Northern and Southern Greece, before the development of commerce 
by water But it was its conspicuous position on the narrow neck of land 
between the Avgean and Ionian Seas, which was the main cause of its 
commercial greatness. The construction of the ship Argo is assigned by 
mythology to Corinth. The Samians obtained their shipbuilders from 
her. The first Greek triremes,—the first Greek sea-fights,— are con- 
nected with her history. Neptune was her god. Her colonies were 
spread over distant coasts in the East and West; and ships came from 
every sea to her harbors. Thus she became the common resort and the 
universal market of the Greeks.* Her population and wealth were fur- 
ther augmented by the manufactures in metallurgy, dyeing, and porce- 
lain, which grew up in connection with the import and export of goods. 
And at periodical intervals the crowding of her streets and the activity 
of her trade received a new impulse from the strangers who flocked to 
the Isthmian games ; — a subject to which our attention will often be called 
hereafter, but which must be passed over here with a simple allusion.‘ 
If we add all these particulars together, we see ample reason why the 
wealth, luxury, and profligacy of Corinth were proverbial® in the ancient 
world. 

In passing from the fortunes of the earlier, or Greek Corinth, to its his- 
tory under the Romans, the first scene that meets us is one of disaster 


1 The arguments for this date may be seen 
in Wieseler. We shall return to the subject 


2 Our first edition was published in 1852. 
At that time the various plans for an inter- 
eceanic canal were very much before the pub- 
lic. Now at least the railway is open for 
traffic from ocear to ocean. 

* One writer in another place compares 


Corinth to a ship loaded with merchandise. 
and says that a perpetual fair was held yearly 
and daily at the Isthmus. 

* See the beginnmg of Chap. XX., and the 
plan of the Posidonium there given. 

5 “Non cuivis homini contingit adire Co- 
rinthum.” — Hor. Ep. i. 17, 36. The word 
“ Corinthianize ” was used proverbially for ar 
immoral life. 


362 THE LIVE AND: EPISTLES OF 8T. PAUL. omar, 





and ruin. The destruction of this city by Mummius, about the s 
time that Carthage! was destroyed by Scipio, was so complete, that, like 
its previous wealth, it passed into a proverb. Its works of skill and Iux- 
ury were destroyed or carried away. Polybius, the historian, saw Roman 
soldiers playing at draughts on the pictures of famous artists; and the 
exhibition of vases and statues that decorated the triumph of the Capitol 
introduced a new era in the habits of the Romans. Meanwhile, the very 
place of the city from which these works were taken remained desolate 
for many years. The honor of presiding over the Isthmian games was 
given to Sicyon; and Corinth ceased even to be a resting-place of travel- 
lers between the East and the West.* But a new Corinth rose from the 
ashes of the old. Julius Cxsar, recognizing the importance of the Isth- 
mus as a military and mercantile position, sent thither a colony of Italians, 
who were chiefly freedmen.* This new establishment rapidly increased 
by the mere force of its position. Within a few years it grew, as Sinca- 
pore® has grown in our days, from nothing to an enormous city. The 
Greek merchants, who had fled on the Roman conquest to Delos and the — 
neighboring coasts, returned to their former home. The Jews settled 
themselves in a place most convenient both for the business of commerce - 
and for communication with Jerusalem.* Thus, when St. Paul arrived at 
Corinth after his sojourn at Athens, he found himself in the midst of a- 
numerous population of Greeks and Jews. They were probably far more 
numerous than the Romans, though the city had the constitution of a 
colony,’ and was the metropolis of a province. 

It is commonly assumed that Greece was constituted as a province un- 
der the name of Achaia, when Corinth was destroyed by Mummius. But 
this appears to be a mistake. There seems to have been an intermediate 
period, during which the country had a nominal independence, as was 
the case with the contiguous province of Macedonia. The description 


1 See Chap. I. p. 13. 

32 “Nevertheless,” says Colonel Leake, 
“the site, I conceive, cannot have been quite 
uninhabited, as the Romans neither destroye 
the public buildings nor persecuted the religion 
of the Corinthians. And as many of those 
buildings were still perfect in the time of 
Pansanias, there must have heen some persons 
who had the care of them during the century 
of desolation.” 

5 We have noticed above (p. 383, n. 4) that 
on Cicero’s journey between the East and 
West, we find him resting, not at Corinth, 
bat at Athens. In the time of Ovid, the city 
qwas rising again. 7 


* Professor Stanley notices the great num- 
ber of names of Corinthian Christians (Caius, 
Quartus, Fortunatus, Achaicus, Crispus, Jus- — 
tus), which indicate “either a Roman or @ 
servile origin.” Pref. to Corinthians. | 

5 See the Life of Sir Stamford Raffles and — 
later notices of the place in Rajah Brooke’s — 
journals, &e. : 

6 See the preceding chapter for the estab- 
lishment of the Jews at Corinth. | 

7 See the Latin letters on its coins. Its — 





full name was “Colonia Laus Julia Corin 


thus.” See coin at the end of this chapter. 


3 
3 


| 


omar, XO. ROMAN PROVINCE OF ACHATA. 363 


which has been given of the political limits of Macedonia (Ch. IX.) de- 
fines equally the extent of Achaia. It was bounded on all other sides by 
the sea, and was nearly co-extensive with the kingdom of Modern Greece. 
The name cf A faia was given to it, in consequence of the part played 
by the Achzar league in the last independent struggles of ancient 
Greece ; and Corinth, the head of that league, became the metropolis. 
The province experienced changes of government, such as those which 
have been alluded to in the case of Cyprus.? At first it was proconsular. 
Afterwards it was placed by Tiberius under a procurator of his own. 
But in the reign of Claudius it was again reckoned among the “ unarmed 
provinces,” * and governed by a proconsul 

One of the proconsuls who were sent out to govern the province of 
Achaia in the course of St. Paui’s second missionary journey was Gallio.* 
His original name was Anneus Novatus, and he was the brother of 


-Annzus Seneca the philospher. The name under which he was known 


to us in sacred and secular history was due to his adoption into the family 
of Junius Gallio the rhetorician. The time of his government at 
Corinth, as indicated by the sacred historian, must be placed between the 
years 52 and 54, if the dates we have assigned to St. Paul’s movements 
be correct. We have no exact information on this subject from any 
secular source, nor is he mentioned by any Heathen writer as having 
been proconsul of Achaia. But there are some incidental notices of his 
life, which give rather a curious confirmation of what is advanced above. 
We are informed by Tacitus and Dio that he died in the year 65. Pliny 
says that after his consulship he had a serious illness, for the removal of 
which he tried a sea-voyage: and from his brother Seneca we learn that 
it was in Achaia that he went on shipboard for the benefit of his health. 
If we knew the year of Gallio’s consu'ship, our chronological result 
would be brought within narrow limits. We do not possess this informa- 
tion ; but it has been reasonably conjectured that his promotion, if due 
to his brother’s influence, would be subsequent to the year 49, in which 
the philospher returned from his exile in Corsica, and had the youthful 
Nero placed under his tuition. The interval of time thus marked out 
between the restoration of Seneca and the death of Gallio, includes the 
narrower period assigned by St. Luke to the proconsulate in Achaia. 

The coming of a new governor to a province was an event of great im- 
portance The whole system of administration, the general prosperity, 


the state of political parties, the relative position of different sections of 


1 Ritter says that this is the meaningof which were proconsular and required the 
 Gorinthus Achaiz urbs,” in Tac. Hist. ii.1. presence of no army. See p. 214, m il. 
2 See Ch. V. ~* Kets xviii. 12. 


* A phrase applied _to _those provinces 


ay ey 


864 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL 









the population, were necessarily affected by his personal character. Th 
provincials were miserable or happy, according as a Verres or a Cicero 
was sent from Rome. As regards the personal character of Gallio, 
inference we should naturally draw from the words of St. Luke closely 
corresponds with what we are told by Seneca. His brother speaks of him 
with singular affection, not only as a man of integrity and honesty, but 
as one who won universal regard by his amiable temper and popular 
manners.! His conduct on the occasion of the tumult at Corinth is quite 
in harmony with a character so described. He did not allow himself, lik 
Pilate, to be led into injustice by the clamor of the Jews ;? and yet he 
overlooked, with easy indifference, an outbreak of violence which a 
sterner and more imperious governor would at once have arrested.* 

The details of this transaction were as follows : — The Jews, anxious to 
profit by a change of administration, and perhaps encouraged by the well- 
known compliance of Gallio’s character, took an early opportunity of 
accusing St. Paul before him. They had already set themselves in battle 
array ‘ against him, and the coming of the new governor was the signal 
for a general attack.’ It is quite evident that the act was preconcerted 
and the occasion chosen. Making use of the privileges they enjoyed as a 
separate community, and well aware that the exercise of their worship 
was protected by the Roman State,* they accused St. Paul of violating 
their own religious Law. They seem to have thought, if this violation of 
Jewish law could be proved, that St. Paul would become amenable to the 
criminal law of the Empire; or, perhaps, they hoped, as afterwards at 
Jerusalem, that he would be given up into their hands for punishment. 
Had Gallio been like Festus or Felix, this might easily have happened ; 
and then St. Paul’s natural resource would have been to appeal to the — 
Emperor, on the ground of his citizenship. But the appointed time of — 
his visit to Rome was not yet come, and the continuance of his missionary — 
labors was secured by the character of the governor, who was providen- 
tially sent at this time to manage the affairs of Achaia. 

The scene is set before us by St. Luke with some details which give us 
a vivid notion of what took place. Gallio is seated on that proconsular — 
chair? from which judicial sentences were pronounced by the Roman 


Jews were citizens under their Ethnarch, like 


1 The same character is given of him by 
the poet Statius. 

2 Acts xviii. 14. 

8 Acts xviii. 17. 

* See p. 348, n. 1. 

5 Acts xviii. 12. 

* Compare Joseph. War, ii. 14, 4, on 
Cwsarea. In Alexandria, there were four dis- 
tinct classes of population. among which the 


the Romans under their Juridicus. We need 
not discuss here the later position of the Jews, 
after Caracalla had made all freemen citizens. 
7 This chair, or tribunal, “ the indispensa- 
ble symbol of the Roman judgment-seat,” as 
it has been called, is mentioned three times in 
the course of this narrative. It was of two 
kinds: (1) fixed in some open and public 


\ 


. 


omar, XI. ST. PAUL ACCUSED BEFORE GALLIO. 365 


magistrates. To this we must doubtless add the other insignia of Roman 
power, which were suitable to a colony and the metropolis of a province. 
Before this Heathen authority the Jews are preferring their accusation 
with eager clamor. Their chief speaker is Sosthenes, the successor of 
Crispus, or (it may be) the ruler of another synagogue.! The Greeks? 
are standing round, eager to hear the result, and to learn something 
of the new governor’s character; and, at the same time, hating the 
Jews, and ready to be the partisans of St. Paul. At the moment when 
the Apostle is “‘ about to open his mouth,” * Gallio will not even hear his 
(defence; but pronounces a decided and peremptory judgment. 

His answer was that of a man who knew the limits of his office, and 
felt that be had no time to waste on_ the religious technicalities of the 
Jews. Had it been a case in which the Roman law had been violated by 
any breach of the peace or any act of dishonesty, then it would have 
been reasonable and right that the matter should have been fully investi- 
gated; but since it was only a question of the Jewish law, relating to 
the disputes of Hebrew superstition,‘ and to names of no public interest, 
he utterly refused to attend to it. They might excommunicate the offend- 
er, or inflict on him any of their ecclesiastical punishments; but he 
would not meddle with trifling quarrels, which were beyond his juris- 
diction. And without further delay he drove the Jews away from before 
his judicial chair.® 

The effect of this proceeding must have been to produce the utmost 
rage and disappointment among the Jews. With the Greeks and other 
bystanders® the result was very different. Their dislike of a supersti- 
tious and misanthropic nation was gratified. They held the forbearance 
of Gallio as a proof that their own religious liberties would be respected 
under the new administration ; and, with the disorderly impulse of a mob 
which has been kept for some time in suspense, they rushed upon the 
ruler of the synagogue, and beat him in the very presence of the procon- 
sular tribunal. Meanwhile, Gallio took no notice’ of the injurious pun- 


2 See note 6, below. 


place; (2) movable, and taken by the Roman 
magistrates to be placed wherever they might 
sit in a judicial character. Probably here 
and in the case of Pilate (John xix. 13) the 
former kind of seat is intended. See Smith’s 
Dictionary of Antiquities, under “ Sella.” 

1 Whether Sosthenes had really been 
elected to fill the place of Crispus, or was only 
a co-ordinate officer in the same or some other 
synagogue, must be left undetermined. On 
the organization of the synagogues, see Ch. 
VI. p. 154. It should be added, that we can- 
not confidently identify this Sosthenes with 
the “ brother” whose name occurs 1 Cor. i. 1. 


3 Acts xviii. 14. 

* Acts xviii. 15. We recognize here tha: 
much had been made by the Jews of the name 
of “Christ” being given to Jesus. 

5 Acts xviii. 16. 

® The true reading here does not specify 
who the persons were who beat Sosthenes. It 
cannot, however, be well doubted that they 
were Greeks. The reading “ Jews,” found in 
some MSS., is evidently wrong. 

7 Acts xviii. 17. See above on Gallio’s 
character. 


866 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 





ishment thus inflicted on the Jews, and with characteristic indifferen 
left Sosthenes to his fate. ' 
Thus the accusers were themselves involved in disgrace; Gallic 
obtained a high popularity among the Greeks, and St. Paul was enabled 
to pursue his labors in safety. Had he been driven away from Corinth, 
the whole Christian community of the place might have been put in 
jeopardy. But the result of the storm was to give shelter to the infant 
Church, with opportunity of safe and continued growth. As regards the 
Apostle himself, his credit rose with the disgrace of his opponents. So 
far as he might afterwards be noticed by the Roman governor or the 
Greek inhabitants of the city, he would be regarded as an injured man. 
As his own discretion had given advantage to the holy cause at Philippi, 
by involving his opponents in blame,! so here the most imminent peril 
was providentially turned into safety and honor. 
Thus the assurance communicated in the vision was abundantly 
fulfilled. Though bitter enemies had “ set on” Paul (Acts xviii. 10), no 
one had “hurt” him. The Lord had been “ with him,” and “ much 
people” had been gathered into His Church. At length the time came 
when the Apostle deemed it right to leave Achaia and revisit Judea, 
induced (as it would appear) by a motive which often guided his 
journeys, the desire to be present at the great gathering of the Jews at 
one of their festivals,? and possibly also influenced by the movements of 
Aquila and Priscilla, who were about to proceed from Corinth to 
Ephesus. Before his departure, he took a solemn farewell of the assem- 
bled Church.* How touching St. Paul’s farewells must have been, espe- 
cially after a protracted residence among his brethren and disciples, we 
may infer from the affectionate language of his letters; and one specimen 
is given to us of these parting addresses, in the Acts of the Apostles. 
From the words spoken at Miletus (Acts xx.), we may learn what was 
said and felt at Corinth. He could tell his disciples here, as he told 
them there, that he had taught them “ publicly and from house to 
house ; ” * that he was “ pure from the blood of all men;”’* that by the 
space of a year and a half he had “ not ceased to warn every one night 
and day with tears.” ® And doubtless he forewarned them of “ grievous 
- wolves entering in among them, of men speaking perverse things arising * 
of themselves, to draw away disciples after them.” And he could appeal 


1 See p. 269. ® Acts xviii. 18. 

2 See Acts xviii. 21. There is little doubt * Acts xx. 20. 
that the festival was Pentecost. We should 5 y, 26. Compare xviii. 6, and see p. 348. 
not, however, leave unnoticed that it is doubt- 6 y. 31. Compare what is said of his tears 


ful whether this allusion to the festival ought at Philippi. Philip. ili. 10. 
to be in the text. 7 vy. 29, 80. 


emAY. EI. CENCHREA. 367 


to them, with the emphatic gesture of “ those hands” which had labored 
at Corinth, in proof that he had “ coveted no man’s gold or silver,”’ and in ° 
confirmation of the Lord’s words, that “it is more blessed to give than to 
receive.” ! Thus he departed, with prayers and tears, from those who 
“accompanied him to the ship” with many misgivings that they might 
“see his face no more.” ? 

The three points on the coast to which our attention is called in 
the brief notice of this voyage contained in the Acts,’ are Cenchrea, 
the harbor of Corinth; Ephesus, on the western shore of Asia 
Minor; and Casarea Stratonis, in Palestine. More suitable occasions 
will be found hereafter for descriptions of Czesarea and Ephesus. 
The present seems to require a few words to be said concerning 
Cenchrea. 

After descending from the low table-land on which Corinth was situ- 
ated, the road which connected the city with its eastern harbor extended 
a distance of eight or nine miles across the Isthmian plain. Cenchrea 
has fallen with Corinth ; but the name‘ still remains to mark the place 
of the port, which once commanded a large trade with Alexandria and 
Antioch, with Ephesus and Thessalonica, and the other cities of the 
Aigean. ‘That it was a town of some magnitude may be inferred from 
the attent‘on which Pausanias devotes to it in the description of the en- 
virons of Corinth; and both its mercantile character, and the pains 
which had been taken in its embellishment, are well symbolized in the 
coin * which represents the port with a temple on each enclosing promon- 
tory, and a statue of Neptune on a rock between them. 

From this port St. Paul began his voyage to Syria. But before the 
vessel sailed, one of his companions performed a religious ceremony 
which must not. be unnoticed, since it is mentioned in Scripture. Aquila‘ 
had bound himself by one of those vows, which the Jews often volunta- 
rily took, even when in foreign countries, in consequence of some mercy 
received, or some deliverance from danger, or other occurrence which 
had produced a deep religious impression on the mind. The obligations 
of these vows were similar to those in the case of Nazarites, — as regards 
abstinence from strong drinks and legal pollutions, and the wearing of 


1 Compare vv. 33-35 with xviii. 3, and 
with 1 Qor. iv. 12. 

3 6-38. 

® Acts xviii. 18-22. 

* The modern name is Kichries. 

§ An engraving of this coin will be given 
nt the end of Ch. XIX. 

® This is left as it stood in the earlier edi- 
tions. Jt must be admitted that the argu- 


ments from the structure of the original are 
rather in favor of referring the vow, not to 
Aquila, but to St. Paul. The difficulty lies 
not so much in supposing that Paul took a 
Jewish vow (see Acts xxi. 26), as in suppos- 
ing that he made himself conspicuous for Jew- 
ish peculiarities while he was forming a mixed 
church at Corinth. But we are ignorant of 
the circumstances of the case. 


568 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 
























the hair uncut till the close of a definite length of time. Aguila coul 
not be literally a Nazarite; for, in the case of that greater vow, the cut 
ting of the hair, which denoted that the legal time was expired, could - 
only take place at the Temple in Jerusalem, or at least in Judea. In 
this case the ceremony was performed at Cenchrea. Here Aquila—_ 
who had been for some time conspicuous, even among the Jews 

and Christians at Corinth, for the long hair which denoted that he 

was under a peculiar religious restriction— came to the close of the 
period of obligation ; and, before accompanying the Apostle to Ephesus, 

laid aside the tokens of his vow. 

From Corinth to Ephesus, the voyage was among the islands of th 
Greek Archipelago. The Isles of Greece, and the waters which break on 
their shores, or rest among them in spaces of calm repose, always prese 
themselves to the mind as the scenes of interesting voyages, — whether 
we think of the stories of early legend, or the stirring life of classical 
times, of the Crusades in the middle ages, or of the movements of modern 
travellers, some of whom seldom reflect that the land and water roun¢ 
them were hallowed by the presence and labors of St. Paul. One great 
purpose of this book will be gained, if it tends to associate the Apostle of 
the Gentiles with the coasts, which are already touched by so many other ~ 
historical recollections. 

No voyage across the AWgean was more frequently made than 
between Corinth and Ephesus. They were the capitals of the 
flourishing and peaceful provinces of Achaia and Asia,’ and the twog 
mercantile towns on opposite sides of the sea. If resemblances may aga 
be suggested between the ocean and the Mediterranean, and between an 
cient and modern times, we may say that the relation of these cities of the 
Eastern and Western Greeks to each other was like that between New 
York and Liverpool. Even the time taken up by the voyages constitutes a 
point of resemblance. Cicero says that, on his eastward passage, which 
was considered a long one, he spent fifteen days, and that his return was 
accomplished in thirteen.? 

A fair wind, in much shorter time than either thirteen or fifteen angal 
would take the Apostie across, from Corinth, to the city on the other 
side of the sea. It seems that the vessel was bound for Syria, and staid — 
only a short time in harbor at Ephesus. Aquila and Priscilla remained — 
there while he proceeded. But even during the short interval of his 
stay, Paul made a visit to his Jewish fellow-countrymen, and (the Sab-— 
bath being probably one of the days during which he remained) he held 


i 
1 See how Achaia and Asia are mentioned 2 The voyage was often accomplished ia 
by Tacitus, Hist. ii. 8. three or four days. See Thuc. iii. 8. 
® Acts xviii. 19. 


OHAP, Xi, VOYAGE TO SYRIA. 363 


a discussion with them in the synagogue concerning Christianity.!_ Their 
curiosity was excited by what they heard, as it had been at Antioch in 
Pisidia ; and perhaps their curiosity would speedily have been succeeded 
by opposition, if their visitor had staid longer among them. But he 
was not able to grant the request which they urgently made. He 
was anxious to attend the approaching festival at Jerusalem;? and, 
had he not proceeded with the ship, this might have been impossible. 
He was so far, however, encouraged by the opening which he saw, 
that he left the Ephesian Jews with a promise of his return. This 
promise was limited by an expression of that dependence on the divine 
will which is characteristic of a Christian’s life,? whether his vocation be 
to the labors of an Apostle, or to the routine of ordinary toil. We shall 
see that St. Paul’s promise was literally fulfilled, when we come to pur- 
sue his progress on his third missionary circuit. 

The voyage to Syria lay first by the coasts and islands of the Mgean 
to Cos and Cnidus, which are mentioned on subsequent voyages,‘ and 
then across the open sea by Rhodes and Cyprus to Cesarea.® This city 
has the closest connection with some of the most memorable events of 
early Christianity. We have already had occasion to mention it, in 
alluding to St. Peter and the baptism of the first Gentile convert. We 
shall afterwards be required to make it the subject of a more elaborate 
notice, when we arrive at the imprisonment which was suffered by St. 
Paul under two successive Roman governors.’ The country was now no 
longer under native kings. Ten years had elapsed since the death of 
Herod Agrippa, the last event alluded to (Ch. IV.) in connection with 
Cesarea. Felix had been for some years already procurator of Judza.® 
If the aspect of the country had become in any degree more national 
under the reign of the Herods, it had now resumed all the appearance of 
a Roman province.’ Czsarea was its military capital, as well as the 
harbor by which it was approached by all travellers from the West. 
From this city, roads" had been made to the Egyptian frontier on the 
south, and northwards along the coast by Ptolemais, Tyre, and Sidon, to 
Antioch, as well as across the interior by Neapolis or Antipatris to Jeru- 
salem and the Jordan. 

The journey from Czsarea to Jerusalem is related by St. Luke in a 
single word." No information is given concerning the incidents which 


1 The aorist (v. 19) should be contrasted 5 See Acts xxi. 1-3. 
with the imperfect used (v. 4) of the continued ® See p. 113. Compare p. 49. 


discussions at Corinth. 7 Acts xxi. &. 
2 Acts xviii. 21. See above. 5 Tac. Ann. xiv. 54, and Josephus. 
= «Tf God will.” See Jamesiv.15. “If » See pp. 26 and 51. 

the Lord will, we shall live,” &c. 10 See the remarks, pp. 78, 79. 


* Acts xxi. 1, xxvii. 7. il “When he had gone up,” Acts xviii 
24 


Sou 


870 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL, CHAP, X1 





























occurred there: — no meetings with other Apostles, —no controversies 
on disputed points of doctrine, — are recorded or inferred. We are not 
even sure that St. Paul arrived in time for the festival at which he de- 
sired to be present.!. The contrary seems rather to be implied ; for he is 
said simply to have ‘‘ saluted the Church,’ and then to have proceeded 
to Antioch. Itis useless to attempt to draw aside the veil which con. 
ceals the particulars of this visit of Paul of Tarsus to the city of his 
forefathers. As if it were no longer intended that we should view the 
Church in connection with the centre of Judaism, our thoughts are 
turned immediately to that other city,? where the name “ Christian ”’ was” 
first conferred on it. 

From Jerusalem to Antioch it is likely that the journey was accom: 
plished by land. It is the last time we shall have occasion to mention ¢ 
road which was often traversed, at different seasons of the year, by St. 
Paul and his companions. Two of the journeys along this Pheenician 
coast have been long ago mentioned. Many years had intervened since 
the charitable mission which brought relief from Syria to the poor in 
Judea (Ch. IV.), and since the meeting of the council at Jerusalem, 
and the joyful return at a time of anxious controversy (Ch. VII.). 
When we allude to these previous visits to the Holy City, we feel how 
widely the Church of Christ had been extended in the space of very few 
years. The course of our narrative is rapidly carrying us from the East 
towards the West. We are now for the last time on this part of the 
Asiatic shore. For a moment the associations which surround us are all 
of the primeval past. The monuments which still remain along this 
coast remind us of the ancient Phcenician power, and of Baal and 
Ashtaroth,? — or of the Assyrian conquerors, who came from the Eu 
phrates to the West, and have left forms like those in the palaces of 
Nineveh sculptured on the rocks of the Mediterranean,‘ — rather than of 
any thing connected with the history of Greece and Rome. The moun-— 
tains which rise above our heads belong to the characteristic imagery of — 
the Old Testament; the cedars are those of the forests which were hew 
by the workmen of Hiram and Solomon; the torrents which cross the 
roads are the waters from “ the sides of Lebanon.” * But we are taking 


22. Some commentators think that St.Paul voyage (Acts xx., xxi.), that he could not 


did not go to Jerusalem at all, but that this 
participle merely denotes his going up from 
the ship into the town. of Cxsarea: but, inde- 
pendently of his intention to visit Jerusalem, 
it is hardly likely that such a circumstance 
would have been specified in a narrative so 
briefly given. 

1 We shall see, in the case of the later 


have arrived in time for the festival, had not 
the weather been peculiarly favorable. 

2 Acts xviii. 22. 

8 The ruins of Tortosa and Aradus. 

* The sculptures of Assyrian figures om 
the coast road near Beyrout are noticed in 
works of many travellers. 

5 These torrents are often flooded, so as 





onar. xc. THE CENTRE OF THE CHURCH. 371 


our last view of this scenery ; and, as we leave it, we feel that we are 
passing from the Jewish infancy of the Christian Church to its wider 
expansion among the Heathen. 

Once before we had occasion to remark that the Church had no longer 
now its central point in Jerusalem, but in Antioch, a city of the Gen- 
tiles! The progress of events now carries us still more remotely from 
the land which was first visited by the tidings of salvation. The world 
through which our narrative takes us begins to be European rather than 
Asiatic. So far as we know, the present visit which St. Paul paid to 
Antioch was his last.2 We have already seen how new centres of Ciris- 
tian life had been established by him in the Greek cities of the Mgean. 
The course of the Gospel is farther and farther towards the West; and 
the inspired part of the Apostle’s biography, after a short period of deep 
interest in Judea, finally centres in Rome. 





re 


Coin of Corinth 


. be extremely dangerous; so that St. Paul ? Antioch is not mentioned in the Acts 
may have encountered “ perils of rivers” after xviii. 22. 
in this district. Maundrell says that the * From the British Museum. The head 
traveller Spor lost his life in one of these is that of Julius Cesar himself, 


torrents. 
1Pp. 101, 102. 


CHAPTER XML 
























The Spiritual Gifts, Constitution, Ordinances, Divisions, and Heresies of the Primitive Church im 
the Lifetime of St. Paul. 


E are now arrived at a point in St. Paul’s history when it seems 
needful for the full understanding of the remainder of his career, 

and especially of his Epistles, to give some description of the internal 
condition of those churches which looked to him as their father in the 
faith. Nearly all of these had now been founded, and, regarding the 
early development of several of them, we have considerable information 
from his letters and from other sources. This information we shall now 
endeavor to bring into one general view; and in so doing (since the 
Pauline Churches were only particular portions of the universal Church), 
we shall necessarily have to consider the distinctive peculiarities and 
internal condition of the primitive Church generally, as it existed in th 
time of the Apostles. 
The feature which most immediately forces itself upon our notice, as 
distinctive of the Church in the Apostolic age, is its possession of super- 
natural gifts. Concerning these, our whole information must be derived 
from Scripture, because they appear to have vanished with the disap- 
pearance of the Apostles themselves, and there is no authentic account of 
their existence in the Church in any writings of a later date than th 
books of the New Testament. This fact gives a more remarkable and 
impressive character to the frequent mention of them in the writings of 
the Apostles, where the exercise of such gifts is spoken of as a matter of 
ordinary occurrence. Indeed, this is so much the case, that these miracu- 
lous powers are not even mentioned by the Apostolic writers as a class 
apart (as we should now consider them), but are joined in the same 
classification with other gifts, which we are wont to term natural endow- 
ments or “ talents.”! Thus St. Paul tells us (1 Cor. xii. 11) that 


1 The two great classifications of them in Class 3. j oa kinds of tongues. 


St. Paul’s writings are as follows : — to another. | (Yq) interpretation of tongues. 
II. (1 Cor. xii. 28.) 
I. (1 Cor. xii. 8.) Leos gee (84): | 
Class 1. a1) the word of wisdom. 2. prophets. See ( 
to one. { he the calf Aer 8. teachers ; including (21) and (ag) perhaps. 
(81) faith. 4. miracles. See (Bg 
2, | (8a) gifs of healing (1) grits See (8). 
Class 2. 82) working of méracl | 
‘9 another Be) m ophecy. 5. be folks 
tet} hee of spirits, 4 Scoarline cf tongues, See (74): 
872 


oHA?, XII. SPIRITUAL GIFTS, 373 


these charisms, or spiritual gifts, were wrought by one and the same 
Spirit, who distributed them to each severally according to His own will : 
and among these he classes the gift of Healing, and the gift of Tongues 
as falling under the same category with the talent for administrative use 
fulness, and the faculty of Government. But though we learn from this 
to refer the ordinary natural endowments of men, not less than the super- 
natural powers bestowed in the Apostolic age, to a divine source, yet, 
since we are treating of that which gave a distinctive character to the 
Apostolic Church, it is desirable that we should make a division between 
the two classes of gifts, the extraordinary and the ordinary; although 
this division was not made by the Apostles at the time when both kinds 
ef gifts were in ordinary exercise. 

The most striking manifestation of divine interposition was the power 
of working what are commonly called Miracles, that is, changes in the 
usual operation of the laws of nature. This power was exercised by St. 
Paul himself very frequently (as we know from the narrative in the 
Acts), as well as by the other Apostles; and in the Epistles we find 
repeated allusions to its exercise by ordinary Christians.’ As examples 
of the operation of this power, we need only refer to St. Paul’s raising 
Eutychus from the dead, his striking Elymas with blindness, his healing 
the sick at Ephesus,’ and his curing the father of Publius at Melita.* 

The last-mentioned examples are instances of the exercise of the gift 
ef healing, which was a peculiar branch of the gift of miracles, and 
sometimes apparently possessed by those who had not the higher gift. 
The source of all these miraculous powers was the charism of faith ; 
namely, that peculiar kind of wonder-working faith spoken of in Mait. 
xvii. 20, 1 Cor. xii. 9, and xiii. 2, which consisted in an intense belief 
that all obstacles would vanish before the power given. This must of 
course be distinguished from that disposition of faith which is essential to 
the Christian life. 


It may be remarked, that the following divis- 
iexs are in I., and not in II.; viz. 8;, 8;, and 
Ya: @, and ag, though not explicitly in IL, 
yet are probably included in it as necessary 
gifts for “apostles,” and perhaps alse fer 
“teachers,” as Neander supposes. 

It is difficult to observe any principle which 
runs through these classifications ; probably I. 
Was not meant as a systematic classification at 
all; I1., however, certainly was in some meas- 
ure, because St. Paul uses the words “ jirst, 
second, third,” Sc. 

It is very difficult to arrive at any certain 
conclusion on the subject, because ef our im- 
perfect understanding ef the nature of the 


charisms themselves: they are alluded to only 
as things well known to the Corinthians, and 
ef course without any precise description of 
their nature. 

In Rom. xii. 6-8, another unsystematie 
enumeration of four charisms is given; viz. 
(1) prophecy, (2) ministry, (8) teaching, (4) ez- 
hertation. 


1 Gal. iii. 5 (where observe the present 
tense) is one of many examples. 

2 Acts xix. 11, 12. 

® On this latter miracle see the excellent 
remarks in Smith’s Veyaye and Shipwreck of 
St. Paul, p. 115. 


B74 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. omar, xxx 


We have remarked that the exercise of these miraculous powers 
spoken of both in the Acts and Epistles as a matter of ordinary occur- 
rence, and in that tone of quiet (and often incidental) allusior in which 
we mention the facts of our daily life. And this is the case, not in 
narrative of events long past (where unintentional exaggeration might 
be supposed to have crept in), but in the narrative of a contemporary, 
writing immediately after the occurrence of the events which he records, 
and of which he was an eye-witness; and yet farther, this phenomenon 
occurs in letters which speak of those miracles as wrought in the daily 
sight of the readers addressed. Now the question forced upon every 
intelligent mind is, whether such a phenomenon can be explained except 
by the assumption that the miracles did really happen. Is this assump- 
tion more difficult than that of Hume (which has been revived with an 
air of novelty by modern infidels), who cuts the knot by assuming that 
whenever we meet with an account of a miracle, it is ipso facto to be 
rejected as incredible, no matter by what weight of evidence it may be 
supported ? 

Besides the power of working miracles, other supernatural gifts of a 
less extraordinary character were bestowed upon the early Church. The 
most important were the gift of tongues, and the gift of prophecy. With 
regard to the former there is much difficulty, from the notices of it in 
Scripture, in fully comprehending its nature. But from the passages 
where it is mentioned’ we may gather thus much concerning it: first, 
that it was not a knowledge of foreign languages, as is often supposed ; we 
never read of its being exercised for the conversion of foreign nations, 
nor (except on the day of Pentecost alone) for that of individual foreign- 
ers; and even on that occasion the foreigners present were all Jewish 
proselytes, and most of them understood the Hellenistic? dialect. See- 
ondly, we learn that this gift was the result of a sudden influx of super- 
natural inspiration, which came upon the new believer immediately after 
his baptism, and recurred afterwards at uncertain intervals. Thirdly, we 
find that while under its influence the exercise of the understanding was 
suspended, while the spirit was rapt into a state of ecstasy by the imme-— 
diate communication of the Spirit of God. In this ecstatic trance the 
believer was constrained by an irresistible* power to pour forth his feel-— 



























1 Viz. Mark xvi. 17; Acts ii. 4, &., Acts 
x. 46, Acts xi. 15-17, Acts xix. 6; 1 Cor. 
xii., and 1 Cor. xiv. We must refer to the 
notes on these two last-named chapters for 
some further discussion of the difficulties con- 
nected with this gift. 

2 This must probably have been the case 
with all the foreigners mentioned, except the 
Parthians, Medes, Elamites, and Arabians, 








and the Jews from these latter countries woald — 
probably understand the Aramaic of Palestine. — 
[For a different view of the gift of tongues we 
may refer to Dr. Wordsworth’s note on Acts — 
ii. 4.—H.] 5 
% His spirit was not subject to his will. 
See 1 Cor. xiv. 82. [Some power of selfcon- — 
trol does appear distinctly implied in this pas — 
sage and y. 28. —H.] bh 


CHAP, XIN, THE GIFT OF PROPHECY. 376 


ings of thanksgiving and rapture in words; yet the words which issued 
from his mouth were not his own; he was even (usually) ignorant of 
their meaning. St. Paul desired that those who possessed this gift should 
not be suffered to exercise it in the congregation, unless some one present 
possessed another gift (subsidiary to this), called the interpretation of 
tongues, by which the ecstatic utterance of the former might be ren- 
dered available for general edification. Another gift, also, was needful, 
for the checking of false pretensions to this and some other charisms, viz. 
the gift of discerning of spirits, the recipients of which could distinguish 
between the real and the imaginary possessors of spiritual gifts.’ 

From the gift of tongues we pass, by a natural transition, to the gift 
of prophecy.’ It is needless to remark that, in the Scriptural sense of the 
term, a prophet does not mean a foreteller of future events, but a revealer 
af God’s will to man; though the latter sense may (and sometimes does) 
include the former. So the gift of prophecy was that charism which 
_ enabled its possessors to utter, with the authority of inspiration, divine 
strains of warning, exhortation, encouragement, or rebuke ; and to teach 
and enforce the truths of Christianity with supernatural energy and 
effect. The wide diffusion among the members of the Church of this 
prophetical inspiration was a circumstance which is mentioned by St. 
Peter as distinctive of the Gospel dispensation ;* in fact, we find that in 
the family of Philip the Evangelist alone,‘ there were four daughters who 
exercised this gift; and the general possession of it is in like manner 
implied by the directions of St. Paul to the Corinthians. The latte: 
Apostle describes the marvellous effect of the inspired addresses thus 
spoken.® He looks upon the gift of prophecy as one of the great instru- 
ments for the conversion of unbelievers, and far more serviceable in this 
respect than the gift of tongues, although by some of the new converts 
it was not so highly esteemed, because it seemed less strange and won- 
derful. 

Thus far we have mentioned the eztraordinary gifts of the Spirit which 
were vouchsafed to the Church of that age alone; yet (as we have before 
said) there was no strong line of division, no “ great gulf fixed” between 
these, and what we now should call the ordinary gifts, or natural endow- 
ments of the Christian converts. Thus the gift of prophecy cannot easily 
be separated by any accurate demarcation from another charism often 
mentioned in Scripture, which we should now consider an ordinary talent, 


1 This latter charism seems to have been sufficient to refer to such passages as Acts xi, 


requisite for the presbyters. See 1 Thess. vy. 27, 28. 8 Acts ii. 17, 18. 
22. 4 Acts xxi. 9. 
2 If it be asked why we class this as among 5 1 Cor. xi. 4, and 1 Cor. xiv. 24, $1, 34. 


the supernotura’ or extraordinary gifts, it will be § 1 Cor. xiv. 25. 


te 


376 


namely, the gift of teaching. The distinction between them appears t 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 






have been that the latter was more habitually and constantly exercised 


by its possessors than the former : 


prophet ; 


in the faith. 


Other gifts specially mentioned as charisms are the gift of gov 
By the former, certain persons were spe- 
cially fitted to preside over the Church and regulate its internal order; by 
the latter its possessors were enabled to minister to the wants of their 
brethren to manage the distribution of relief among the poorer members of 
the Church, to tend the sick, and carry out other practical works of piety. 

The mention of these latter charisms leads us naturally to consider the 
offices which at that time existed in the Church, to which the possessors 
of these gifts were severally called, according as the endowment which 
they had received fitted them to discharge the duties of the respective 
We will endeavor, therefore, to give an outline of the con- 
stitution and government of the primitive Christian churches, as it existed 
in the time of the Apostles, so far as we can ascertain it from the informa- 
tion supplied to us in the New Testament. . 

Amongst the several classifications which are there given of church 
officers, the most important (from its relation to subsequent ecclesiastical 
history) is that by which they are divided into Apostles, Presbyters, and 


and the gift of ministration.’ 


functions. 


1 The “charism” of “ministry” or of 
“help.” 

2 “Apostles and Presbyters” are men- 
tioned Acts xv. 2, and elsewhere; and the 
two classes of ‘‘Presbyters and Deacons ” 
are mentioned Phil. i.1. See p. 378, n. 2. 

The following are the facts concerning the use 
of the word dréortodoc in the New Testament. 

It occurs — 
once in St. Matthew ; — of the Twelve. 
once in St. Mark; — of the Twelve. 

6 times in St. Luke; —5 times of the Twelve, 
once in its general etymological sense. 
once in St. John; —in its general etymologi- 

cal sense. 
30 times in Acts;—(always in plural) 28 
times of the Twelve, and twice of Paul 
and Barnabas. 
times in Romans;— twice of St. Paul, 
once of Andronicus. 


ce 


we are not to suppose, however, 
it was necessarily given to different persons; on the contrary, an excess 
of divine inspiration might at any moment cause the teacher to speak as a 
and this was constantly exemplified in the case of the Apostles, 
who exercised the gift of prophecy for the conversion of their unbeliey- 
ing hearers, and the gift of teaching for the building-up of their converts 



























16 times in Corinthians;—14 times of St 
Paul or the Twelve, twice in etymological 
sense, viz. 2 Cor. viii. 23, and xi. 13. 

3 times in Gal.;—of St. Paul and the 
Twelve. 

4 times in Ephes.;—of St. Paul and the 
Twelve. 

once in Philip. ; — etymological sense. 

once in Thess. ; —of St. Paul. 

4 times in Timothy ;— of St. Paul. 

once in Titus ;—of St. Paul. 

once in Hebrews (iii. 1) ; — of Christ Himself. 

8 times in Peter; —of the Twelve. 

once in Jude ;— of the Twelve. 

3 times in Apocalypse;—either of “false 
apostles”’ or of the Twelve. 

Besides this, the word droordAn is used to 
signify the Apostolic office, once in Acts and 
three times by St. Paul (who attributes it to 
himself). 


cBAP, XO. CONSTITUTION OF THE PRIMITIVE CHURUH. 377 


Deacons. The monarchical, or (as it would be now called) the episcopal 
2lement of church government was, in this first period, supplied by the 
authority of the Apostles. This title was probably at first confined to “ the 
Twelve,’ who were immediately nominated to their office (with the excep- 
tion of Matthias) by our Lord himself. To this body the title was limited 
by the Judaizing section of the Church ; but St. Paul vindicated his own 
claim to the Apostolic name and authority as resting upon the same com- 
mission given him by the same Lord ; and his companion, St. Luke, applies 
the name to Barnabas also. In a lower sense, the term was applied to all 
the more eminent Christian teachers; as, for example, to Andronicus 
and Junias.! And it was also sometimes used in its simple etymological 
sense of emissary, which had not yet been lost in its other and more 
technical meaning. Still those only were called emphatically the Aposiles 
who had received their commission from Christ himself, including the 
eleven who had been chosen by Him while on earth, with St. Matthias 
and St. Paul, who had been selected for the office by their Lord (though 
in different ways) after His ascension. 

In saying that the Apostles embodied that element in church govern- 
ment, which has since been represented by episcopacy, we must not, 
however, be understood to mean that the power of the Apostles was sub- 
ject to those limitations to which the authority of bishops has always 
been subjected. The primitive bishop was surrounded by his council of 
presbyters, and took no important step without their sanction; but this 
was far from being the case with the Apostles. They were appointed by 
Christ himself, with absolute power to govern His Church; to them He 
had given the keys of the kingdom of Heaven, with authority to admit or 
to exclude ; they were also guided by His perpetual inspiration, so that 
all their moral and religious teaching was absolutely and infallibly true; 
they were empowered by their solemn denunciations of evil, and their in- 
spired judgments on all moral questions, to bind and to loose, to remit 
and to retain the sins of men.? This was the essential peculiarity of their 
office, which can find no parallel in the after-history of the Church. But, 
so far as their function was to govern, they represented the monarchical ele- 
ment in the constitution of the early Church, and their power was a full 
counterpoise to that democratic tendency which has sometimes been 
atiributed to the ecclesiastical arrangements of the Apostolic period. 
Another peculiarity which distinguishes them from all subsequent rulers 
of the Church is, that they were not limited to a sphere of action defined 


1 Rom. xvi. 7. now, but it is in quite a secondary sense; viz. 

2 No doubt, in a certain sense, this poweris only so far as it is exercised in exact accord- 
sheared (according to the teaching of our ance with the imspired teaching of the 
Ordination Service) by Christian ministers Apostles. 


378 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAOL. 






















by geographical boundaries: the whole world was their diocese, and the 
bore the Glad-tidings, east or west, north or south, as the Holy Spirf 
might direct their course at the time, and governed the churches which) 
they founded wherever they might be placed. Moreover, those charisms 
which were possessed by other Chrstians singly and severally, were collec 
tively given to the Apostles, because all were needed for their work. 
gift of miracles was bestowed upon them in abundant measure, that they 
might strike terror into the adversaries of the truth, and win, by outwa 
wonders, the attention of thousands, whose minds were closed by igne 
rance against the inward and the spiritual. They had the gift of prophee 
as the very characteristic of their office, for it was their especial commis 
sion to reveal the truth of God to man; they were consoled in the mids 
of their labors by heavenly visions, and rapt in supernatural ecstasies, i 
which they ‘spake in tongues” “to God, and not to man.”! They had 
the “gift of government,” for that which came upon them daily was “ the 
care of all the Churches ;” the “ gift of teaching,” for they must build up 
their converts in the faith; even the “gift of ministration” was no 
unneeded by them, nor did they think it beneath them to undertake the 
humblest offices of a deacon for the good of the Church. When need 
ful, they could “serve tables,” and collect arms, and work with their 
own hands at mechanical trades, “ that so laboring they might support 
the weak ;”’ inasmuch as they were the servants of Him who came not 
to be ministered unto, but to minister. 

Of the offices concerned with Church government, the next in rank to 
that of the Apostles was the office of Overseers or Elders, more usually 
known (by their Greek designations) as Bishops or Presbyters. These 
terms are used in the New Testament as equivalent, the former (éicxonog) 
denoting (as its meaning of overseer implies) the duties, the latter 
(noeopitegos) the rank, of the office. The history of the Church leaves 
us no room for doubt that on the death of the Apostles, or perhaps at an 
earlier period (and, in either case, by their directions), one amongst the 
Presbyters of each Church was selected to preside over the rest, and to 
him was applied emphatically the title of the bishop or overseer, which 
had previously belonged equally to all; thus he became in reality (what he 
was sometimes called) the successor of the Apostles, as exercising (though 
in a lower degree) that function of government which had formerly 
belonged to them.’ But in speaking of this change we are anticipating ; 


1 Ses note on 1 Cor. xiv. 18. Also see (Acts xx.17). See also the Pastoral Epistles, 
2 Cor. xii. 12. passim. 

2 Thus, in the address at Miletus, the same 3 Baron Bunsen (whom no one can suspect 
persons are called émoxémove (Acts xx. 28) of hierarchal tendencies) expressed his con” 
who had iust before been named mpecBurépove currence in this view. He says: “St. Jobu 


OHAP, XIII. ‘CONSTITUTION OF THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH. 379 


for at the time of which we are now writing, at the foundation of the 
Gentile Churches, the Apostles themselves were the chief governors of 
the Church, and the presbyters of each particular society were co-ordi- 
nate with one another. We find that they existed at an early period in 
Jerusalem, and likewise that they were appointed by the Apostles upon 
the first formation of a church in every city. The same name, “ Elder,” 
was attached to an office of a corresponding nature in the Jewish syna- 
gogues, whence both title and office were probably derived. The name 
of Bishop was afterwards given to this office in the Gentile churches at 
a somewhat later period, as expressive of its duties, and as more familiar 
than the other title to Greek ears.! 

The office of the Presbyters was to watch over the particular church 
in which they ministered, in all that regarded its external order and 
internal purity ; they were to instruct the ignorant,? to exhort the faith- 
ful, to confute the gainsayers,’ to “‘ warn the unruly, to comfort the 
feeble-minded, to support the weak, to be patient towards all.”* They 
were “ to take heed to the flock over which the Holy Ghost had made 
them overseers, to feed the Church of God which He had purchased with 
His own blood.” * In one word, it was their duty (as it has been the 
duty of all who have been called to the same office during the nineteen 
centuries which have succeeded) to promote to the utmost of their ability, 
and by every means within their reach, the spiritual good of all those 
committed to their care.® 

The last of the three orders, that of Deacons, did not take its place in 
the ecclesiastical organization till towards the close of St. Paul’s life ; or, 
at least, this name was not assigned to those who discharged the func- 
tions of the Diaconate till a late period; the Epistle to the Philippians 


being the earliest in which the term occurs’ in its technical sense. In 


established or sanctioned the institution of 
siugle Rectors, called Overseers (éioxomor), a8 
presidents of the Presbytery. This form of 
government, as being the more perfect and 
practical, particularly in such difficult times, 
s00n spread over the Christian world.” — Bun- 
sen’s Hppolytus, 2d ed. ii. 360. 

1 ’Eioxoroc was the title of the Athenian 
commissioners to their subject allies. 

wim. ii. 2. 

3 Tit. i. 9. 

* 1 Thess. v. 14. 5 Acts xx, 28. 

§ Other titles, denoting their office, are ap- 
plied to the presbyters in some passages; e. g. 
Rom. xii 8: and 1 Thess. v. 12; Heb. xiii. 
7; Eph. v 11; 1 Cor. xii. 28. It is, indeed, 
possible ‘as Neander thinks) that the 


“teachers ” may at first have been sometimes 
different from the “presbyters,” as the 
“charism of teaching” was distinct from the 
“charism of governing;” but those whe 
possessed both gifts would surely have been 
chosen presbyters from the first, if they were 
to be found; and, at all events, in the time of 
the Pastoral Epistles we find the offices united. 
(1 Tim. iii. 2.) See, however, the note on 
1 Tim. v. 17. 

7 In Romans xvi. 1, it is applied to a wo- 
man; and we cannot confidently assert that it 
is there used technically to denote an office, 
especially as the word didxovog is so constantly 
used in its non-technical sense of one who 
ministers in any way to others. [See next 
note’ but one. — H.] 




























iy 
ae. 


380 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8T. PAUL. 


fact the word (ééxores) occurs thirty times in the New Testament, a 
only three times (or at most four) is it used as an official designation ; | 
all the other passages it is used in its simple etymological sense of 
ministering servant. It is a remarkable fact, too, that it never once occ u 
in the Acts as the title of those seven Hellenistic Christians who are ze 
erally (though improperly) called the seven deacons, and who were ¢ 
elected to supply a temporary emergency.! But although the title ; 
the Diaconate does not occur till afterwards, the office seems to hs 
existed from the first in the Church of Jerusalem (see Acts v. 6, 10 
those who discharged its duties were then called the young men, in co! 
tradistinction to the presbyters or elders; and it was their duty to assi 
the latter by discharging the mechanical services requisite for the 
being of the Christian community. Gradually, however, as the Chur 
increased, the natural division of labor would suggest a subdivision o 
the ministrations performed by them; those which only required bodil 
labor would be intrusted to a less educated class of servants, and thos 
which required the work of the head as well as the hands (such, 
example, as the distribution of alms) would form the duties of the de 
cons ; for we may now speak of them by that name, which became appr 
priated to them before the close of the Apostolic epoch. 
There is not much information given us, with regard to their functic 
in the New Testament: but, from St. Paul’s directions to Timothy con 
cerning their qualifications, it is evident that their office was one of c 
siderable importance. He requires that they should be men of gra 
character, and “not greedy of filthy lucre;” the latter qualificati 
relating to their duty in administering the charitable fund of the Church 
He desires that they should not exercise the office till after their ch: 
had been first subjected to an examination, and had been found free from 
all imputation against it. If (as is reasonable) we explain these intima. 
tions by what we know of the Diaconate in the succeeding century, 
may assume that its duties in the Apostolic Churches (when their organi 
zation was complete) were to assist the presbyters in all that concer j 
the outward service of the Church, and in executing the details of thos 
measures, the general plan of which was organized by the presbyters. 
And, doubtless, those only were selected for this office who’ had received 
the gift of ministration previously mentioned. 
It is a disputed point whether there was an order of Deaconesses to 
minister among the women in the Apostolic Church ; the only proof of 


» See Chap. IL p. 61. We observe, also, much higher importance than that held oy ¢ . 
that when any of the seven are referred to, it subsequent deacons. {Still it can hardly be 
is never by the title of deacon; thus Philip is doubted that we have here the beginum, of 
called “the evangelist” (Acts xxi. 8). In the official diaconate in the Church. — 8.; 
fact, the office of “the seven” was one of 





| mar. x CONSTITUTION OF THE PRIMITIVE CHUECH 331 
_ their existence is the epithet attached to the name of Phetbe,' which may 
_be otherwise understood. At the same time, it must be acknowledged 
_ that the almost Oriental seclusion in which the Greek women were kept 
'would render the institution of such an office not unnatural m the 
churches of Greece, as well as in those of the East. 
Besides the three orders of Apostles, Presbyters, and Deacons, we fini 
another classification of the ministry of the Church in the Epistle to the 
_ Ephesians,? where they are divided under four heads, viz.,? Ist, Apostles; 
| 2dly, Prophets ; 3dly, Evangelists; 4thly, Pastors and Teachers. By 
the fourth class we must understand * the Presbyters to be denoted, and 
we then have two other names interpolated between these and the 
_ Apostles ; viz. Prophets and Evangelists. By the former we must under- 
_ stand those on whom the gift of prophecy was bestowed in such abundant 
measure as to constitute their peculiar characteristic, and whose work 
it was to impart constantly to their brethren the revelations which they 
_ received from the Holy Spirit. The term Hvangelixt is applied to those 
“missionaries, who, like Philip,» and Timothy,’ travelled from place te 
place, to bear the Glad-tidings of Christ to unbelieving nations or individ- 
uals. Hence it follows that the Apostles were all Evangelists, although 
there were also Evangelists who were not Apostles. [It is needless to 
add that our modern use of the word Evangelist (as meaning writer of a 
Gospel) is of later date, and has no place here. 
| All these classes of Church-officers were maintained (so far as they re- 
quired it) by the contributions of those in whose service they labored. 
_ St. Paul lays down, in the strongest manner, their right to such main- 
tenance ;* yet, at the same time, we find that he very rarely accepted the 
_ offerings, which, in the exercise of this right, he might himself have 
claimed. He preferred to labor with his own hands for his own support, 
_ that he might put his disinterested motives beyond the possibility of 
_ suspicion ; and he advises the presbyters of the Ephesian Church to follow 
_ his example im this respect, that so they might be able to contribute, by 
_ their own exertions, to the support of the helpless. 
_ The mode of appointment to these different offices varied with the 
_ mature of the office. The Apostles, as we have seen, received their com- 
mission directly from Christ himself; the Prophets were appointed by 


2 Rom. xvi. 1. See p. 3793, m 7. It a different view is held of the Scriptural 
_ should be observed, however, that the ““wid-  amthority for a female disconate. —5_] 

uws ” mentioned | Tim. v. 9 were practically = Eph. iv. il. 

_ Deaeonesses, although they do not seem, at 3 A similar classification eeears 1 Cor. xi. 
_ the time of the Pastoral Epistles, to have beem (28; viz., Ist, Apostles; 2dly, Prophets; Sully, 
called by that name. [For a general diseus Teachers. * See shove, p. 373, m 6 

_ sion of this subject, see the Quarterly Renew 3 Acts xxi 8. * 2 Tim iv. 5. 

for Oetober, 1860, especially pp. 357, 358, where T | Cor. ix. T-14. 


382 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. CRAP. 51 


that inspiration which they received from the Holy Spirit, yet their claim 
would be subjected to the judgment of those who had received the gift o 
‘ discernment of spirits. The Evangelists were seut on particular mission 
from time to time, by the Christians with whom they lived (but not with 
out a special revelation of the Holy Spirit’s will to that effect), as th 
Church of Antioch sent away Paul and Barnabas to evangelize Oypre 
The Presbyters and Deacons were appointed by the Apostles themselve; 
(as at Lystra, Iconium, and Antioch in Pisidia),' or by their deputies, < 
in the case of Timothy and Titus; yet, in all such instances, it is ne 
improbable that the concurrence of the whole body of the Church we 
obtained ; and it is possible that in other cases, as well as in the appoin 
ment of the seven Hellenists, the officers of the Church may have bee 
elected by the Church which they were to serve. 

In all cases, so far as we may infer from the recorded instances in 
Acts, those who were selected for the performance of Church offices we 
solemnly set apart for the duties to which they devoted themselves. 8 
ordination they received, whether the office to which they were called ¥ 
permanent or temporary. The Church, of which they were members, 
voted a preparatory season to “ fasting and prayer;” and then those wha 
were to be set apart were consecrated to their work by that solemn ané¢ 
touching symbolical act, the laying-on of hands, which has been eve: 
since appropriated to the same purpose and meaning. And thus, iz 
answer to the faith and prayers of the Church, the spiritual gifts neces- 
sary for the performance of the office were bestowed ? by Him who is “ the 
Lord and Giver of Life.” 

Having thus briefly attempted to describe the Offices of the Apostolic 
Church, we pass to the consideration of its Ordinances. Of these, the 
chief were, of course, those two sacraments ordained by Christ Himself, 
which have been the heritage of the Universal Church throughout all 
succeeding ages. The sacrament of Baptism was regarded as the door 
of entrance into the Christian Church, and was held to be so indisper 
sable that it could not be omitted even in the case of St. Paul. We 
have seen that although he had been called to the apostleship by the 
direct intervention of Christ Himself, yet he was commanded to receive 
baptism at the hands of a simple disciple. In ordinary cases, the solo 
condition required for baptism was, that the persgns to be baptized 
should acknowledge Jesus as the Messiah,’ “declared to be the Son of 



















\ 
1 Acts xiv. 21-28. pear as if only applicable to Jews or Jewish 
2 Compare 2 Tim.i.6. “The giftof God _proselytes, who already were looking for a 
which is in thee by the putting-on of my Messiah; yet, since the acknowledgment of 
hands.” Jesus as the Messiah involves in itself, when 
5 This condition would (at first sight) ap- rightly understood, the whole of Christianity, 


» 


ouar. x10. ORDINANCES OF THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH. 383 
God with power, by His resurrection from the dead.” In this acknowl- 
edgment was virtually involved the readiness of the new converts to 
submit to the guidance of those whom Christ had appointed as the 
Apostles and teachers of His Church; and we find! that they were 
subsequently instructed in the truths of Christianity, and were taught the 
true spiritual meaning of those ancient prophecies, which (if Jews) they 
had hitherto interpreted of a human conqueror and an earthly kingdom. 
This instruction, however, took place after baptism, not before it; and 
herein we remark a great and striking difference from the subsequent 
usage of the Church. For, not long after the time of the Apostles, the 
primitive practice in this respect was completely reversed; in all cases 
the convert was subjected to a long course of preliminary instruction 
before he was admitted to baptism, and in some instances the catechumen 
remained unbaptized till the hour of death; for thus he thought tc 
‘escape the strictness of a Christian life, and fancied that a death-bed 
baptism would operate magically upon his spiritual condition, and 
insure his salvation. The Apostolic practice of immediate baptism 
would, had it been retained, have guarded the Church from so baneful a 
superstition. 

It has been questioned whether the Apostles baptized adults only, or 
whether they admitted infants also into the Church; yet we cannot but 
think it probable that infant baptism? was their practice. This appears, 
not merely because (had it been otherwise) we must have found some 
traces of the first introduction of infant baptism afterwards, but also 


it was a sufficient foundation for the faith of 
Gentiles also. In the case both of Jews and 
Gentiles, the thing required, in the first in- 
stance, was a belief in the testimony of the 
Apostles; that “ this Jesus had God raised up,” 
and thus had “‘ made that same Jesus, whom 
they had crucified, both Lord and Christ.” 
The most important passages, as bearing on 
this subject, are the baptism and confirmation 
of the Samaritan converts (Acts viii.), the 
account of the baptism of the Ethiopian 
eunuch (Acts viii.), of Cornelius (Acts x.), of 
the Philippian jailer (Acts xvi.) (the only 
case where the baptism of a non-proselyted 
Heathen is recorded), of John’s disciples at 
Ephesus (Acts xix.), and the statement in 
Rom. x. 9, 10. 

1 This appears from such passages as Gal. 
vi. 6; 1 Thess. v. 12; Acis xx. 20, 28, and 
many others. 

2 Tt is at first startling to find Neander, 
with his great learning and candor, taking an 


opposite view. Yet the arguments on which 
he grounds his opinion, both in the Planting 
and Leading and in the ‘Church History, seem 
plainly inconclusive. He himself acknowl- 
edges that the principles laid down by St. 
Paul (1 Cor. vii. 14) contain a justification of 
infant baptism, and he admits that it was 
practised in the time of Irenzus. His chief 
reason against thinking it an Apostolical 
practice (Church History, sect. 3) is, that 
Tertullian opposed it ; but Tertullian does not 
pretend to call it an innovation. It is need- 
less here to do more than refer to the well 
known passages of Origen which prove that 
infant baptism prevailed in the church of 
Alexandria as early as the close of the second 
century. Surely if infant baptism had not 
been sanctioned by the Apostles, we should 
have found some one at least among the many 
ohurches of primitive Christendom resisting 
its introduction. 


384 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUI. 
























because the very idea of the Apostolic baptism, as the entrance 
Christ’s kingdom, implies that it could not have been refused tv infant 
without violating the command of Christ: “ Suffer little children to come 
unto me, and forbid them not, for of such is the kingdom of heaven. 
- Again, St. Paul expressly says that the children of a Christian pare 
were to be looked upon as consecrated to God (awe) by virtue of thei: 
very birth;' and it would have been most inconsistent with this view, ¢ 
well as with the practice in the case of adults, to delay the reception of 
infants into the Church till they had been fully instructed in Christiz 
doctrine. 

We know from the Gospels? that the new converts were baptized “i 
the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost.” Ané 
after the performance’ of the sacrament, an outward sign was given tha 
God was indeed present with His Church, through the mediation of Th 
Son, in the person of The Spirit; for the baptized converts, when th 
Apostles had laid their hands on them, received some spiritual gift 
either the power of working miracles, or of speaking in tongues, be 
stowed upon each of them by Him who “divideth to every mat 
severally as He will.” It is needless to add that baptism was (unles 
in exceptional cases) administered by immersion, the convert being 
plunged beneath the surface of the water to represent his death 
the life of sin, and then raised from this momentary burial to repre 
sent his resurrection to the life of righteousness. It must be a subjec 
of regret that the general discontinuance of this original form o 
baptism (though perhaps necessary in our northern climates) has 
rendered obscure to popular apprehension some very important passages 
of Scripture. 

With regard to the other sacrament, we know both from the Acts ang 
the Epistles how constantly the Apostolic Church obeyed their’ Lord’: 
command: “Do this in remembrance of me.” Indeed it would seem 
that originally their common meals were ended, as that memorable feas 
at Emmaus had been, by its celebration ; so that, as at the first to those 
two disciples, their Lord’s presence was daily ‘“‘ made known unte them 
in the breaking of bread.” * Subsequently the Communion was admirz 


1 1 Cor. vii. 14. baptism. The answer of St. Paul to the 


2 Matt. xxviii. 19. We cannot agree with 
Neander (Planting and Leading, 1. 25, and 
288) that the evidence of this positive com- 
mand is at all impaired by our finding baptism 
deseribed in the Acts and Epistles as baptism 
tnto the name of Jesus; the latter seems a con- 
densed expression which would naturally be 
employed, just as we now speak of Christian 


ciples of John the Baptist at Ephesus ( 
xix. 3), is a strong argument that the name 
the Holy Ghost occurred in the baptismal “7 
mula then employed. 

8 The case of Cornelius, in which the vite 
of the Holy Spirit were hestowed before bap- 
tiem. was an exception tc the ordinary rule. 

. 





* Luke xxiv. #5 


cuaP, xm. ORDINANCES OF THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH. 385 


istered at the close of the public feasts of love (Agape!) at which the 
Christians met to realize their fellowship one with another, and to par- 
take together, rich and poor, masters and slaves, on equal terms, of the 
common meal. But this practice led to abuses, as we see in the case of 
the Corinthian Church, where the very idea of the ordinance was vio 
lated by the providing of different food for the rich and poor, and where 
some of the former were even guilty of intemperance. Consequently a 
change was made, and the communion administered before instead of 
after the meal, and finally separated from it altogether. 

The festivals observed by the Apostolic Church were at first the same 
with those of the Jews; and the observance of these was continued, 
especially by the Christians of Jewish birth, for a considerable time. A 
higher and more spiritual meaning, however, was attached to their cele- 
bration ; and particularly the Paschal feast was kept, no longer as a 
shadow of good things to come, but as the commemoration of blessings 
actually bestowed in the death and resurrection of Christ. Thus we 
already see the germ of our Easter festival in the exhortation which St. 
Paul gives to the Corinthians concerning the manner in which they 
should celebrate the Paschal feast. Nor was it only at this annual feast 
that they kept in memory the resurrection of their Lord; every Sunday 
likewise was a festival in memory of the same event; the Church never 
failed to meet for common prayer and praise on that day of the week ; 
and it very soon acquired the name of the “ Lord’s Day,” which it has 
since retained. 

But the meetings of the first converts for public worship were not con- 
fined to a single day of the week; they were always frequent, often daily. 
The Jewish Christians met at first in Jerusalem in some of the courts of 
the temple, there to join in the prayers and hear the teaching of Peter 
and John. Afterwards the private houses? of the more opulent 
Christians were thrown open to furnish their brethren with a place of 
assembly; and they met for prayer and praise in some “‘ upper chamber,” ® 
with the “ door shut for fear of the Jews.”” The outward form and order 
of their worship differed very materially from our own, as indeed was 
necessarily the case where so many of the worshippers were under the 
miraculous influence of the Holy Spirit. Some were filled with prophetic 
inspiration ; some constrained to pour forth their ecstatic feelings in the 
exercise of the gift of tongues, “as the Spirit gave them utterance.” 
We see, from St. Paul’s directions to the Corinthians, that there was 


1 Jude 12. This is the custom to which 2 See Rom. xvi. 5, and 1 Cor. xvi. 19, and 
Pliny alludes, when he describes the Chris- Acts xviii. 7. 
tians meeting to partake of cibus promiscuus et $3 “The upper chamber where they were 
innoxius. ie gathered together.” — Acts xx. 8. 


386 


danger even then lest their worship should degenerate into a scene ¢ 
confusion, from the number who wished to take part in the public min 

trations; and he lays down rules which show that even the exercise of 
supernatural gifts was to be restrained, if it tended to violate the orderh 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 






celebration of public worship. He directs that not more than two or 


three should prophesy in the same assembly ; and that those who had 
gilt of tongues should not exercise it, unless some one present had 







gift of interpretation, and could explain their utterances to the congre rae 


tion. 


teaching, had fitted for the task. 


But whatever were the other acts of devotion in which these assem- 
blies were employed, it seems probable that the daily worship always con- 
cluded with the celebration of the Holy Communion.* 
the members of the Church expressed and realized the closest fellowship, 
not only with their risen Lord, but also with each other, so it was ij 
“omary to symbolize this latter union by the interchange of the kiss 
peace before the sacrament, a practice to which St. Paul frequently 


alludes.‘ 


He also forbids women (even though some of them might 
prophetesses) ! to speak in the public assembly; and desires that the 
should appear veiled, as became the modesty of their sex. 

In the midst of so much diversity, however, the essential parts 
public worship were the same then as now, for we find that prayer was 
made, and thanksgiving offered up, by those who officiated, and that the 
congregation signified their assent by a unanimous Amen.? 
were chanted, doubtless to some of those ancient Hebrew melodies whic 
have been handed down, not improbably, to our own times in the s 
plest form of ecclesiastical music; and addresses of exhortation or 
instruction were given by those whom the gift of prophecy, or the gift of 















Psalms also” 


And as in 


It would have been well if the inward love and harmony of the 
Church had really corresponded with the outward - manifestation of it in 
this touching ceremony. But this was not the case, even while the 
Apostles themselves poured out the wine and broke the bread whi 
symbolized the perfect union of the members of Christ’s body. The 


1 Acts xxi. 9. 

2 1 Cor. xiv. 16. 

% This seems proved by 1 Cor. xi. 20, 
where St. Paul appears to assume that the 
very object of ‘coming together in Church” 
was ‘‘to eat the Lord’s Supper.” As the 
Lord’s Supper was originally the conclusion 
of the Agape, it was celebrated in the even- 
ing; and probably, therefore, evening was the 
fice, on ordinary occasions, for the meeting 


or the Church. This was certainly the case 
in Acts xx. 8; a passage which Neander must 
have overlooked when he says (Church History, 
sect. 8) that the church service in the time of 
the Apostles was held early in the morning. 
There are obvious reasons why the evening 
would have been the most proper time for 4 
service which was to be attended by those 
whose day was spent in working with thew 
hands, * See note on I Thess. v. 26. 


AP. xu. DIVISIONS IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH. 387 









iss of peace sometimes only veiled the hatred of warring factions. So 
t. Paul expresses to the Corinthians his grief at hearing that there were 
‘divisions among them,” which showed themselves when they met 
ogether for public worship. The earliest division of the Christian 
(Church into opposing parties was caused by the Judaizing teachers, of 
hose factious efforts in Jerusalem and elsewhere we have already 
spoken. Their great object was to turn the newly-converted Christians 
into Jewish proselytes, who should differ from other Jews only in the 
recognition of Jesus as the Messiah. In their view the natural posterity 
of Abraham were still as much as ever the theocratic nation, entitled to 
God’s exclusive favor, to which the rest of mankind could only be admit 
ted by becoming Jews. Those members of this party who were really sin 
cere believers in Christianity, probably expected that the majority of thei: 
countrymen, finding their own national privileges thus acknowledged and 
maintained by the Christians, would on their part more willingly 
acknowledge Jesus as their Messiah; and thus they fancied that the 
Christian Church would gain a larger accession of members than could 
ever accrue to it from isolated Gentile converts: so that they probably 
justified their opposition to St. Paul on grounds not only of Jewish but 
of Christian policy ; for they imagined that by his admission of uncir- 
cumcised Gentiles into the full membership of the Church he was repel- 
ling far more numerous converts of Israelitish birth, who would otherwise 
have accepted the doctrine of Jesus. This belief (which in itself, and 
seen from their point of view, in that age, was not unreasonable) might 
have enabled them to excuse to their consciences, as Christians, the bit- 
terness of their opposition to the great Christian Apostle. But in consid- 
ering them as a party, we must bear in mind that they felt themselves 
more Jews than Christians. They acknowledged Jesus of Nazareth as 
the promised Messiah, and so far they were distinguished from the rest 
of their countrymen ; but the Messiah himself, they thought, was only a 
“Saviour of His people Israel ;” and they ignored that true meaning of 
the ancient prophecies, which St. Paul was inspired to reveal to the 
Universal Church, teaching us that the “ excellent things” which are 
spoken of the people of God, and the city of God, in the Old Testa- 
ment, are to be by us interpreted of the “ household of faith,” and “ the 
heavenly Jerusalem.” 

We have seen that the Judaizers at first insisted upon the observance of 
the law of Moses, and especially of circumcision, as an absolute requisite 
for admission into the Church, “ saying, Except ye be circumcised after 
the manner of Moses, ye cannot be saved.” But after the decision of the 
“Council of Jerusalem” it was impossible for them to require this con- 
dition ; they therefore altered their tactics, and as the decrees of the 





888 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. CHAP, x 



























Council seemed to assume that the Jewish Christians would continue & 
observe the Mosiac Law, the Judaizers took advantage of this to insis 
on the necessity of a separation between those who kept the whole La 
and all others; they taught that the uncircumcised were in a lower con 
dition as to spiritual privileges, and at a greater distance from God; and 
that only the circumcised converts were in a state of full acceptance with 
Him: in short, they kept the Gentile converts who would not submit t 
circumcision on the same footing as the proselytes of the gate, and treate 
the circumcised alone as proselytes of righteousness. When we compre 
hend all that was involved in this, we can easily understand the energeti 
opposition with which their teaching was met by St. Paul. It was n 
mere question of outward observance, no matter of indifference (as it 
might at first sight appear), whether the Gentile converts were circum 
cised or not ; on the contrary, the question at stake was nothing less tha 
this, whether Christians should be merely a Jewish sect under the bondage 
of a ceremonial law, and only distinguished from other Jews by believing 
that Jesus was the Messiah, or whether they should be the Catholic 
Church of Christ, owing no other allegiance but to him, freed from the 
bondage of the letter, and bearing the seal of their inheritance no longe: 
in their bodies, but in their hearts. We can understand now the 
truth of his indignant remonstrance, “If ye be circumcised, Christ shal 
profit you nothing.” And we can understand also the exasperation whie 
his teaching must have produced in those who held the very antithesi 
of this, namely, that Christianity without circumcision was utterly worth 
less. Hence their long and desperate struggle to destroy the influence 
of St. Paul in every Church which he founded or visited, in Antioch, in 
Galatia, in Corinth, in Jerusalem, and in Rome. For as he was in tru 
the great prophet divinely commissioned to reveal the catholicity of the 
Christian Church, so he appeared to them the great apostate, urged by 
the worst motives! to break down the fence and root up the hedge, which 
separated the heritage of the Lord from a godless world. 
We shall not be surprised at their success in creating divisions in the 
Churches to which they came, when we remember that the nucleus of all 
those Churches was a body of converted Jews and proselytes. The Ju- 
daizing emissaries were ready to flatter the prejudices of this influenti 
body ; nor did they abstain (as we know both from tradition and from his 
-own letters) from insinuating the most scandalous charges against theix 


¢¥ 


1 That curious apocryphal book, the Clem- 
entine Recognitions, contains, in a modified 
form, a record of the view taken by the Juda- 
izers of St. Paul, from the pen of the Judaiz- 
ing party itself, in the pretended epistle of 


Peter to James. The English reader should 
consult the interesting remarks of Prof. Stan- 
ley on the Clementines (Stanley’s Sermons, 
p. 374, &.), and also Neander’s Church Hi 
(American translation, vol. ii. p. 35, &e.). 







cHAP, XII. DIVISIONS IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH 389 


great opponent.! And thus, in every Christian church established by St. 
Paul, there sprang up, as we shall see, a schismatic party, opposed to his 
teaching and hostile to his person. 

This great Judaizing party was of course subdivided into variuus sec- 
tions, united in their main object, but distinguished by minor shades of 
difference. Thus, we find at Corinth that it comprehended two factions, 
the one apparently distinguished from the other by a greater degree of 
violence. The more moderate called themselves the followers of Peter, 
or rather of Cephas, for they preferred to use his Hebrew name.” These 
dwelt much upon our Lord’s special promises to Peter, and the necessary 
inferiority of St. Paul to him who was divinely ordained to be the rock 
whereon the Church should be built. They insinuated that St. Paul felt 
doubts about his own Apostolic authority, and did not dare to claim the 
right of maintenance,’ which Christ had expressly given to His true 
Apostles. They also depreciated him as a maintainer of celibacy, and 
contrasted him in this respect with the great Pillars of the Church, “ the 
brethren of the Lord and Cephas,” who were married. And no doubt 
they declaimed against the audacity of a converted persecutor, “born 
into the Church out of due time,” in “ withstanding to the face” the 
chief of the Apostles. A still more violent section called themselves, by 
a strange misnomer, the party of Christ.» These appear to have laid 
great stress upon the fact, that Paul had never seen or known our Lord 
while on earth; and they claimed for themselves a peculiar connection 
with Christ, as having either been among the number of His disciples, or 
at least as being in close connection with the “ brethren of the Lord,” and 
especially with James, the head of the Church at Jerusalem. To this 
subdivision probably belonged the emissaries who professed to come “ from 
James,” ® and who created a schism in the Church of Antioch. 

Connected to a certain extent with the Judaizing party, but yet to be 
carefully distinguished from it, were those Christians who are known in 
the New Testament as the “ weak brethren.” * These were not a factious 
or schismatic party ; nay, they were not, properly speaking, a party at all. 


1 We learn from Epiphanius that the Ebi- 
onites accused St. Paul of renouncing Juda- 
ism because he was a rejected candidate for 
the hand of the High Priest’s daughter. See 
p- 91. 

2 The MS. reading is Cephas, not Peter, in 
those passages where the language of the 
Judaizers is referred to. See note on Gal. i. 18. 

8 1 Cor. ix. 4,6, 2 Cor. xi. 9, 10. 

eel Cor. 1x: 5 

5 Such appears the most natural explana- 


tion of the “Christ” party (1 Cor. i. 12). 
As to the views held by some eminent com- 
mentators on the passage, it is a question 


_ whether they are consistent with 2 Cor. x. 7. 


Surely St. Paul would neyer have said, “As 
those who claim some imaginary communion 
with Christ belong to Christ, so also do / 
belong to Christ.” 

6 Gal. ii. 12. 

7 Rom. xiv. 1,2; Rom. xv. 1; 1 Cor vui 
7, ix. 22. 


390 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 





















They were individual converts of Jewish extraction, whose minds 
not as yet sufficiently enlightened to comprehend the fulness of “ 
liberty with which Christ had made them free.” Their conscience was 
sensitive, and filled with scruples, resulting from early habit and old 
prejudices ; but they did not join in the violence of the Judaizing bigots, 
and there was even a danger lest they should be led, by the example o: 
their more enlightened brethren, to wound their own conscience, by join- 
ing in acts which they, in their secret hearts, thought wrong. Nothing is 
more beautiful than the tenderness and sympathy which St. Paul shoy 
towards these weak Christians. While he plainly sets before them thei 
mistake, and shows that their prejudices result from ignorance, yet he has 
no sterner rebuke for them than to express his confidence in their further 
enlightenment: “If in any thing ye be otherwise minded, God shall reveal 
this also unto you.””! So great is his anxiety lest the liberty which they 
witnessed in others should tempt them to blunt the delicacy of their 
moral feeling, that he warns his more enlightened converts to abstai 
from lawful indulgences, lest they cause the weak to stumble. “If meat 
make my brother to offend, I will eat no meat while the world standeth, 
lest I make my brother to offend.”? “Brethren, ye have been called 
unto liberty, only use not liberty for an occasion to the flesh, but by love 
serve one another.” * “ Destroy not him with thy meat for whom Christ 
died.’’ 4 
These latter warnings were addressed by St. Paul to a party very differ- 
ent from those of whom we have previously spoken ; a party who called 
themselves (as we see from his epistle to Corinth) by his own name, and 
professed to follow his teaching, yet were not always animated by his 
spirit. There was an obvious danger lest the opponents of the Judaizing 
section of the Church should themselves imitate one of the errors of 
their antagonists, by combining as partisans rather than as Christians. © 
St. Paul feels himself necessitated to remind them that the very idea of — 
the Catholic Church excludes all party combinations from its pale, and 
that adverse factions, ranging themselves under human leaders, involve a - 
contradiction to the Christian name. ‘Is Christ divided? was Paul 
crucified for you? or were you baptized into the name of Paul?” “ Who, | 
then, is Paul, and who is Apollos, but ministers by whom ye believed ?”* 
The Pauline party (as they called themselves) appear to have ridiculed — 
the scrupulosity of their less enlightened brethren, and to have felt for 
them a contempt inconsistent with the spirit of Christian love. And in 


1 Phil. iii. 15. 5 1 Cor. i. 18, and 1 Cor. iii. 5. 

2 1 Cor. viii. 13. 6 Rom. xiv. 10. ‘‘ Why dost thou despise 
3 Gal. v. 13. thy brother?” is a question addressed to this 
* Rom. xiv. 15. party. 


CHAP, XI, DIVISIONS IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH. 391 


their opposition to the Judaizers, they showed a bitterness of feeling and 
violence of action,! too like that of their opponents. Some of them, also, 
were inclined to exult over the fall of God’s ancient people, and to glory 
in their own position, as though it had been won by superior merit. 
These are rebuked by St. Paul for their “ boasting,” and warned against 
its consequences. ‘ Be not high-minded, but fear; for if God spared not 
the natural branches, take heed lest He also spare not thee.”? One sec- 
tion of this party seems to have united these errors with one still more 
dangerous to the simplicity of the Christian faith; they received Chris- 
tianity more in an intellectual than a moral aspect; not as a spiritual 
religion, so much as a new system of philosophy. This was a phase of 
error most likely to occur among the disputatious*® reasoners who 
abounded in the great Greek cities; and, accordingly, we find the first 
trace of its existence at Corinth. There it took a peculiar form, in con- 
sequence of the arrival of Apollos as a Christian teacher, soon after the 
departure of St. Paul. He was a Jew of Alexandria, and as such had 
received that Grecian cultivation, and acquired that familiarity with 
Greek philosophy, which distinguished the more learned Alexandrian 
Jews. Thus he was able to adapt his teaching to the taste of his philos- 
ophizing hearers at Corinth far more than St. Paul could do; and, 
indeed, the latter had purposely abstained from even attempting this at 
Corinth.! Accordingly, the School which we have mentioned called 
themselves the followers of Apollos, and extolled his philosophic views, in 
opposition to the simple and unlearned simplicity which they ascribed to 
the style of St. Paul. It is easy to perceive in the temper of this portion 
of the Church the germ of that rationalizing tendency which afterwards 
developed itself into the Greek element of Gnosticism. Already, indeed, 
although that heresy was not yet invented, some of the worst opinions of 
the worst Gnostics found advocates among those who called themselves 
Christians; there was, even now, a party in the Church which defended 
fornication > on theory, and which denied the resurrection of the dead.® 
These heresies probably originated with those who (as we have observed) 
embraced Christianity as a new philosophy ; some of whom attempted, 
with a perverted ingenuity, to extract from its doctrines a justification of 
the immoral life to which they were addicted. Thus, St. Paul had taught 
that the law was dead to true Christians; meaning thereby, that those 
who were penetrated by the Holy Spirit, and made one with Christ, 
worked righteousness, not in consequence of a law of precepts and penal- 


1 See the admonitions addressed to the 3 The “disputers of this world,” 1 Cor. i. 
“ spiritual” in Gal. v. 13, 14, 26, and Gal. vi. 20. £1 Cor. ii. 1. 
1-5. 5 See 1 Cor. vi. 9-20. 


2 Rom. xi. 17-22 5 See 1 Cox. xv. 12. 


892 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. OHAP, Xu 














ties, but through the necessary operation of the spiritual principle with 
them. For, as the law against theft might be said to be dead to a ri¢ 
man (because he would feel no temptation to break it), so the whole 
moral law would be dead to a perfect Christian ;! hence, to a real Chri 
tian, it might in one sense be truly said that prohibitions were abolished® 
But the heretics of whom we are speaking took this proposition in a sense 
the very opposite to that which it really conveyed ; and whereas St. Pa 
taught that prohibitions were abolished for the righteous, they maintained 
that all things were lawful to the wicked. ‘ The law is dead ”’*® was their 
motto, and their practice was what the practice of Antinomians in all 
ages has been. “ Let us continue in sin, that grace may abound,” we 
their horrible perversion of the Evangelical revelation that God is love. 
“Tn Christ Jesus, neither circumcision availeth any thing, nor uncire 
cision.” ‘ ‘ The letter killeth, but the Spirit giveth life.”* “ Meat com 
mendeth us not to God; for neither if we eat are we the better, nor if we 
eat not are we the worse;”® “the kingdom of God is not meat and 
drink.” * Such were the words in which St. Paul expressed the grea 
truth, that religion is not a matter of outward ceremonies, but of inwa 
life. But these heretics caught up the words, and inferred that all out- 
ward acts were indifferent, and none could be criminal. They advocated 
the most unrestrained indulgence of the passions, and took for their 
maxim the worst precept of Epicurean atheism, ‘ Let us eat and drink 
for to-morrow we die.” It is in the wealthy and vicious cities of Rome 
and Corinth that we find these errors first manifesting themselves; an 
in the voluptuous atmosphere of the latter it was not unnatural that en 
should be some who would seek in a new religion an excuse for their ol 
vices, and others who would easily be led astray by those “ evil communi- 
cations” whose corrupting influence the Apostle himself mentions as the 
chief source of this mischief. 

The Resurrection of the Dead was denied in the same city and by the 
same ® party ; nor is it strange that as the sensual Felix trembled when 
Paul preached to him of the judgment to come, so these profligate cavil- 
lers shrank from the thought of that tribunal before which account must 
be given of the things done in the body. Perhaps, also (as some have 
inferred from St. Paul’s refutation of these heretics), they had misunder 


1 This state would be perfectly realized if 2 Compare 1 Tim. i. 9, —“‘the Law is not 
the renovation of heart were complete; andit made for a righteous man.” 
is practically realized in proportion as the 8 « All things are lawful unto me,” 1 Cor 
Christian’s spiritual union with Christ ap- vi. 12. * Gal. v. 6. 
proaches its theoretic standard. Perhaps it 5 2 Cor. iii. 6. ® 1 Cor. viii. & 


was perfectly realized by St. Paul when he 7 Rom. xiv. 17. 
wrote Gal. ii. 20 8 This is proved by 1 Cor. xv. 35. 


cmAP, XII. HERESIES IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH. 393 


stood the Christian doctrine, which teaches us to believe in the resurrec 
tion of a spiritual body, as though it had asserted the re-animation of 
“this vile body ”’ of “ flesh and blood,”’ which “ cannot inherit the king. 
dom of God ;” or it is possible that a materialistic philosophy! led them 
to maintain that when the body had crumbled away in the grave, or been 
consumed on the funeral pyre, nothing of the man remained in being 
in either case, they probably explained away the doctrine of the Res 
urrection as a metaphor, similar to that employed by St. Paul when he 
says that baptism is the resurrection of the new convert;? thus they 
would agree with those later heretics (of whom were Hymenzus and 
Philetus) who taught “ that the Resurrection was past already.” 

Hitherto we have spoken of those divisions and heresies which appear 
to have sprung up in the several Churches founded by St. Paul at the 
earliest period of their history, almost immediately after their conversion. 
Beyond this period we are not yet arrived in St. Paul’s life; and from 
his conversion even to the time of his imprisonment, his conflict was 
mainly with Jews or Judaizers. But there were other forms of error 
which harassed his declining years; and these we will now endeavor 
(although anticipating the course of our biography) shortly to describe, 
so that it may not be necessary afterwards to revert to the subject, and 
at the same time that particular cases, which will meet us in the Epistles, 
may be understood in their relation to the general religious aspect of 
the time. 

We have seen that, in the earliest epoch of the Church, there were 
two elements of error which had already shown themselves ; namely, 
the bigoted, exclusive, and superstitious tendency, which was of Jewish 
origin; and the pseudo-philosophic, or rationalizing tendency, which was 
of Grecian birth. In the early period of which we have hitherto spoken, 
and onwards till the time of St. Paul’s imprisonment at Rome, the first 
of these tendencies was the principal source of danger; but after this, as 
the Church enlarged itself, and the number of Gentile converts more and 
more exceeded that of Jewish Christians, the case was altered. The 
catholicity of the Church became an established fact, and the Judaizers, 
properly so called, ceased to exist as an influential party anywhere except 
in Palestine. Yet still, though the Jews were forced to give up their 
exclusiveness, and to acknowledge the uncircumcised as “ fellow-heirs 
and of the same body,” their superstition remained, and became a 
fruitful source of mischief. On the other hand, those who sought for 
nothing more in Christianity than a new philosophy, were naturally 


1 If this were the case, we must suppose  Gnostics, who denied the Resurrection. 
them to have been of Epicurean tendencies, 2 Col. ii. 12. Compare Rom. vi. 4. 
and, so far, different from the later Platonizing 


a 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST, PAUL, oRAP, 






















increased in number, in proportion as the Church gained converts fre 
the educated classes; the lecturers in the schools of Athens, the * wi 
dom-seekers” of Corinth, the Antinomian perverters of St. Paul 
teaching, and the Platonizing rabbis of Alexandria, all would share 
this tendency. The latter, indeed, as represented by the learned Phi 
had already attempted to construct a system of Judaic Platonism, whie 
explained away almost all the peculiarities of the Mosaic theology in 
accordance with the doctrines of the Academy. And thus the way wa 
already paved for the introduction of that most curious amalgam 
Hellenic and Oriental speculation with Jewish superstition, which ws 
afterwards called the Gnostic heresy. It is a disputed point at what tim 
this heresy made its first appearance in the Church: some! think that 
had already commenced in the Church of Corinth when St. Paul warne 
them to beware of the knowledge (Gnosis) which puffeth up; other 
maintain that it did not originate till the time of Basilides, long afte 
the last Apostle had fallen asleep in Jesus. Perhaps, however, we ma) 
consider this as a difference rather about the definition of a term thai 
the history of a sect. If we define Gnosticism to be that combination o} 
Orientalism and Platonism held by the followers of Basilides or Valen 
tinus, and refuse the title of Gnostic to any but those who adopted the 
systems, no doubt we must not place the Gnostics among the heretics o 
the Apostolic age. But if, on the other hand (as seems most natural) 
we define a Gnostic to be one who claims the possession of a peculie 
“ Gnosis” (7. e. a deep and philosophic insight into the mysteries of 
theology, unattainable by the vulgar), then it is indisputable that Gnos- 
ticism had begun when St. Paul warned Timothy against those who lai 
claim to a “ knowledge (Gnosis)? falsely so called. And, moreover, w 
find that, even in the Apostolic age, these arrogant speculators had begun 
to blend with their Hellenic philosophy certain fragments of Jewish 
superstition, which afterwards were incorporated into the Cabala.° 


1 This is the opinion of Dr. Burton, the 
great English authority on the Gnostic heresy. 
(Lectures, pp. 84, 85.) We cannot refer to 
this eminent theologian without expressing 
our obligation to his writings, and our admi- 
cation for that union of profound learning 
with clear good sense and candor which dis- 
tinguishes him. His premature death robbed 
tte Church of England of a writer, who, had 
his life been spared, would have been inferior 
to none of its brightest ornaments. 

2 Neander well observes, that the essential 
feature in Gnosticism is its re-establishing an 
aristocracy of knowledge in religion, and reject- 












ing the Christian principle which recognizes 
no religious distinctions between rich and poor, 
learned and ignorant. (Church History, sect. 
4.) So in Hippolytus’s recently-discovere 
“ Refutation of Heresies,” we find that som 
of the earlier Gnostics are represented as im- 
terpreting the “good ground” in the parable 
of the Sower to mean the higher order of 
intellects. 

8 Thus the “genealogies” mentioned im 
the Pastoral Epistles were probably those 
speculations about the emanations of spiritual | 
beings found in the Cabala; at least, such is 
Burton’s opinion. (Pp. 114 and 413.) Ard 


cua xin, HERESIES IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH. 395 
spite, however, of the occurrence of such Jewish elements, those heresies 
which troubled the later years of St. Paul, and afterwards of St. John, 
were essentially rather of Gentile’ than of Jewish origin. So far as 
they agreed with the later Gnosticism, this must certainly have been the 
ease, for we know that it was a characteristic of all the Gnostic sects to 
despise the Jewish Scriptures. Moreover, those who laid claims to 
« Gnosis” at Corinth (as we have seen) were a Gentile party, who pro- 
fessed to adopt St. Paul’s doctrine of the abolition of the law, and per- 
verted it into Antinomianism: in short, they were the opposite extreme 
to the Judaizing party. Nor need we be surprised to find that some 
of these philosophizing heretics adopted some of the wildest super- 
stitions of the Jews; for these very superstitions were not so much the 
natural growth of Judaism as ingrafted upon it by its Rabbinical 
corrupters and derived from Oriental sources. And there was a strong 
uffinity between the neo-Platonic philosophy of Alexandria and the 
Oriental theosophy which sprang from Buddhism and other kindred 
systems, and which degenerated into the practice of magic and incanta- 
lons. 

It is not necessary, however, that we should enter into any discussion 
of the subsequent development of these errors; our subject only re- 
quires that we give an outline of the forms which they assumed during 
the lifetime of St. Paul; and this we can only do very imperfectly, 
oecause the allusions in St. Paul’s writings are so few and so brief, that 
they give us but little information. Still, they suffice to show the main 
features of the heresies which he condemns, especially when we compare 
jkem with notices in other parts of the New Testament, and with the 
history of the Church in the succeeding century. 

We may consider these heresies, first, in their doctrinal, and, secondly, 
in their practical aspect. With regard to the former, we find that their 
yeneral characteristic was the claim to a deep philosophical insight into 
the mysteries of religion. Thus the Colossians are warned against the 
false teachers who would deceive them by a vain affectation of “‘ Philoso- 
phy,’ and who were “ puffed up by a fleshly mind.” (Col. ii. 8, 18.)° 
So, in the Epistle to Timothy, St. Paul speaks of these heretics as falsely 
claiming “ knowledge ” (Gnosis). And in the Epistle to the Ephesians 


the Angel worship at Colosse belonged to the 
same Class of superstitions. Ithas been shown 
»y Dr. Burton (pp. 304-306), as well as by 
Neander and other writers, that the later 
Gnostic theories of ons and emanations were 
ierived, in some measure, from Jewish sources, 
ulthough the essential character of Gnosticism 
s entirely Anti-Judaical. 


1 In the larger editions is an Appendix on 
the “‘ Heretics of the later Apostolic Age.” 

2 Dr. Burton says:—“‘ We find all the 
Gnostics agreed in rejecting the Jewish Scrip- 
tures, or at least in treating them with con- 
tempt.” — P. 39. 

3 Compare 1 Cor. viii. 1: “ Knowledge 
(gnosis) puffeth up.” 


396 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. omar. x 























(so called) he seems to allude to the same boastful assumption, when 
speaks of the love of Christ as surpassing “ knowledge,” in a passag 
which contains other apparent allusions! to Gnostic doctrine. Connect 
ed with this claim to a deeper insight into truth than that possessed 
the uninitiated, was the manner in which some of these heretics explain 
away the facts of revelation by an allegorical interpretation. Thus | 

find that a piokas and Philetus maintained that “ the Resurrectic 
was past already.”” We have seen that a heresy apparently identical ¥ 

this existed at a very early period in the Church of Corinth, among 
free-thinking, or pseudo-philosophical, party there; and all the Gnost 
sects of the second century were united in denying the resurrection o 
the dead.? Again, we find the Colossian heretics introducing a worsh 
of angels, “intruding into those things which they have not seen :” ar 
so, in the Pastoral Epistles, the “ self-styled Gnostics” (1 Tim. vi. 2 
are occupied with “endless genealogies,” which were probably fancifi 
myths, concerning the origin and emanation of spiritual beings.* 
latter is one of the points in which Jewish superstition was blended w 
Gentile speculation ; for we find in the Cabala,‘ or collection of Jewi 
traditional theology, many fabulous statements concerning such ema 
tions. It seems to be a similar superstition which is stigmatized in # 
Pastoral Epistles as consisting of ‘“ profane and old wives’ fables ;”’* a 
again, of “‘ Jewish fables and commandments of men.” * The Gnosties ¢ 
the second century adopted and systematized this theory of emanations 
and it became one of the most peculiar and distinctive features of the 
heresy. But this was not the only Jewish element in the teaching ¢ 
these Colossian heretics ; we find also that they made a point of conscience 
of observing the Jewish Sabbaths" and festivals, and they are che 
with clinging to outward rites (Col. ii. 8, 20), and making distinctio 


between the lawfulness of different kinds of food. 


1 Eph. iii. 19. See Dr. Burton’s remarks, 
Lectures, pp. 83 and 125. 

2 Burton, p. 131. 

8 See p. 394, n. 8. According to the 
Cabala, there were ten Sephiroth, or emana- 
tions proceeding from God, which appear to 
have suggested the Gnostic sons. Upon this 
theory was grafted a system of magic, con- 
sisting mainly of the use of Scriptural words 
to produce supernatural effects. 

4 St. Paul denounces “the tradition of 
men” (Col. ii. 8) as the source of these 
errors ; and the word Cabala means tradition. 
Dr. Burton says, ‘ The Cabala had certainly 
grown into a system at the time of the de- 
struction of Jerusalem; and there is also 












evidence that it had been cultivated by the 
Jewish doctors long before.” — P. 298. [See 
above, Ch. II. p. 55.—.] 

5 1 Tim. iv. 7. 

§ Tit. i. 14. 

7 This does not prove them, however, # 
have been Jews, for the superstitious Heathen 
were also in the habit of adopting some of 
the rites of Judaism, under the idea of their 
producing some magical effect upon them; a 
we find from the Roman satirists. Compare 
Horace, Sat. 1. 9, 71 (“ Hodie tricesima sab- 
bata,” &e.), and Juv. vi. 542-547. See also 
some remarks on the Colossian heretics im 
our introductory remarks on the Epistle to t 
Colossians. 


"i * ved 


mar, XI. HERESIES IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH. 397 


In their practical results, these heresies which we are considering had 
a twofold direction. On one side was an ascetic tendency, such as we 
find at Colosse, showing itself by an arbitrarily invented worship of God, 
an affectation of self-humiliation and mortification of the flesh. So, in 
the Pastoral Epistles, we find the prohibition of marriage,’ the enforced 
abstinence from food, and other bodily mortifications, mentioned as 
characteristics of heresy.* If this asceticism originated from the Jewish 
element which has been mentioned above, it may be compared with the 
practice of the Essenes,‘ whose existence shows that such asceticism was 
not inconsistent with Judaism, although it was contrary to the views of 
the Judaizing party properly so called. On the other hand, it may have 
arisen from that abhorrence of matter, and anxiety to free the soul from 
the dominion of the body, which distinguished the Alexandrian Plato- 
nists, and which (derived from them) became a characteristic of some of 
the Gnostic sects. 

But this asceticism was a weak and comparatively innocent form, in 
which the practical results of this incipient Gnosticism exhibited them- 
selves. Its really dangerous manifestation was derived, not from its 
Jewish, but from its Heathen element. We have seen how this showed 
itself from the first at Corinth; how men sheltered their immoralities 
under the name of Christianity, and even justified them by a perversion 
of its doctrines. Such teaching could not fail to find a ready audience 
wherever there were found vicious lives and hardened consciences. Ac- 
cordingly, it was in the luxurious and corrupt population of Asia Minor,® 
that this early Gnosticism assumed its worst form of immoral practice 
defended by Antinomian doctrine. Thus, in the Epistle to the Ephesians, 
St. Paul warns his readers against the sophistical arguments by which 
certain false teachers strove to justify the sins of impurity, and to per- 
suade them that the acts of the body could not contaminate the soul,— 
“Let no man deceive you with vain words ; for because of these things 


1 “ Will-worship.” — Col. ii. 23. 

2 Which certainly was the reverse of the 
Judaizing exaltation of marriage. 

® St. Panl declares that these errors shall 
come “in the last days” (2 Tim. iii. 1); but 
St. John says “the last days” were come in 
his time (1 John ii. 18); and it is implied by 
St. Paul’s words that the evils he denounces 
were already in action; just as he had said 
before to the Thessalonians, “ the mystery of 
lawlessness is already working” (2 Thess. 
li. 7), where the peculiar expressions “‘ lawless- 
ness” and “‘ the lawless one” seem to point to 
the Antinomian character of these heresies. 


* [See above, Ch. II. p. 32. —u.] 

5 Both at Colosss and in Crete it seems 
to have been the Jewish form of these heresies 
which predominated: at Colosse they took 
an ascetic direction; in Crete, among a sim 
pler and more provincial population, the false 
teachers seem to have been hypocrites. who 
encouraged the vices to which their followers 
were addicted, and inoculated them with 
foolish superstitions (Tit. i. 14, iii. 9); bur 
we do not find in these Epistles any mention 
of the theoretic Antinomianism which existed 
in some of the great cities. 


898 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. CHAP. 
















cometh the wrath of God upon the children of disobedience.”! H 
menezus and Philetus are the first leaders of this party mentioned | 
name: we have seen that they agreed with the Corinthian Antinomiz 
in denying the Resurrection, and they agreed with them no less in p 
tice than in theory. Of the first of them it is expressly said that he* had 
“ cast away a good conscience,” and of both we are told that they showed 
themselves not to belong to Christ, because they had not His seal ; this 
seal being described as twofold, — “The Lord knoweth them that are 
His,” and “ Let every one that nameth the name of Christ depart fro 
iniquity.”* St. Paul appears to imply that though they boasted the 
“ knowledge of God,” yet the Lord had no knowledge of them; as o 
Saviour had himself declared that to the claims of such false disciples E 
would reply, “‘ I never knew you ; depart from me, ye workers of iniquity 
But in the same Epistle where these heresiarchs are condemned, St. Pa 
intimates that their principles were not yet fully developed; he we 
Timothy ‘ that an outburst of immorality and lawlessness must be short 
expected within the Church beyond any thing which had yet been e3 
perienced. The same anticipation appears in his farewell address to th 
Ephesian presbyters, and even at the early period of his Epistles to 
Thessalonians; and we see from the Epistles of St. Peter and St. Jude 
and from the Apocalypse of St. John, all addressed (it should be remem 
bered) to the Churches of Asia Minor, that this prophetic warning ¥ 
soon fulfilled. We find that many Christians used their liberty as a clos 
of maliciousness ;° “ promising their hearers liberty, yet themselves th 
slaves of corruption ; ”’® “¢ turning the grace of God into lasciviousness ; ” 
that they were justly condemned by the surrounding Heathen for thei 
crimes, and even suffered punishment as robbers and murderers.’ The} 
were also infamous for the practice of the pretended arts of magic ani 
witchcraft,’ which they may have borrowed either from the Jewish sooth 
sayers ” and exorcisers," or from the Heathen professors of magical arts 
who so much abounded at the same epoch. Some of them, who are called 
the followers of Balaam in the Epistles of Peter and Jude, and 
Nicolaitans (an equivalent name) in the Apocalypse, taught their folloy 
ers to indulge in the sensual impurities, and even in the idol-feasts, of the 


1 Eph. v. 6. See also the whole of the § 2 Pet. ii. 19. 
warnings in Eph. vy. The Epistle, though not 7 Jude 4. 
addressed (at any rate not exclusively) to the 8 1 Pet. iv. 15. 


Ephesians, was probably sent to several other 
cities in Asia Minor. 

2 1 Tim. i. 19, 20. 

3 2 Tim. ii. 19. 

« 2 Tim. iii. 

* 1 Pet, ii. 16. 


® Rev. ii. 20. Compare Rev. ix. 21, Rey. 
xxi. 8, and Rev. xxii. 15. 

10 Compare Juy. vi. 546: “ Quali 
voles Judei somnia vendunt.” [See abo 
Ch. V. pp. 132, 1338. — #.] 

11 See Acts xix. 18. 





he xu, 399 


r 


HERESIES IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH. 


Heathen.’ We find, moreover, that these false disciples, with their 
licentiousness in morals, united anarchy in politics, and resistance to law 
and government. They “ walked after the flesh in the lust of uuciean- 
ness, and despised governments.” And thus they gave rise to those 
charges against Christianity itself, which were made by the Heathen 
writers of the time, whose knowledge of the new religion was naturally 
taken from those amongst its professors who rendered themselves notori- 
ous by falling under the judgment of the Law. 

| When thus we contemplate the true character of these divisions and 
heresies which beset the Apostolic Church, we cannot but acknowledge 
that it needed all those miraculous gifts with which it was endowed, and 
ali that inspired wisdom which presided over its organization, to ward off 
dangers which threatened to blight its growth and destroy its very exist- 
ance. In its earliest infancy, two powerful and venomous foes twined 
themselves round its very cradle; but its strength was according to its 
day ; with a supernatural vigor it rent off the coils of Jewish bigotry and 
stifled the poisonous breath of Heathen licentiousness ; but the peril was 
mortal, and the struggle was for life or death. Had the Church’s fate 
oeen subjected to the ordinary laws which regulate the history of earthly 
sommonwealths, it could scarcely have escaped one of two opposite desti- 
nies, either of which must have equally defeated (if we may so speak) 
the world’s salvation. Hither it must have been cramped into a Jewish 
sect, according to the wish of the majority of its earliest members, or 
(having escaped this immediate extinction) it must have added one more 
to the innumerable schools of Heathen philosophy, subdividing into a 
hundred branches, whose votaries would some of them have sunk into 
/ 


_ 1 Such, at least, seems the natural explana- not impute to them sin.” And Epiphanius 


tion of the words in Rev. ii. 20; for we can 
scarcely suppose so strong a condemnation if 
the offence had been only eating meat which 
had once formed part of a sacrifice. It is re- 
markable how completely the Gnostics of the 
second century resembled these earlier heretics 
in ail the points here mentioned. Their im- 
orality is the subject of constant animadver- 
sion in the writings of the Fathers, who tell 
that the calumnies which were cast upon 
fhe Christians by the Heathen were caused by 
the vices of the Gnostics. Irengus asserts 
that they said, “as golii deposited in mud does 
ot lose its beauty, so they themselves, what- 
ever may be their outward immorality, can- 
not be injured by it, nor lose their spiritual 
é. a And so Justin Martyr speaks of 
heretics, who said ‘‘taat though they live sin- 
‘al lives, yet. if they know God, the Lord will 


gives the most horrible details of the enor- 
mities which they practised. Again, their 
addiction to magical arts was notorious. And 
their leaders, Basilides and Valentinus, are 
accused of acting like the Nicolaitans of the 
Apocalypse, to avoid persecution. Such ac- 
cusations may, no doubt, be slanders, as far as 
those leaders were individually concerned. 
The increased knowledge of them which we 
have lately derived from the publication of 
Hippolytus’s “ Refutation of Heresies” leads 
us to think of them as bold speculators, buf 
not as bad men. Yet we cannot doubt that 
their philosophical speculations degenerated 
into the most superstitious theosophy in the 
hands of their followers. And the details 
furnished by Hippolytus prove that many of 
the Gnostics fully deserved the charges of 
immorality commonly brought against them. 


400 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. THAR, 

























Oriental superstitions, others into Pagan voluptuousness. If we ne 
any proof how narrowly the Church escaped this latter peril, we ha 
only to look at the fearful power of Gnosticism in the succeeding centr 
And, indeed, the more we consider the elements of which every Chris 
community was originally composed, the more must we wonder | 
the little flock of the wise and good! could have successfully resisted ¢ 
overwhelming contagion of folly and wickedness. In every city 4 
nucleus of the Church consisted of Jews and Jewish proselytes; on ( 
foundation was superadded a miscellaneous mass of Heathen conver 
almost exclusively from the lowest classes, baptized, indeed, into the na 
of Jesus, but still with all the habits of a life of idolatry and vice clir 
ing to them. How was it, then, that such a society could escape the t 
temptations which assailed it just at the time when they were most Ji 
to be fatal? While as yet the Jewish element preponderated, a fanatic 
party, commanding almost necessarily the sympathies of the Jewish pi 
tion of the society, made a zealous and combined effort to redu 
Christianity to Judaism, and subordinate the Church to the Synagogu 
Over their great opponent, the one Apostle of the Gentiles, they won 
temporary triumph, and saw him consigned to prison and to death. He 
was it that the very hour of their victory was the epoch from wich ¥ 
date their failure? Again,—this stage is passed,—the Church 
thrown open to the Gentiles, and crowds flock in, some attrazted | 
wonder at the miracles they see, some by hatred of the governmert un¢ 
which they live, and by hopes that they may turn the Church into 
organized conspiracy against law and order; and even the beut, as y 
unsettled in their faith, and ready to exchange their new belief for 
newer, “carried about with every wind of doctrine.” At such an epoch, 
a systematic theory is devised, reconciling the profession of Cl.ristianil 
with the practice of immorality ; its teachers proclaim that Christ I 
freed them from the law, and that the man who has attained tru) spiritu 
enlightenment is above the obligations of outward morality : and will 
this seducing philosophy for the Gentile they readily combine the Cah 
listic superstitions of Rabbinical tradition to captivate the <ew. Who 
could wonder if, when such incendiaries applied their torch to such mate- 
rials, a flame burst forth which well-nigh consumed the fabri:? Surely 
that day of trial was “ revealed in fire,” and the building whish was able 
to abide the flame was nothing less than the temple of God. H 
It is painful to be compelled to acknowledge among th) Christians 
of the Apostolic Age the existence of so many forms of e-ror and sim. 
It was a pleasing dream which represented the primitive church as @ 


1 Whom St. Paul calls “perfect” (Phil. iii. 15), i.e. mature in the know sdge of 
truth. 


a 


. : ‘ 
HAP, XIU, HERESIES 1N THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH. 401 


society of angels; and it is not without a struggle that we bring our- 
selves to open our eyes and behold the reality. But yet it is a higher 
eeling which bids us thankfully recognize the truth that “there is no 
sartiality with God ;” that He has never supernaturally coerced any 
yeneration of mankind into virtue, nor rendered schism and heresy 
mpossible in any age of the Church. So St. Paul tells his converts? 
hat there must needs be heresies among them, that the good may be 
ried and distinguished from the bad; implying that, without the possi- 
lity of a choice, there would be no test of faith or holiness. And so 
ur Lord Himself compared His Church to a net cast into the sea, 
vhich gathered fish of all kinds, both good and bad; nor was its purity 
0 be attained by the exclusion of evil, till the end should come. There- 
ore, if we sigh, as well we may, for the realization of an ideal which 
icripture paints to us and imagination embodies, but which our eyes 
eek for and cannot find; if we look vainly and with earnest longings 
or the appearance of that glorious Church, “ without spot or wrinkle 
r any such thing,” the fitting bride of a heavenly spouse ;—it may 
alm our impatience to recollect that no such Church has ever existed 
pon earth, while yet we do not forget that it has existed and does 
xist in heaven. In the very lifetime of the Apostles, no less than 
ow, “the earnest expectation of the creature waited for the mani- 
sstation of the sons of God;” miracles did not convert; inspira- 
ion did not sanctify; then, as now, imperfection and evil clung to the 
aembers, and clogged the energies of the kingdom of God; now, as 
hen, Christians are fellow-heirs, and of the same body with the spirits 
f just men made perfect; now, as then, the communion of saints unites 
ato one family the Church militant with the Church triumphant. 





% Acts x 34. the eastern and western harbors of Corinth, 
% 1 Cor. xi. 19. which is symbolized by the female figure on a 
* he figures on the right and left represent rock in the centre. See p. 360. 

26 


CHAPTER XIV. 


Departure from Antioch. — St. Paul’s Companions. —Journey through Phrygia and G: 
Apollos at Ephesus and Corinth. — Arrival of St. Paul at Ephesus. —Disciples of Jo 
Baptist. — The Synagogue. — The School of Tyrannus. — Ephesian Magic. — Miracle 
The Exorcists, — Burning of the Books. 













HE next period of St. Paul’s life opens with a third journey thro: 
the interior of Asia Minor.’ In the short stay which he had 
at Ephesus on his return from his second journey, he had promisec 
come again to that city, if the providence of God should allow it. Thi: 
promise he was enabled to fulfil, after a hasty visit to the metropolis 
the Jewish nation, and a longer sojourn in the first metropolis of hi 
Gentile Church.® 
It would lead us into long and useless discussions, if we were 
speculate on the time spent at Antioch, and the details of the Apos 
occupation in the scene of his early labors. We have already stated 
reasons for believing that the discussions which led to the Council 
Jerusalem, took place at an earlier period,‘ as well as the quarrel betwe 
St. Peter and St. Paul concerning the propriety of concession to” 
Judaizers.® But without knowing the particular form of the controy 
sies brought before him, or the names of those Christian teachers 
whom he conferred, we have seen enough to make us aware that im 
nent dangers from the Judaizing party surrounded the Church, and # 
Antioch was a favorable place for meeting the machinations of this par 
as well as a convenient starting-point for a journey undertaken 
strengthen those communities that were likely to be invaded by fa 
teachers from Judea. 
It is evident that it was not St. Paul’s only object to proceed with | 
haste to Ephesus: nor indeed is it credible that he could pass througl 
the regions of Cilicia and Lycaonia, Phrygia and Galatia, withe 
remaining to confirm those Churches which he had founded himself, anc 


1 Acts xviii. 23. 5 Neander is inclined to assign the mist 
2 Tb. 21. See pp. 368, 369. derstanding of the two Apostles to this tim 
® See the end of Ch. XT. So Olshausen. See p. 198. 


* See Appendix I. for the answers to Wie- 
seler’s arguments on this subject. 
402 





OHAP, XIV, ST. PAUL’S THIRD JOURNEY IN ASIA MINOR. 403 


some of which he had visited twice. We are plainly told that his journey 
was occupied in this work, and the few words which refer to this subject 
imply a systematic visitation. He would be the more anxious to estab- 
lish them in the true principles of the Gospel, in proportion as he was 
aware of the widely-spreading influence of the Judaizers. Another 
specific object, not unconnected with the healing of divisions, was before 
him during the whole of this missionary journey, —a collection for the 
relief of the poor Christians in Judza.? It had been agreed, at the meet- 
ing of the Apostolic Council (Gal. ii. 9, 10), that while some should go 
to the Heathen, and others to the Circumcision, the former should care- 
fully “‘ remember the poor;” and this we see St. Paul, on the present 
journey among the Gentile Churches, “ forward to do.” We even know 
the “order which he gave to the Churches of Galatia” (1 Cor. xvi. 1, 
2). He directed that each person should lay by in store, on the first day 
of the week, according as God had prospered him, that the collection 
should be deliberately made, and prepared for an opportunity of being 
taken to Jerusalem. 

We are not able to state either the exact route which St. Paul followed, 
or the names of the companions by whom he was attended. As regards 
the latter subject, however, two points may be taken for granted, that 
Silas ceased to be, and that Timotheus continued to be, an associate of 
the Apostle. It is most probable that Silas remained behind in Jerusa- 
lem, whence he had first accompanied Barnabas with the Apostolic letter,’ 
and where, on the first mention of his name, he is stated to have held a 
leading position in the Church.* He is not again mentioned in connec- 
tion with the Apostle of the Gentiles.’ The next place in Scripture 
where his name occurs is in the letter of the Apostle of the Circumcision 
(1 Pet. v. 12), which is addressed to the strangers scattered throughout 
Pontus, Galatia, Cappadocia, Asia, and Bithynia. There, “ Silvanus ” is 
spoken of as one not unknown to the persons addressed, but as “a faith- 
ful brother unto them ; ’’ — by him the letter was sent which “ exhorted” 
the Christians in the north and west of Asia Minor, and “ testified that 
that was the true grace of God wherein they stood ;”— and the same 
disciple is seen, on the last mention of his name, as on the first, to be 
co-operating for the welfare of the Church, both with St. Peter and St. 
Paul.® 


1 Acts xviii. 23. Notice the phrase “in ® See p. 198. * Acts xv. 22. 
order.” 5 His name is in the salutation in the 

2 The steady pursuance of this object in Epistles to the Thessalonians, but not in any 
the whole course of this journey may be subsequent letters. Compare 2 Cor. i. 19, 
traced through the following passages: 1 Cor. 5 Compare again the account of the Coun- 
xvi. 1-4; 2 Cor. viii., ix.; Rom. xv. 25, 26; cil of Jerusalem and the mission of Silas and 
Acts xxiy. 17. Barnabas. 


404 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. CHAP 


It may be considered, on the other hand, probable, if not certain, tl 
Timotheus was with the Apostle through the whole of this journey. 
Abundant mention of him is made, both in the Acts and the Epistles, & 
connection with St. Paul’s stay at Ephesus, and his subsequent move 
ments.’ Of the other companions who were undoubtedly with him at 
Ephesus, we cannot say with confidence whether they attended him from 
Antioch, or joined him afterwards at some other point. But Hrastus 
(Acts xix. 22) may have remained with him since the time of his firs 
visit to Corinth, and Caius and Aristarchus (Acts xix. 29) since the 
still earlier period of his journey through Macedonia.? Perhaps we have 
stronger reasons for concluding that Titus, who, though not mentior 
in the Acts,’ was certainly of great service in the second missionary 
journey, travelled with Paul and Timotheus through the earlier part of 








it. In the frequent mention which is made of him in the Second Epis 
to the Corinthians, he appears as the Apostle’s laborious minister, and 
2 source of his consolation and support, hardly less strikingly than 
disciple whom he had taken on the previous journey from Lystra 2 


Iconium.$ 


Whatever might be the exact route which the Apostle followed fro 
Antioch to Ephesus, he would certainly, as we have said, revisit the 
Churches which twice® before had known him as their teacher. E 
would pass over the Cilician plain on the warm southern shore,® and @ 
high table-land of Lycaonia on the other side of the Pass of Taurus." 
would see once more his own early home on the banks of the Cydnus 
and Timothy would be once more in the scenes of his childhood at th 
After leaving Tarsus, the cities of Derk 
Lystra, and Iconium, possibly also Antioch in Pisidia,” would be 
primary objects in the Apostle’s progress. 


base of the Kara-Dagh.® 


1 See Acts xix. 22; 1 Cor. iv. 17, xvi. 10; 
2 Cor. i. 1; Rom. xvi. 21; Acts xx. 4. 

2 See Tate, pp. 52, 53. 

% Wieseler, indeed, identifies him with Jus- 
tus, who is mentioned xviii. 7. See Appen- 
dix I. 

* If we compare 2 Cor. xii. 18 with 1 Cor. 
xvi. 11, 12, it is natural to infer that the 
bearers of the First Epistle (from Ephesus to 
Corinth) were Titus, and some brother, who is 
unnamed, but probably identical with one of 
the two brethren sent on the subsequent mission 
(2 Cor. viii. 16-24), and with the Second 
Epistle (from Macedonia to Corinth). See 
iso 2 Cor. viii. 6. This view is advocated by 
Prof. Stanley in his recently published Com- 


p. 167, and the engraving on p. 226. 











Then we come to Phrygia 


mentary; but it has been put forth indep 
dently, and more fully elaborated by Mr. 
Lightfoot in the Cambridge Journal of Classiea 
and Sacred Philology (June, 1855). 

5 He had been in Lycaonia on the first 
second missionary journeys, in Cilicia on # 
second; but he had previously been there 
least once since his conversion. 4 

§ See p. 20, and the allusions to the climate 
in Ch. VI. and Ch. VIII. 

7 See again Ch. VI. and Ch. VIEL. for Ly. 
caonia and Mount Taurus. 

8 See pp. 21 and 46. " q 

® See Ch. VI. and VIIL., with the mapo 


10 See p. 232, 























MAP TO ILLUSTRATE 


STPAULS 3°? MISSIONARY JOURNEY 








The supposed route of the Ayrostle ts indicated by the 
dottad line and its eiection is shown by the 
arrows. See Map of 24 Journey. 























a@AP, XIV, APOLLOS AT EPHESUS. 405 


ind Galatia, both vague and indeterminate districts, which he had visited 
mce,' and through which, as before, we cannot venture to lay down a 
oute.? Though the visitation of the Churches was systematic, we need 
10t conclude that the same exact course was followed. Since the order 
n which the two districts are mentioned is different from that in the 
ormer instance,’ we are at liberty to suppose that he travelled first from 
uycaonia through Cappadocia‘ into Galatia, and then by Western 
Phrygia to the coast of the Aigean. In this last part of his progress we 
re in still greater doubt as to the route, and one question of interest is 
nvolved in our opinion concerning it. The great road from Ephesus by 
lconium to the Huphrates passed along the valley of the Meander, and 
uear the cities of Laodicea, Colosse and Hierapolis; and we should 
jaturally suppose that the Apostle would approach the capital of Asia 
ong this well-travelled line.© But the arguments are so strong for 
elieving that St. Paul was never personally at Colosse,® that it is safer 
0 imagine him following some road farther to the north, such as that, 
or instance, which, after passing near Thyatira, entered the valley of the 
dermn 3 at Sardis.” 

Thus, then, we may conceive the Apostle arrived at that region, where 
1¢ was formerly in hesitation concerning his future progress,® — the 
rontier district of Asia and Phrygia,’ the mountains which contain the 
ipper waters of the Hermus and Meander. And now our attention is 
uddenly called away to another preacher of the Gospel, whose name, 
ext to that of the Apostles, is perhaps the most important in the early 
uistory of the Church. There came at this time to Hphesus, either 
lirectly from Egypt by sea, as Aquila or Priscilla from Corinth, or by 


1 Acts xvi. 6. 2 See Ch. VII. of Hamilton’s travels. See especially ch. viii. 


® Compare Acts xvi. 6 with xviii. 23. In 
oth cases we should observe that the phrase 
‘region (or country) of Galatia” is used. 
‘he Greek in each passage is the same. See 
rhat is said on the expression ‘‘ Churches of 
‘alatia,” p. 234. 

* This is Wieseler’s view. For the proy- 
nce of Cappadocia, see p. 214. The distriet 
} mentioned Acts ii. 9, and 1 Pet. i. 1. 

5 See pp. 232-234, 

From Col. ii. 1 we should naturally infer 
hat St. Paul had never been personally among 
he Colossians. Compare Col. i. 4, 7, 8, and 
ur note below on Col. ii.1. A full discus- 
ion of the subject will be found in Dr. David- 
on’s Introduction. 

” The characteristic scenery of the Mwan- 
er and Hermus is described in several parts 


-X., XXviii.-xl.; also li., lii., and especially 
vol. i. pp. 135, 149. We may observe that, on 
one of his journeys, nearly in the direction in 
which St. Paul was moving, he crossed the 
mountains from near Afium Kara Hissar 
(Synnada) to visit Yalobatch (Antioch in Pisi- 
dia). The Apostle might easily do the same. 

® Acts xvi. 6-8. 

® See description of this district on p. 239. 

10 This part of the table-land of the interior 
is what is meant by “ the higher districts,” 
Acts xix. 1. It is needless to say that the word 
“coasts”? in the Authorized Version has no 
reference to the sea. Herodotus uses a similar 
expression of this region, i.177. Even Paley 
makes a curious mistake here, ty taking 
“upper” in the sense of “northern.” Hoy 
Paul. 1 Cor. No. 5. 




















406 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 
some route through the intermediate countries, like that of St. Paul him 
self, a “disciple”? named Apollos, a native of Alexandria. This y 
occurred at a critical time, and led to grave consequences in reference 
the establishment of Christian truth, and the growth of parties in the 
Church ; while the religious community (if so it may be called) to whi 
he belonged at the time of his arrival, furnishes us with one of the mos 
interesting links between the Gospels and the Acts.! 
Apollos,’ along with twelve others,’ who are soon afterwards mentio; 
at Ephesus, was acquainted with Christianity only so far as it had been 
made known by John the Baptist. They “ knew only the baptism 
John.”* From the great part which was acted by the forerunner 
Christ in the first announcement of the Gospel, and from the effect p 
duced on the Jewish nation by his appearance, and the number of dis 
ciples who came to receive at his hands the baptism of repentance, 
should expect some traces of his influence to appear in the subsequ 
period, during which the Gospel was spreading beyond Judea. Many 
Jews from other countries received from the Baptist their knowledge 
the Messiah, and carried with them this knowledge on their return ff 
Palestine. We read of an heretical sect, at a much later period, who held 
John the Baptist to have been himself the Messiah.’ But in a positi 
intermediate between this deluded party, and those who were travelling 
as teachers of the full and perfect Gospel, there were doubtless man 
among the floating Jewish population of the Empire, whose knowlec 
of Christ extended only to that which had been preached on the banks of 
the Jordan. That such persons should be found at Ephesus, the natural 
meeting-place of all religious sects and opinions, is what we might ha 
supposed @ priori. Their own connection with Judea, or the connectiot 
of their teachers with Judza, had been broken before the day of Pen 
cost. Thus their Christianity was at the same point at which it had sto 
at the commencement of our Lord’s ministry. They were ignorant 0 
the full meaning of the death of Christ; possibly they did not even knoy 
the fact of His resurrection; and they were certainly ignorant of the 
mission of the Comforter. But they knew that the times of the Messiah 
were come, and that one had appeared’? in whom the prophecies were 


1 See the excellent remarks of Olshausen 
on the whole narrative concerning Apollos 
and the other disciples of John the Baptist. 

2 Winer remarks that this abbreviated 
form of the name Apollonius is found in Sozo- 
men. It is, however, very rare; and it is 
worth observing that among the terra-cottas 
discovered at Tarsus (described p. 221, n. 4) is 
a circular disk which has the name AIIOAARC 
inscribed on it in cursive Greek. 


3 See Acts xix. 1-7. 

* Acts xviii. 25. Compare xix. 3. 

5 The Zabeans. So in the Clementi 
Recognitions are mentioned some “ot Joln’ 
disciples, who preached their master as 
he were Christ.” 

$ Acts xix. 2. 

7 Kuinoel thinks they were not even 
of Christ’s appearance. 






ee 
omar XIV. APOLLOS AT EPHESUS. 407 


fulfilled. That voice had reached them, which cried, ‘“‘ Prepare ye the 
way of the Lord” (is. xl. 3). They felt that the axe was laid to the root 
of the tree, that “the kingdom of Heaven was at hand,” that “ the 
knowledge of salvation was come to those that sit in darkness” (Luke i. 
77), and that the children of Israel were everywhere called to “ repent.” 
Such as were in this religious condition were evidently prepared for the 
full reception of Christianity, so soon as it was presented to them; and 
we see that they were welcomed by St. Paul and the Christians at 
Ephesus as fellow-disciples! of the same Lord and Master. 

In some respects Apollos was distinguished from the other disciples of 
John the Baptist, who are alluded to at the same place, and nearly at the 
same time. There is much significance in the first fact that is stated, that 
he was “ born at Alexandria.”” Something has been said by us already 
concerning the Jews of Alexandria, and their theological influence in the 
age of the Apostles.? In the establishment of a religion which was in- 
tended to be the complete fulfilment of Judaism, and to be universally 
supreme in the Gentile world, we should expect Alexandria to bear her 
part, as well as Jerusalem. The Hellenistic learning fostered by the 
foundations of the Ptolemies might be made the handmaid of the truth, 
no less than the older learning of Judza and the schools of the Hebrews. 
As regards Apollos, he was not only an Alexandrian Jew by birth, but he 
had a high reputation for an eloquent and forcible power of speaking, and 
had probably been well trained in the rhetorical schools on the banks of 
the Nile.* But though he was endued with the eloquence of a Greek 
orator, the subject of his study and teaching was the Scriptures of his 
forefathers. The character which he bore in the Synagogues was that of 
a man “ mighty in the Scriptures.” In addition to these advantages of 
birth and education, he seems to have had the most complete and 
systematic instruction in the Gospel which a discipise of John could 
possibly receive. Whether from the Baptist himself, or from some of 
those who travelled into other lands with his teaching as their possession, 
Apollos had received full and accurate instruction in the “ way of the 
Lord.” We are further told that his character was marked by a fervent 
zeal * for spreading the truth. Thus we may conceive of him as trayel- 
ling, like a second Baptist, beyond the frontiers of Judza, — expounding 
the prophecies of the Old Testament, announcing that the times of the 
Messiah were come, and calling the Jews to repentance in the spirit of 


1 Note the word “‘ disciples,” xix. 1. “learned,” inasmuch as in the same verse he 
2 See pp. 33-36. Also pp. 9, 15-17, ana is called “ mighty in the Scriptures.” 
103. * Literally, “he was catechetically in- 


3 The A. V. is probably correct in ren- structed in the way of the Lord.” 
dering the wora “eloquent” rather than 5 Acts xviii. 25. 


te 


408 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 




















Elias.' Hence he was, like his great teacher, diligently “ preparing 
way of the Lord.”? Though ignorant of the momentous facts which 
succeeded the Resurrection and Ascension, he was turning the hearts of 
the “ disobedient to the wisdom of the just,” and “ making ready a p 
ple for the Lord,”* whom he was soon to know “more perfectly 
Himself “ a burning and a shining light,” he bore witness to “ that 
which lighteth every man that cometh into the world,” *— as, on 
other hand, he was a “ swift witness ”’ against those Israelites whose 
were unholy, and came among them “to purify the sons of Levi, 
they might offer unto the Lord an offering in righteousness,” * and to 
proclaim that, if they were unfaithful, God was still able “ to raise 
children unto Abraham.” ® :] 
Thus burning with zeal, and confident of the truth of what he 
learnt, he spoke out boldly in the Synagogue.? An intense interest must 
have been excited about this time concerning the Messiah in the syna 
gogue at Ephesus. Paul had recently been there, and departed with ° 
promise of return. Aquila and Priscilla, though taking no fo 
part as public teachers, would diligently keep the subject of the Apos le’s 
instruction before the mind of the Israelites. And now an Alexandri 
Tew presented himself among them, bearing testimony to the same ] 
siah with singular eloquence, and with great power in the interpretat 
of Scripture. Thus an unconscious preparation was made for the arri 
of the Apostle, who was even now travelling towards Ephesus throt 
the uplands of Asia Minor. 
The teaching of Apollos, though eloquent, learned, and zealous, was 
seriously defective. But God had provided among his listeners those who 
could instruct him more perfectly. Aquila and Priscilla felt that he was 
proclaiming the same truth in which they had been instructed at Corinth. 
' They could inform him that they had met with one who had taught with 
authority far more concerning Christ than had been known even to Joli 
the Baptist ; and they could recount to him the miraculous gifts, whi 
attested the outpouring of the Holy Ghost. Thus they attached them 
selves closely to Apollos;® and gave him complete instruction in th 
““ way of the Lord,’ which he had already taught accurately,” thougl 


1 He was probably able to go further in erence to John the Baptist. Matt. iii 3 
Christian teaching than John the Baptist Mark i. 3; Luke iii. 4; John i. 23; Isa. x 
could do, by giving an account of the life of 3 (LXX.). Compare Mal. iii. 1 (LXX.). 
Jesus Christ. So far his knowledge was 5 Luke i. 16, 17. 


accurate. Further instruction from Aquila * John v. 35, i. 9. 
and Priscilla made it more accurate. 5 Mal. iii. 3-5. § Matt iii. 9. 
2 The phrase “ way of the Lord” should 1 Acts xviii. 26. 5 See p. 369 


be carefully compared with the passages in the * “ They took him to themselves,” ¥. 26 
Gospels and Prophets, where it occurs in ref- 10 Compare v. 25 and y. 26. . 


oRAP. XIV. APOLLOS AT CORINTH. 40¢ 


imperfectly ; and the learned Alexandrian obtained from the tent-makers 
a knowledge of that “ mystery”? which the ancient Scriptures had only 
partially revealed. 

This providential meeting with Aquila and Priscilla in Asia became the 
means of promoting the spread of the Gospel in Achaia. Now that 
Apollos was made fully acquainted with the Christian doctrine, his zeal 
urged him to go where it had been firmly established by an Apostle.’ It 
is possible, too, that some news received from Corinth might lead him to 
suppose that he could be of active service there in the cause of truth. 
The Christians of Ephesus encouraged? him in this intention, and gave 
him “ letters of commendation” * to their brethren across the Mgean. 
On his arrival at Corinth, he threw himself at once among those Jews 
who had rejected St. Paul, and argued with them publicly and zealously 
on the ground of their Scriptures,‘ and thus® became “a valuable support 
to those who had already believed through the grace of God;”’ for he 
proved with power that that Jesus who had been crucified at Jerusalem, 
and whom Paul was proclaiming throughout the world, was indeed the 
Christ.6 Thus he watered where Paul had planted, and God gave an 
abundant increase. (1 Cor. iii. 6.) And yet evil grew up side by side 
with the good. For while he was a valuable aid to the Christians, and 
a formidable antagonist to the Jews, and while he was honestly co-ope- 
rating in Paul’s great work of evangelizing the world, he became the 
occasion of fostering party-spirit among the Corinthians, and was un- 
willingly held up as a rival of the Apostle himself. In this city of rheto- 
ricians and sophists, the erudition and eloquent speaking of Apollos were 
contrasted with the unlearned simplicity with which St. Paul had studi- 
ously presented the Gospel to his Corinthian hearers.’ Thus many 
attached themselves to the new teacher, and called themselves by the 
name of Apollos, while others ranged themselves as the party of Paul 
(1 Cor. i. 12), forgetting that Christ could not be “divided,” and that 
Paul and Apollos were merely “ ministers by whom they had believed.” 
(1 Cor. iii. 5.) We have no reason to imagine that Apollos himself 


1 Acts xviii. 27. 

2 The exhortation (v. 27) may refer to 
him. At all events, he was encouraged in his 
plan. 

3 Compare what is said here in v. 27 with 
% Uor. iii. 1, where the reference is to com- 
mendatory letters addressed to or from the 
very same Church of Corinth. 

* Compare in detail the expressions in y. 
28 with those in vv. 24-26. 

5 The word “ for” should benoticed. His 
coming was a valuable assistance to the 


Christians against the Jews, in the contro- 
versies which had doubtless been going on 
since St. Paul’s departure. 

§ “Showing by the Scriptures that Jesus 
was Christ,” v. 28. The phrase is much more 
definite than those which are used above 
(“the way of the Lord,” and “the things of 
the Lord,” y. 25) of the time when he was 
not fully instructed. 

7 See the remarks on the Corinthian parties 
in p. 891. 





















410 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL 


encouraged or tolerated such unchristian divisions. A proof of 
strong feeling to the contrary, and of his close attachment to St. Paul, 
is furnished by that letter to the Corinthians, which will soon be brought 
under our notice,’ where, after vehement rebukes of the schismatic spirit 
prevailing among the Corinthians, it is said, “‘ touching our brother Apol- 
los,” that he was unwilling to return to them at that particular time, 
though St. Paul himself had “ greatly desired it.” 

But now the Apostle himself is about to arrive in Ephesus. His resi- 
dence in this place, like his residence in Antioch and Corinth, is a subjec 
to which our attention is particularly called. Therefore, all the features 
of the city —its appearance, its history, the character of its population, 
its political and mercantile relations — possess the utmost interest for us. 
We shall defer such description to a future chapter, and limit ourselve 
here to what may set before the reader the geographical position of 
Ephesus, as the point in which St. Paul’s journey from Antioch termi- 
nated for the present. 

We imagined him? about the frontier of Asia and Pietarta on hi 
approach from the interior to the sea. From this region of voleani 
mountains, a tract of country extends to the A®gean, which is watere¢ 
by two of the long western rivers, the Hermus and the Meander, an¢ 
which is celebrated through an extended period of classical history, and 
is sacred to us as the scene of the Churches of the Apocalypse.* Near 
the mouth of one of these rivers is Smyrna; near that of the other i 
Miletus. ‘The islands of Chios and Samos are respectively opposite the 
projecting portions of coast, where the rivers flow by these cities to ne 
sea. Between the Hermus and the Mzander is a smaller river, named 
the Cayster, separated from the latter by the ridge of Messogis, and from 
the former by Mount Tmolus.’ Here, in the level valley of the Cayster, is 
the early cradle of the Asiatic name, —the district of primeval “ Asia,” 
-— not as understood in its political or ecclesiastical sense, but the Asia of 
old poetic legend. And here, in a, situation pre-eminent among the 
excellent positions which the Ionians chose for their cities, Ephesus wa 


1 1 Cor. xvi. 12. We may just mention 
that a very different view has been taken of 
the character of Apollos and his relation to 
St. Paul, — viz. that he was the chief promo- 
ter of the troubles at Corinth, and that he 
acted rebelliously in refusing to return thither 
when the Apostle desired him to do so. We 
have no doubt, however, that the ordinary 
view is correct. 

2 Above, p. 405. 

5 Rev. i., ii., iii, Laodicea is in the basin 
of the Msander; Smyrna, Thyatira, Sardis, 











and Philadelphia are in that of the Hermus; 
Pergamus is farther to the north, on the 
Caicus. Fora description of this district, see 
Arundell’s Vist to the Seven Churches, and 
Fellows’s Asa Minor. § 

* In the account of St. Panl’s retura we 
shall have to take particular notice of this 
coast. He sailed between these islands and 
the mainland, touching at Miletus. Acts xx. 

5 See p. 461. 

6 for the early history of the word Asia, 
see pp. 205, 206. 


CHAP XIv. ST. PAUL’S VISIT TO EPHESUS. 411 


built, on some hills near the sea. For some time after its foundation by 
Androclus the Athenian, it was inferior to Miletus; but with the decay 
of the latter city, in the Macedonian and Roman periods, it rose to 
greater eminence, and in the time of St. Paul it was the greatest city of 
Asia Minor, as well as the metropolis of the province of Asia. Though 
Greek in its origin, it was half-Oriental in the prevalent worship and iu 
the character of its inhabitants; and being constantly visited by ships 
from all parts of the Mediterranean, and united by great roads with the 
markets of the interior, it was the common meeting-place of various char- 
acters and classes of men. 

Among those whom St. Paul met on his arrival was the small company 
of Jews above alluded to! who professed the imperfect Christianity of 
John the Baptist. By this time, Apollos had departed to Corinth. 
Those ‘‘ disciples” who were now at Ephesus were in the same religious 
condition in which he had been when Aquila and Priscilla first spoke to 
him, though doubtless they were inferior to him both in learning and in 
zeal.2 St. Paul found, on inquiry, that they had only received John’s 
baptism, and that they were ignorant of the great outpouring of the 
Holy Ghost, in which the life and energy of the Church consisted.‘ 
They were even perplexed by his question.‘ He then pointed out, in 
conformity with what ‘had been said by John the Baptist himself, that 
that prophet only preached repentance to prepare men’s minds for Christ, 
who is the true object of faith. On this they received Christian 
baptism ;5 and after they were baptized, the laying-on of the Apostle’s 
hands resulted, as in all other Churches, in the miraculous gifts of 
tongues and of prophecy.® 

After this occurrence has been mentioned as an isolated fact, our atten- 
tion is called to the great teacher’s labors in the Synagogue. Doubiless, 
Aquila and Priscilla were there. Though they are not mentioned here 
in connection with St. Paul, we have seen them so lately instructing 
Apollos (Acts xviii.), and we shall find them so soon again sending salu- 
tations to Corinth in the Apostle’s letter from Ephesus (1 Cor. xvi.), that 
we cannot but believe he met his old associates, and again experienced 
the benefit of their aid. Itis even probable that he again worked with 


1 Above, p. 406. See Acts xix. 1-7. 

2 It is impossible to know whether these 
men were connected with Apollos. The 
whole narrative seems to imply that they were 
in a lower state of religious knowledge than 
he was. 3 See Ch. XTIL 

* The chief difficulty here is created by the 
maccurate rendering of the aorists in the A.V. 
The Apostle’s question is, “Did ye, when ye 


were baptized) receive the miracuious gifts 
of the Holy Ghost?” The aorist is used 
again in the answer. We should compare 
John vii. 39. 

5 On the inference derivable from this pas- 
sage, that the name“of the Holy Ghost was 
used in the baptismal formula, see p. 384. 

® See again Ch. XIII. and the note below 
on 1 Cor. 


73 oe 
eo a 
’ 
uF 


412 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 













them at the same trade: for in the address to the Ephesian elders 
Miletus (Acts xx. 34) he stated that “‘his own hands had ministered 
his necessities, and to those who were with him; ” and in writing to th 
Corinthians he says (1 Cor. iv. 11, 12), that such toil had continue 
“even to that hour.” There is no doubt that he “reasoned” in #] 
Synagogue at Ephesus with the same zeal and energy with which h 
spiritual labors had been begun at Corinth.’ He had been anxiously ex 
pected, and at first he was heartily welcomed. A preparation for h 
teaching had been made by Apollos and those who instructed him 
“For three months,” Paul continued to speak boldly in the Synagogue 
“ arguing, and endeavoring to convince his hearers of all that related t 
the kingdom of God.”? The hearts of some were hardened, while other 
repented and believed ; and, in the end, the Apostle’s doctrine was _ 
ly calumniated by the Jews before the people.* On this he openly se 
rated himself, and withdrew the disciples from the Synagogue; and 
Christian Church at Ephesus became a distinct body, separated botl 
from the Jews and the Gentiles. ; 
As the house of Justus at Corinth‘ had afforded St. Paul a refuge fro 
calumny, and an opportunity of continuing his public instruction, so her 
he had recourse to “the school of Tyrannus,’ who was probably — 
teacher of philosophy or rhetoric, converted by the Apostle to Ch 
tianity.* His labors in spreading the gospel were here continued for tw 
whole years. For the incidents which occurred during this residence, fo 
the persons with whom the Apostle became acquainted, and for the pre 
cise subjects of his teaching, we have no letters to give us informatioi 
supplementary to the Acts, as in the case of Thessalonica and Corinth ;! 
inasmuch as that which is called the “Epistle to the Ephesians” enter 
into no personal or incidental details.’ But we have, in the address t 
the Ephesian elders at Miletus, an affecting picture of an Apostle’s labor 
for the salvation of those whom his Master came to redeem. From that 
address we learn that his voice had not been heard within the school o} 
Tyrannus alone, but that he had gone about among his converts, instruct 
ing them “from house to house,” and warning “each one” of them 
affectionately “ with tears.”* The subject of his teaching was ever the 
same, both for Jews and Greeks,—“ repentance towards God, and faith 


1 Acts xviii. 4. 2 Acts xix. 8. ® See in the chapter containing the 
3 “Before the multitude,” vy. 9. Epistles to the Thessalonians, and in tho 
* Acts xviii. 7. See p. 348. which contain the two Epistles to the Ce 
° Those who are apt to see a Jewish or  rinthians. 
Talmudical reference almost everywhere 7 The peculiarities of this Epistle will b 
think that Tyrannus may have been a Jew, considered hereafter. 
and his “school” a place for theological 5 Acts xx. 20,31. Compare v. 19 
teaching such as those mentioned p. 55. 


i) 
: 413 


EPHESIAN MAGIC. 


Chet’. M17. 


: towards our Lord Jesus Christ.” ! Labors so incessant, so disinterested. 
and continued through so long a time, could not fail to produce a great 
result at Ephesus. A large Church was formed over which many pres- 
byters were called to preside.? Nor were the results confined to the city. 
Throughout the province of “ Asia’ the name of Christ became generally 
known, both to the Jews and the Gentiles;* and, doubtless, many 
daughter-churches were founded, whether in the course of journeys un- 
dertaken by the Apostle himself, or by means of those with whom he 
became acquainted,—as for instance by Epaphras, Archippus, and 
Philemon, in connection with Colossw, and its neighbor cities Hierapolis 
and Laodicea.® 

It is during this interval, that one of the two characteristics of the 
people of Ephesus comes prominently into view. This city was renowned 
throughout the world for the worship of Diana, and the practice of magic. 
Though it was a Greek city, like Athens or Corinth, the manners of its 
inhabitants were half Oriental. The image of the tutelary goddess 
resembled an Indian idol ® rather than the beautiful forms which crowded 
the Acropolis of Athens :* and the enemy which St. Paul had to oppose 
was not a vaunting philosophy, as at Corinth,® but a dark and Asiatic 
superstition. The worship of Diana and the practice of magic were 
closely connected together. Hustathius says, that the mysterious 
symbols called ‘‘ Kphesian Letters”? were engraved on the crown, the 
girdle, and the feet of the goddess. These Hphesian letters or monograms 
have been compared by a Swedish writer to the Runic characters of the 
North. When pronounced, they were regarded as a charm; and were 
directed to be used, especially by those who were in the power of evil 
spirits. When written, they were carried about as amulets. Curious 
stories are told of their influence. Croesus is related to have repeated 
the mystic syllables when on his funeral-pile ; and an Ephesian wrestler 
is said to have always struggled successfully against an antagonist from 
Miletus until he lost the scroll, which before had been like a talisman. 


1 Acts xx. 21. 

2 Acts xx. 17, “the elders of the church,” 
below (v. 28) called “overseers.” See what is 
said on this subject, p. 378. 

8 “So that all they which dwelt in Asia,” 
&e., Acts xix. 10. There must have been 
many Jews in various parts of the prov- 
ince. ’ 

* What is said of his continued residence 
at Ephesus by no means implies that he did 
not make journeys in the province. 

5 See above (p. 405, n. 6) for the arguments 
against supposing that St. Paul travelled to 


Ephesus by Colossss and the valley of the 
Meander. The same arguments tend to prove 
that he never wsited this district from Ephesus. 
It is thought by many that Epaphras was con- 
verted by St. Paul at Ephesus, and founded 
the church of Colosss. See Col. i. 7, iv 
12-17; Philem. 23. 

6 See the coin at the end of this chapter, 
and the description of Diana’s worship in 
Ch. XVI. 

7 See p. 308, &e. 

5 See p. 391. 


414 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


The study of these symbols was an elaborate science: and books, 
numerous and costly, were compiled by its professors.! 

This statement throws some light on the peculiar character of th 
miracles wrought by St. Paul at Ephesus. We are not to suppose the 
the Apostles were always able to work miracles at will. An influx o! 
supernatural power was given to them, at the time, and according to th 
circumstances, that required it. And the character of the miracles wa 
not always the same. They were accommodated to the peculiar form 
of sin, superstition, and ignorance they were required to oppose.? Here 
at Ephesus, St. Paul was in the face of magicians, like Moses and Aaroi 
before Pharaoh; and it is distinctly said that his miracles were “no 
ordinary wonders ;” * from which we may infer that they were differen 
from those which he usually performed. We know, in the case of ot 
blessed Lord’s miracles, that though the change was usually accomplishe 
on the speaking of a word, intermediate agency was sometimes em 
ployed ; as when the blind man was healed at the pool of Siloam.‘ 
miracle which has a closer reference to our present subject is that it 
which the hem of Christ’s garment was made effectual to the healing of 
oor sufferer, and the conviction of the bystanders.® So on this occasio1 
garments® were made the means of communicating a healing power t 
those who were at a distance, whether they were possessed with evi 
spirits, or afflicted with ordinary diseases.’ Such effects, thus publicl; 
manifested, were a signal refutation of the charms and amulets ar 
mystic letters of Ephesus. Yet was this no encouragement to bli 
superstition. When the suffering woman was healed by touching 
hem of the garment, the Saviour turned round, and said, “ Virtue is gon 
out of me.” * And here at Ephesus we are reminded that it was Geo 
who “ wrought miracles by the hands of Paul” (v. 11), and that “ the 
name,” not of Paul, but “ of the Lord Jesus, was magnified.” (v. 17.) — 


1 The lives of Alexander of Tralles in 













Go, wash in the pool of Siloam.” John ix 


Smith’s Dict. of Biography and in the Biog- 
raphy of the U. K. Society, contain some im- 
poriani illustrations of Ephesian magic. 

2 The narrative of what was done by St. 
Paul at Ephesus should be compared with St. 
Peter’s miracles at Jerusalem, when “many 
signs and wonders were wrought among the 
people . . . insomuch that they brought forth 
the sick into the streets, and laid them on beds 
and couches, that at the least the shadow of 
Peter passing by might overshadow some of 
them.” — Acts y. 12-16. 5 Acts xix. 11. 

* “He spat on the ground, and made clay 
of the spittle, and anointed the eyes of the 
blind man with the clay, and said unto him, 


6, 7. 
5 Matt. ix. 20. See Trench on the Mirac 
p- 189, &e. 
§ Both the words used here are Latin. 
The former, sudarium, is that which occun 
Luke xix. 20; John xi. 44, xx. 7; and i 
translated “napkin.” The latter, semicinctrum, 
denotes some such article of dress —sha 
handkerchief, or apron—as is easily 
aside. Baumgarten’s remarks on the signif 
cance of these miracles are well worthy of 
consideration. He connects the sudaria and 
semicinctia with St. Paul’s daily labor in his 
own support. 7 Acts xix. 12. 
3 Luke viii. 46. Compare vi. 19. 










, 
 GBaP, XIV. 


MIRACLES WORKED BY ST. PAUL. 


415 


These miracles must have produced a great effect upon the minds of 


those who practised curious arts in Ephesus. 


Among the magicians who 


were then in this city, in the course of their wanderings through the 
Hast, were several Jewish exorcists.!’ This is a circumstance which need 


not surprise us. 


The stern severity with which sorcery was forbidden iv 


the Old Testament? attests the early tendency of the Israelites to such 
practices: the Talmud bears witness to the continuance of these prac 
tices at a later period ;* and we have already had occasion, in the course 
of this history, to notice the spread of Jewish magicians through various 


parts of the Roman Empire.* 


It was an age of superstition and impos- 


ture — an age also in which the powers of evil manifested themselves with 


peculiar force. 


Hence we find St. Paul classing “ witchcraft”? among 


the works of the flesh (Gal. v. 20), and solemnly warning the Galatians 
both in words’ and by his letters, that they who practise it cannot inherit 
the kingdom of God; and it is of such that he writes to Timothy 
(2 Tim. iii. 13) —that “evil men and seducers® shall wax worse and 


worse, deceiving and being deceived.” 


This passage in St. Paul’s latest 


letter had probably reference to that very city in which we see him now 


brought into opposition with Jewish sorcerers. 


These men, believine 


that the name of Jesus acted as a charm, and recognizing the Apostle a 
a Jew like themselves, attempted his method of casting out evil spirits. 
But He to whom the demons were subject, and who had given to His 
servant “ power and authority ” over them (Luke ix. 1), had shame and 
terror in store for those who presumed thus to take His Holy Name in 


vain. 


One specific instance is recorded, which produced disastrous conse- 
quences to those who made the attempt, and led to wide results among 


the general population. 


In the number of those who attempted to cast 


out evil spirits by the “name of Jesus,” were seven brothers, sons of 
Sceva, who is called a high priest,’ either because he had really held this 
office at Jerusalem, or because he was chief of one of the twenty-four 


courses of priests. 


1 Acts xix. 13 
32 See Exod. xxii. 18; wev. xx. 27; Dent. 
xviii. 10, 11; 1 Sam. xxviii. 3, 9. 
53 A knowledge of magic was a requisite 
qaalification of a member of the Sanhedrin, 
‘that he might be able to try those who were 
accused of such practices. Josephus (Ant. xx. 
7, 2) speaks of a Cyprian Jew, a sorcerer, who 
was a friend and companion of Felix, and who 
is identified by some with Simon Magus. 
Again (Ant. viii. 2, 5), he mentions certain 
forms of incantation used by Jewish magi- 


But the demons, who were subject to Jesus, and by 


cians which they attributed to King Solo 
mon. 4 See p. 133, &. 

5 Observe the phrase in v. 21, “us J told 
yeu in time past,” perhaps on the very journey 
through Galatia which we have just had occs: 
sion to mention. 

6 The word here used is the customary 
term for these wandering magicians, 

7 See v. 13. 

8 Olshausen’s version, that he was merely 
the chief rabbi of the Ephesian Jews, can 
hardly be a correct, rendering of the term. 


416 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


His will subject to those who preached His Gospel, treated with scor 
those who used His Name without being converted to His truth. 
sus I recognize, and Paul I know;! but who are ye?” was the ans 
of the evil spirit. And straightway the man who was possessed spran 
upon them with frantic violence, so that they were utterly discomfited, 
and “ fled out of the house naked and wounded.” ? 
This fearful result of the profane use of that Holy Name which wa: 
proclaimed by the Apostles for the salvation of all men, soon became 
notorious, both among the Greeks and the Jews.’ Consternation an¢ 
alarm took possession of the minds of many; and in proportion to this 
alarm the name of the Lord Jesus began to be reverenced and honvied. 
Even among those who had given their faith to St. Paul’s preacing 
some appear to have retained their attachment to tue practice of wagical 
arts. Their conscience was moved by what had recently occu’ rer, and 
they came and made a full confession to the Apostle, and publicly 
acknowledged and forsook their deeds of darkness.® 
The fear and conviction seem to have extended beyond those y2i0 made 
a profession of Christianity. A large number of the sorcevers them 
selves’ openly renounced the practice which had been so signally con- 
demned by a higher power; and they brought together the books® that 
contained the mystic formularies, and burnt them before all! the people. 
When the volumes were consumed,’ they proceeded to reckon up the 
price at which these manuals of enchantment would be valued. Suck 
books, from their very nature, would be costly ; and ail books in that age 
bore a value which is far above any standard with which we are familiar, 
Hence we need not be surprised that the whole cost thus sacrificed and 
surrendered amounted to as much as two thousand pounds of English — 
money.’ This scene must have been long remembered at Ephesus. It 
was a strong proof of honest conviction on the part of the sorcerers, and 
a striking attestation of the triumph of Jesus Christ over the powers of 
darkness. The workers of evil were put to scorn, like the priests of Baal 
















1 The two verbs in the original are differ- 
ent. 

2 y. 16. 

Sry. ids 

* The verb is in the imperfect. 

5 It seems unnatural to take the perfect 
varticiple in anyother sense than “those who 
aad previously believed.” 

5 “ Their deeds,” which must surely refer 
to the particular practices in question. The 
verb denotes “to make a full confession,” as 
in Matt. iii. 6, Jam. v. 16. 

Ty, 19, 








5 Literally, “ their books.” 

® The imperfect should be noticed, as im- 
parting a graphic character to the whole n 
rative. The burning and blazing of the books 
went on for some considerable time. Compare 
the instances of the burning of magical books 
recorded in Liv. xl. 29; Suet. Aug. 31: als 
Tac. Ann. xiii. 50; Agr. 2. 

10 The “ piece of silver” mentioned here 
was doubtless the drachma, the current Greek 
coin of the Levant: the value was about ten 
pence. There can be no reason to suppos# 
with Grotius that the shekel is meant. 


; . 


oaaP, XIv BURNING OF THE BOOKS. 417 


oy Elijah on Mount Carmel ;' and the teaching of the doctrine of Christ 

‘increased mightily and grew strong.”’? 

_-With this narrative of the burning of the books, we have nearly 
reached the term of St. Paul’s three-years’ residence at Ephesus.’ 
Before his departure, however, two important subjects demand our atten- 
tion, each of which may be treated in a separate chapter: — the First 
Epistle to the Corinthans, with the circumstances in Achaia which: led to 
the writing of it, and the uproar in the Ephesian Theatre, which will 
be considered in connection with a description of the city, and some notice 
of the worship of Diana. 





Coin of Ephesus.* 


21 Kings xviii. trations, p. 49. For the form under 
Pw: 20. which Diana is represented, see below, 
*See v. 21, which immediately follows. pp. 465, 466. 

*From Akerman’s Numismatic Illus- 


CHAPTER XV. 


St. Paul pays a Short Visit to Corinth. — Returns to Ephesus. — Writes a Letter to the Cori 
thians, which is now lost.— They reply, desiring further Explanations. — State of 
Corinthian Church. —St. Paul writes the First Epistle to the Corinthians. 


E have hitherto derived such information as we possess, concert 

ing the proceedings of St. Paul at Ephesus, from the narrative i 
the Acts; but we must now record an occurrence which St. Luke ha 
passed over in silence, and which we know only from a few incidenta 
allusions in the letters of the Apostle himself. This occurrence, which 
probably took place not later than the beginning of the second year of 
St. Paul’s residence at Ephesus, was a short visit which he oa to th 


Church at Corinth.! 


1 The occurrence of this visit is proved by 
the following passages : — 

(1.) 2 Cor. xii. 14. “ Now for the third 
time 1 am prepared to come to you.” 

(2.) 2 Cor. xiii. 1. “Now for the third 
time I am coming to you.” 

If the visit after leaving Ephesus was the 
third, there must have been a second before it. 

(3.) 2 Cor. xii. 21. “Lest again, when I 
come, God should humble me, and I should 
grieve many of those who sinned before.” He 
fears lest he should again be humbled on visit- 
ing them, and again have to mourn their sins. 
Hence there must have been a former visit, in 
which he was thus humbled and made to 
mourn. 

Paley in the Hore Pauline, and other com- 
mentators since, have shown that these pas- 
sages (though they acknowledge their most 
natural meaning to be in favor of an inter- 
mediate visit) may be explained away; in the 
first two St. Paul might perhaps only have 
meant “ this is the third time I have intended 
to come to you; ” and in the third passage we 
may take again with come in the sense of “ on 
my return.” But we think that nothing but 
the hypothesis of an intermediate visit can ex- 
plain the following passeges : — 

438 






















(4) 2 Cor. ii. 1. “I decided not to ec 
again in grief to you” (which is the read 
of every one of the Uncial man 3) 
Here it would be exceedingly unaatal 
join again with come; and the feeling of this — 
probably led to the error of the Textus Recep- 
tus. 

- (5) 2 Cor. xiii. 2 (according to the 
of the best MSS.). J have warned you fe 
and I now forewarn you, as when I was pz 
the second time, so now while I am absent, sa ‘ 
to those who had sinned before that time, and to all” 
the rest, “ If I come again, I will not spare.” ! 

Against these arguments Paley sets (Ist) 
St. Luke’s silence, which, however, is ackno 
edged by all to be inconclusive, considering 
that so very many of St. Paul’s travels and ad- 
ventures are left confessedly unrecorded in the 
Acts (see note on 2 Cor. xi. 23, &.). (2dl 
The passage, 2 Cor. i. 15, 16, in which § 
Paul tells the Corinthians he did not wish 
to give them a “ second benefit ;”” whence 
argues that the visit then approaching wo 
be his second visit. Buta more careful exam 
ination of the passage shows that St. Paul 
speaking of his original intention of pa 
them a double visit, on his way to ae 
and oun his return from Macedonia. 





J a” 


; 
me xv. VISIT TO CORINTH. 43S 


If we had not possessed any direct information that such a visit had 
oeen made, yet in itself it would have seemed highly probable that St. 
Paul would not have remained three years at Ephesus without revisiting 
nis Corinthian converts We have already remarked! on the facility of 
sommunication existing between these two great cities, which were united 
oy a continual reciprocity of commerce, and were the capitals of two 
peaceful provinces. And examples of the intercourse which actually 
ook place between the Christians of the two Churches have occurred, 
ooth in the case of Aquila and Priscilla, who had migrated from the one te 
the other (Acts xviii. 18, 19), and in that of Apollos, concerning whom, 
‘when he was disposed to pass into Achaia,” “ the brethren [at Hphesus] 
wrote, exhorting the disciples [at Corinth] to receive him” (Acts xviii. 
27). In the last chapter, some of the results of this visit of Apollos to 
Sorinth have been noticed; he was now probably returned to Ephesus, 
where we know? that he was remaining (and, it would seem, stationary) 
luring the third year of St. Paul’s residence in that capital. No doubt, 
yn his return, he had much to tell of the Corinthian converts to their 
ather in the faith,— much of joy and hope, but also much of pain, te 
;ommunicate ; for there can be little doubt that those tares among the 
vheat, which we shall presently see in their maturer growth, had already 
egun to germinate, although neither Paul had planted, nor Apollos 
watered them. One evil at least, we know, prevailed extensively, and 
hreatened to corrupt the whole Church of Corinth. This was nothing 
ess than the addiction of many Corinthian Christians to those sins of 
mpurity which they had practised in the days of their Heathenism, and 
which disgraced their native city, even among the Heathen. We have 
vefore mentioned the peculiar licentiousness of manners which prevailed 
it Corinth. So notorious was this, that it had actually passed into the 
rocabulary of the Greek tongue ; and the very word “ to Corinthianize,” 
neant “to play the wanton ;” * nay, the bad reputation of the city had 
ecome proverbial, even in foreign languages, and is immortalized by the 
uatin poets. Such being the habits in which many of the Corinthian 
onverts had been educated, we cannot wonder if it proved most difficult 
o root out immorality from the rising Church. The offenders against 
Jhristian chastity were exceedingly numerous' at this period; and it was 
specially with the abject of attempting to reform them, and to check the 
rowing mischief, that St. Paul now determined to visit Corinth. 

He has himself described this visit as a painful one ; § he went in sorrow 


1 P. 368. § Only a part of them, who remained unre- 
2 1 Cor. xvi. 12. pentant after rebuke and warning, are called 
* It is so used by Aristophanes. “many.” 2 Cor. xii. 21. 


* Hor. Ep.i.17. See p. 861, n. 5. § 2 Cor. ii. 1. 


420 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 
























at the tidings he had received ; and when he arrived, he found the s 
of things even worse than he had expected ; he tells us that it was a ti 
of personal humiliation’ to himself, occasioned by the flagrant sins of 
so many of his own converts; he reminds the Corinthians, afterwards, 
how he had “mourned” over those who had dishonored the name of 
Christ by “ the uncleanness and fornication and wantonness which they 
had committed.” ? & 
But in the midst of his grief he showed the greatest tenderness for the 
individual offenders; he warned them of the heinous guilt which they 
were incurring ; he showed them its inconsistency with their istian 
calling ;* he reminded them how, at their baptism, they had died to sin, 
and risen again unto righteousness ; but he did not at once exclude them 
from the Church which they had defiled. Yet he was compelled 
threaten them with this penalty, if they persevered in the sins which had 
now called forth his rebuke. He has recorded the very words which | 
used. “If I come again,” he said, “I will not spare.” ‘ 
It appears probable that, on this occasion, St. Paul remained but ay oi ] 
short time at Corinth. When afterwards, in writing to them, he says 
that he does not wish “‘ mow to pay them a passing visit,” he seems* to 
imply that his last visit had deserved that epithet. Moreover, had it 
occupied a large portion of the “space of three years,” which he 
describes himself to have spent at Ephesus (Acts xx. 31), he would 
probably have expressed himself differently in that part of his address to 
the Ephesian presbyters ;* and a long visit could scarcely have failed to 
furnish more allusions in the Epistles so soon after written to Corinth. 
The silence of St. Luke also, which is easily explained on the supposi- 
tion of a short visit, would be less natural had St. Paul been long absent 
from Ephesus, where he appears, from the narrative in the Acts, to be 
stationary during all this period. P 
On these grounds, we suppose that the Apostle, aveiliag himself of the 
constant maritime intercourse between the two cities, had gone by sea i 
Corinth ; and that he now returned to Ephesus by the same route (whi 
was very much shorter than that by land), after apc = a few days or 


weeks at Corinth. | 
(by the direct route) on my way to wall 


for a passing visit,” &c. 


1 2 Cor. xii. 21. 
2 2 Cor. xii. 21. 


3% There can be no doubt that he urged 
upon them the same arguments which he was 
afterwards obliged to repeat at 1 Cor. vi. 15. 

£ 2 Cor. xiii. 2. 

§ 1 Cor. xvi.7. Yet this admits of another 
explanation; for perhaps he only meant to 
say, “I will not now (at once) come to you 


6 Wiesler, however, gets over this, by sup 
posing that when St. Paul mentions tree ye 
spent among his hearers, he means to add 
not only the Ephesian presbyiers whom 
had summoned, but also the companions 
his voyage (Acts xx. 4) who had been 
him in Macedonia and Achaia. 





ba AP. XV. AN EPISTLE CONCERNING PROFLIGAOY. 421 


But his cen sures and warnings had produced too little effect upon his 
converts; his mildness had been mistaken for weakness; his hesitation in 
punishing ha been ascribed to a fear of the offenders; and it was not 
long before Le received new intelligence that the profligacy which had 
infected the community was still increasing. Then it was that he felt 
himself compelled to resort to harsher measures; he wrote an Epistle 
(which has not been preserved to us)! in which, as we learn from himself, 
he ordered the Christians of Corinth, by virtue of his Apostolic authority, 
“to cease from all intercourse with fornicators.”’ By this he meant, as 
he subsequently explained his injunctions, to direct the exclusion of all 
profligates from the Church. The Corinthians, however, either did not 
understand this, or (to excuse themselves) they affected not to do so; for 
they asked, how it was possible for them to abstain from all intercourse 
with the profligate, unless they entirely secluded themselves from all the 
ousiness of life which they had to transact with their Heathen neighbors. 
Whether the lost Epistle contained any other topics, we cannot know with 
sertaint) ; but we may conclude with some probability that it was very 
short, ai.d directed to this one subject ;? otherwise it is not easy to under- 
stand w'iy it should not have been preserved together with the two subse- 
yuent Fpistles. 

-Soon after this short letter had been despatched, Timotheus, accom- 
yanied by Erastus,’ left Ephesus for Macedonia. St. Paul desired him, 
f poss: sle, to continue his journey to Corinth; but did not feel certain 
hat it would be possible for him to do so‘ consistently with the other 
ybjects of his journey, which probably had reference to the great collec- 
jon nuw going on for the poor Hebrew Christians at Jerusalem. 

Meentime, some members of the household of Chloe, a distinguished 
Jhristian family at Corinth, arrived at Ephesus; and from them St. Paul 
eceived fuller information than he before possessed of the condition of 
he Corinthian Church. The spirit of party had seized upon its mem- 
ers, and well-nigh destroyed Christian love. We have already seen, in 
yur general view of the divisions of the Apostolic Church, that the great 
yarties which then divided the Christian world had ranked themselves 
under the names of different Apostles, whom they attempted to set up 


1 In proof of this, see the note on 1 Cor. v. 
1-12. This lost Epistle must have been 
vritten after his second visit; otherwise he 
iced not have explained it in the passage re- 
prred. to. ; 

2 Probshly it was in this lost letter that he 
fave them notice of his intention to visit them 
mn his way to Macedonia; for altering which 
i¢ was so much blamed by his opponents. 


5 Erastus was probably the “ treasurer ” of 
the city of Corinth, mentioned Rom. xvi. 23, 
and 2 Tim. iv. 20; and therefore was most 
likely proceeding at any rate to Corinth. 

* Timotheus apparently did not reach Cor- 
inth on this occasion, or the fact would have 
been mentioned 2 Cor. xii. 18 


















422. THER LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


against each other as rival leaders. At Corinth, as in other ; laces, ex 
saries had arrived from the Judaizers of Palestine, who boasted of 
“ letters of commendation ”’ from the metropolis of the faith ; they did m 
however, attempt, as yet, to insist upon circumcision, as we shall 
them doing successfully among the simpler population of Galatia. T 
would have been hopeless in a great and civilized community like that of 
Corinth, imbued with Greek feelings of contempt for what they would 
have deemed a barbarous superstition. ‘Here, therefore, the Judaizers 
confined themselves, in the first instance, to personal attacks against &§ 
Paul, whose apostleship they denied, whose motives they calumniated, 
whose authority they persuaded the Corinthians to repudiate. Some: 
them declared themselves the followers of ‘‘ Cephas,” whom the Loi 
himself had selected to be the chief Apostle; others (probably the mo) 
extreme members of the party)! boasted of their own immediate conn 
tion with Christ himself, and their intimacy with “the brethren of 
Lord,” and especially with James, the head of the Church at Jerusaley 
The endeavors of these agitators to undermine the influence of the 
Apostle of the Gentiles met with undeserved success; and they gained 
over a strong party to their side. Meanwhile, those who were still ste 
fast to the doctrines of St. Paul, yet were not all unshaken in 
attachment to his person: a portion of them preferred the Alexandrian 
learning with which Apollos had enforced his preaching, to the simple 
style of their first teacher, who had designedly abstained, at Corinth, fri 
any thing like philosophical argumentation.2 This party, then, who 
sought to form for themselves a philosophical Christianity, called them 
selves the followers of Apollos ; although the latter, for his part, evidentl} 
disclaimed the rivalry with St. Paul which was thus implied, and ever 
refused to revisit Corinth,’ lest he should seem to countenance the 
factious spirit of his adherents. 

It is not impossible that the Antinomian Free-thinkers, whom we 
already seen to form so dangerous a portion of the Primitive Chure 
attached themselves to this last-named party ; at any rate, they were, at 
this time, one of the worst elements of evil at Corinth: they put forwar 
a theoretic defence of the practical immorality in which they lived; and 
some of them had so lost the very foundation of Christian faith as 
deny the resurrection of the dead, and thus to adopt the belief as 
as the sensuality of their Epicurean aaa ay whose motto was, “ Let us 
eat and drink, for to-morrow we die.” 5 

A crime, recently committed by one of these pretended Christians, was 
now reported to St. Paul, and excited his utmost abhorrence: a member 


1 See above, p. 389. © 1 Cor. ii. 1-5. 5 1 Cor, xvi. 12. — 


by er 
Ay 


OHAP. XV, CONTROVERSI[#8 IN THN CORINTHIAN CHUBCH. 423 


of the Corinthian Church was openly living in incestuous intercourse 
with his step-mother, and that during his father’s life; yet this audacious 
offender was not excluded from the Church. 

Nor were these the only evils: some Christians were showing their 

total want of brotherly love by bringing vexatious actions against their 
prethren in the Heathen courts of law; others were turning even the 
spiritual gifts which they had received from the Holy Ghost into occa- 
sions of vanity and display, not unaccompanied by fanatical delusion ; 
the decent order of Christian worship was disturbed by the tumultuary 
claims of rival ministrations; women had forgotten the modesty of their 
sex, and came forward, unveiled (contrary to the habit of their country), — 
to address the public assembly ; and even the sanctity of the Holy Com- 
munion itself was profaned by scenes of revelling and debauch. 
_ About the same time that all this disastrous intelligence was brought 
to St. Paul by the household of Chloe, other messengers arrived from 
Corinth, bearing the answer of the Church to his previous letter, of which 
(as we have mentioned above) they requested an explanation; and at 
the same time referring to his decision several questions which caused 
dispute and difficulty. These questions related —I1st, To the contro- 
versies respecting meat which had been offered to idols; 2dly, To the 
disputes regarding celibacy and matrimony; the right of divorce; and 
the perplexities which arose in the case of mixed marriages, where one 
of the parties was an unbeliever ; 3dly, To the exercise of spiritual gifts 
in the public assemblies of the Church. 

St. Paul hastened to reply to these questions, and at the same time to 
denounce the sins which had polluted the Corinthian Church, and almost 
annulled its right to the name of Christian. The letter which he was 
thus led to write is addressed, not only to this metropolitan Church, but 
also to the Christian communities established in other places in the same 
province,' which might be regarded as dependencies of that in the capital 
city ; hence we must infer that these Churches also had been infected by 
some of the errors or vices which had prevailed at Corinth. The letter 
is, in its contents, the most diversified of all St. Paul’s Epistles; and in 
proportion to the variety of its topics, is the depth of its interest for our- 
selves. For by it we are introduced, as it were, behind the scenes of the 
Apostolic Church, and its minutest features are revealed to us under the 
light of daily life. We see the picture of a Christian congregation as it 
met for worship in some upper chamber, such as the house of Aquila, or 
of Gaius, could furnish. We see that these seasons of pure devotion 
were not unalloyed by human vanity and excitement; yet, on the other 


1 See the translation of 1 Cor. ii. 2, and the note. Also p. 356 


424 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. onar, 







hand, we behold the Heathen auditor pierced to the heart by the inspi 
eloquence of the Christian prophets, the secrets of his conscience lai 
bare to him, and himself constrained to fall down on his face and worship 
God ; we hear the fervent thanksgiving echoed by the unanimous Amen ; 
we see the administration of the Holy Communion terminating the feast 
of love. Again we become familiar with the perplexities of domestic 
life, the corrupting proximity of Heathen immorality, the lingering 
superstition, the rash speculation, the lawless perversion of Christian 
liberty ; we witness the strife of theological factions, the party names, the 
sectarian animosities. We perceive the difficulty of the task imposed 
upon the Apostle, who must guard from so many perils, and guide 
through so many difficulties, his children in the faith, whom else he had 
begotten in vain; and we learn to appreciate more fully the magnitude 
of that laborious responsibility under which he describes himself a: 
almost ready to sink, “the care of all the Churches.” 

But while we rejoice that so many details of the deepest historical in 
terest have been preserved to us by this Epistle, let us not forget to thank 
God, who so inspired His Apostle, that in his answers to questions of 
transitory interest he has laid down principles of eternal obligation.’ 
Let us trace with gratitude the providence of Him, who “ out of dark- 
ness calls up light ;”’ by whose mercy it was provided that the unchastity © 
of the Corinthians should occasion the sacred laws of moral purity to be 
established forever through the Christian world ; — that their denial of — 
the resurrection should cause those words to be recorded whereon — 
reposes, as upon a rock that cannot be shaken, our sure and certain hope — 
of immortality. . 

The following is a translation of the Epistle, which was written at 
Faster, in the third year of St. Paul’s residence at Ephesus : — : 


FIRST EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS.? 


PAUL, a called Apostle of Jesus Christ by the will of God salutation. 
and Sosthenes* the Brother, TO THE CHURCH OF GOD AT 


1 The contrast between the short-lived in- 
erest’ of the questions referred to him for 
solution, and the eternal principles by which 
they must be solved, was brought prominently 
before the mind of the Apostle himself by 
the Holy Spirit, under whose guidance he 
wrote; and he has expressed it in those sub- 
lime words which might serve as a motto for 
the whole Epistle (1 Cor. vii. 29-31). 


2 The date of this Epistle can be fixed 
with more precision than that of any other. 
It gives us the means of ascertaining, not 
merely the year, but even (with great proba 
bility) the month ana week, in which it was 
written. 

(1) Apollos had been working at Corinth 
and was now with St. Paul at Ephesus (1 Cor 
i. 12; iii. 4, 22; iv. 6; xvi. 12). This war 


5 Sosthenes is, perhaps, the same mentioned Acts xviii. 17. 


j 


FIRST EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. 


425 


CORINTH, hallowed in Christ Jesus, called Saints ;! together with all? 
who call upon the name of Jesus Christ our Lord in every place which is 


their home — and our home also.’ 


Grace be unto you and peace, from God our Father, and from our i 


Lord Jesus Christ. 


Introductory 
thanksgiving 
for their con- 
version. 


I‘ thank my God continually on your behalf, for the grace of 
God given unto you in Christ Jesus. Because, in Him, you 


were ® every-wise enriched with all the gifts of speech and knowledge 
(for thus my testimony to Christ was confirmed among you), so that you 


the case during St. Paul’s residence at Ephe- 
sus (Acts xix. 1). 

(2) He wrote during the days of unleavened 
bread, i. e. at Easter (1 Cor. v. 7: see the 
note on that passage), and intended to remain 
at Ephesus till Pentecost (xvi. 8, cf. xv. 32). 
After leaving Ephesus, he purposed to come 
by Macedonia to Achaia (xvi. 5-7). This 
was the route he took (Acts xx. 1, 2) on leay- 
ing Ephesus after the tumult in the theatre. 

(8) Aquila and Priscilla were with him at 
Ephesus (xvi.19). They had taken up their 
residence at Ephesus before the visit of St. 
Paul (Acts xviii. 26). 

(4) The Great Collection was going on in 
Achaia (xvi. 1-3). When he wrote to the 
Romans from Corinth during his three 
months’ visit there (Acts xx. 3), the collection 
was completed in Macedonia and Achaia 
(Kom. xv. 26). 

(5) He hopes to go by Corinth to Jerusa- 
jem, and thence to Rome (xvi. 4, and xy. 
25-28). Now the time when he entertained 
this very purpose was towards the conclusion 
of his long Ephesian residence (Acts xix. 21). 

(6) He had sent Timothy towards Corinth 
(iy. 17), but not direct (xvi.10). Now it was 
at the close of his Ephesian residence (Acts 
xix. 22) that he sent Timothy with Erastus 
(the Corinthian) from Ephesus to Macedonia, 
which was one way to Corinth, but not the 
shortest. 

1 The sense of the word for “Saints” in 
the New Testament is nearly equivalent to the 
modern “Christians;” but it would be an 
anachronism so to translate it here, since (in 
the time of St. Paul) the word “ Christian ” 
was only used as a term of reproach. The 
objection to translating it “saints ” is, that the 


idea now often conveyed by that term is differ- 
ent from the meaning of the Greek word as 
used by St. Paul. Yet as no other English 
word represents it better, either the old render- 
ing must be retained, or an awkward periph- 
rasis employed. The English reader should 
bear in mind that St. Paul applies the term 
to all members of the Church. 

2 This is added to comprehend those Chris 
tians of the Church of Achaia who were not 
resident at Corinth, but in the neighboring 
places of the same province. Compare 2 Cor. 
rh Le 

3 The Authorized Version here appears 
scarcely reconcilable with the order of the 
Greek, though it is defended by the opinions 
of Chrysostom, Billroth, Olshausen, &c. The 
translation of Meyer, “in every place under 
their and our dominion,’ seems more like a 
Papal than an Apostolic rescript; and that of 
De Wette, “‘ in every place both of their and our 
abode,” is frigid, and adds nothing to the idea 
of “every place.” St. Paul means to say 
that he feels the home of his converts to be also his 
own. Both sentiment and expression are the 
same as in Rom. xvi. 13: “‘ His mother and 
mine.” 

* Observe how “I thank” and “ my”? fol- 
low immediately after ‘‘ Paul and Sosthenes,” 
showing that, though the salutation runs in 
the name of both, the author of the Epistle 
was St. Paul alone. Compare the remarks on 
1 Thess. i. 2. 

5 In this passage the aorists are here trans- 
lated as aorists. But as the distinction be- 
tween the aorist and perfect is by no means 
constantly observed in St. Paul’s Hellenistic 
Greek, it may be doubted whether the aorists 
here are not used for perfects. 


Co 


~3 


12 
13 
14 
15 


16 
17 


18 


19 


20 


come beh’nd no other church in any gift; looking earnestly for the tix 
when our Lord Jesus Christ shall be revealed to sight.! . 

And He also will confirm? you unto the end, that you may be withou 
reproach at the day of our Lord Jesus Christ. For God is faithful, by whom 
you were called into fellowship with His Son, Jesus Christ, our Lord. 

I exhort you, brethren, by the name of our Lord Jesus 
Christ, to shun disputes, and have no divisions among you, °? 
but to be knit together in the same mind, and the same Ps 
For I have been informed concerning you, my 


judgment.° 


brethren, by the members of Chloe’s household, that there are contention 
I mean, that one of you says, “I am a follower of Paul ;” 
another, “I of Apollos;” another, “I of Cephas;”* another, “I of 
Was Paul crucified for you? or we 


among you. 


Christ.” Is Christ divided ? 


you baptized unto the name of Paul? 
none of you excert Crispus and Gaius® (lest any one should say that 
baptized unto my own name); and 


THE LIFE AND £PISTLES OF BT. PAUL, 









Rebuke of — 


I thank God that I baptize 


T baptized also the household of 


Stephanas ; besides these I know not that I baptized any other. F 


Christ sent me forth as His Apostle,’ not to baptize, but to publish 
Glad-tidings ; and that, not with wisdom of word, lest. thereby the cros 
For the word of the cross * to those in 
the way of perdition is folly; but to us in the way of salvation ® it is 
the power of God. And so it is written, “ J twill destroy the fois 
pom of the wise, and bring to nothing the understanding of th 
prudent.” © Where is the Philosopher? Where is the Rabbi? Whe : 
Has not God turned the world’s wis- 


of Christ should be made void.? 


is the reasoner of this world ?" 


1 See note on Rom. ii. 5. 

2 i, e. He will do His part to confirm you 
unto the end. If you fall, it will not be for 
want of His help. 

8 “Mind” refers to the view taken by the 
understanding; ‘‘ judgment,” to the practical 
decision arrived at. 

* Cephas is the name by which St. Peter 
is called throughout this Epistle. It was the 
actual word used by our Lord himself, and 
remained the Apostle’s usual appellation 
among the Jewish Christians up to this time. 
lt is strange that it should afterwards have been 
so entirely supplanted by its Greek equivalent, 
“ Peter,” even among the Jewish Christians. 
See note on Gal. i. 18. For an explanation of 
the parties here alluded to, see pp. 387-2983. 




















5 Or Caius, if we use the Roman ae 
see p. 349. 

§ The verb involves fis. 

7 Compare the use of the same verb im 
Rom. iy. 14. : 

8 ¢. e. the tidings of « crucified Messiah. 

® For the present participle we may refer 
to Acts ii. 47, and to ii. 6, below. In render- 
ing the participles here, ‘already dead,” and 
“already saved,” Prof. Stanley neglects the 
force of the tense. [This is corrected in the 
2d edition. — u.] 4 

10 Is. xxix. 14; not quite literally quoted 


1 There are two words in the N. T. trans 
lated “ world ” in the A. V. That which ig 
used bere involves the notion of 





oHar. xv. FIRST EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. 427 


dom into folly ? for when the world had failed to gain by its wisdom the 
knowledge of God in the wisdom of God, it pleased God, by the folly of 
our preaching,' to save those who believe.” For the Jews require a sign 
[from heaven], and the Greeks demand philosophy; but we * proclaim 
a Messiah crucified, to the Jews a stumbling-block, and to the Greeks a 
folly ; but to the called‘ themselves, whether they be Jews or Greeks, 
Christ the power of God and the wisdom of God. For the folly of God 
is wiser than man’s wisdom, and the weakness of God is stronger than 
man’s strength. For you see, brethren, how God has called you; how 
few of you are wise in earthly wisdom, how few are powerful, how few 
But the world’s folly God has chosen, to confound its wis- 
dom ; and the world’s weakness God has chosen, to confound its strength ; 


are noble. 


and the world’s base things, and things despised, yea things that have no 
being, God has chosen, to bring to nought the things that be; that no 


flesh should glory in His presence. But you are His children * in Christ 


Jesus, whom God sent unto us as our wisdom,’ and righteousness, and 


sanctification, and redemption; that it might be according as it is writ- 


ten, “ Be that boasteth, let bim boust in the Zord.”’ 


Tn his own So, brethren, when I myself came among you, and de- 
had not aimed clared to you the testimony of God, I came not with surpass- 
at establish- y y B 

tion for ing skill of speech, or wisdom. For no knowledge did I 
elo mene, purpose to display among you, but the knowledge of Jesus 
onthe super- Christ alone, and Him*— crucified. And in my intercourse 
mhich belongs with you, I was filled with weakness and fear and much trem- 

e€ piv 
of God.” bling. And when I proclaimed my message, I used not 


duration. So in English we speak of “‘ the 
notions (or spirit) of the age.” Also in this 
expression is contained a reference to “the 
future age,” the period of the final triumph of 
Christ’s kingdom. 

1 (Or, more correctly, “that which we 
preach,” viz. the Gospel, which men deem 
folly. — H.] 

2 Observe that the participle here is present, 
not past. 

8 We, including St. Paul and the other 
preachers of Christianity. 

* All who make an outward profession of 
Christianity are, in St. Paul’s language, “ the 
called.” They have received a message from 


God, which has called them to enter into His 
church. 

& «Of Him.” 

® Literally, whe became wisdem te us frem 
Ged, the preposition implying “sent from.” 

7 Jerem. ix. 23, 24, from the LXX., but 
not literally. Quoted alse 2 Cor. x. 17; see 
note there. 

3 «i. e. Him, not exalted on the earthly 
throne of David, but condemned to the death 
ef the vilest malefactor. 

® St. Paul appears, on his first coming to 
Corinth, to have been suffering under great 
depression, perhaps caused by the bodily 
malady to which he was subject (cf. 2 Cor 


i. 2} 


26 


27 


ii I 


i. 5 


14 


15 















428 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. CHAP. : 


persuasive words of human wisdom, but showed forth the working 
God’s Spirit and power, that your faith might have its foundation nm 
in the wisdom of men, but in the power of God. 

Nevertheless, among those who are ripe in understanding,! I 
wisdom ; albeit not the wisdom of this world, nor of its rulers, who 
soon be nought.? But it is God’s wisdom that I speak, whereof 
secret is made known to His people;* even the hidden wisdom which 
God ordained before the ages, that we might be glorified thereby. But 
the rulers of this world knew it not; for had they known it, they would 
not have crucified the Lord of Glory. But as it is written, “ Gye hath 
not seen, nor ear beard, neither habe entered into the heart of man, 
the things tohich God bath prepared for them that lobe Bim.”* 
Yet to us® God has revealed them by His Spirit. For the Spirit fathoms 
all things, even the depths of God. For who can know what belongs to 
man but the spirit of man which is within him? even so none can know 
what belongs to God, but the Spirit of God alone. Now we have received, 
not the spirit of the world, but the Spirit which is of God; that we might 
understand those things which have been freely given us by God. 

These are the things whereof we speak, in words not taught by man’s 
wisdom, but by the Spirit; explaining spiritual things to spiritual® men. 
But the natural’ man rejects the teaching of God’s Spirit, for to him it is 
folly ; and he cannot comprehend it, because it is spiritually discerned. 
But the spiritual man judges all things truly, yet cannot himself be truly 


xii. 8; see p. 235), perhaps by the ill success 
of his efforts at Athens. See p. 334. 

The expression “fear and trembling” is 
peculiarly Pauline, being used in four of St. 
Paul’s Epistles, and by no other writer in the 
New Testament. It does not mean fear of 
personal danger, but a trembling anxiety te per- 
form a duty. Thus in Eph. vi. 5, slaves are 
charged to obey their masters thus, and this 
anxious conscientiousness is opposed to “ eye- 
service.” 

1 “The perfect” is St. Paul’s expression 
for those who had attained the maturity of 
Christian wisdom. Compare 1 Cor. xiv. 20, 
and Phil. iii. 15. Such men could understand 
that his teaching was in truth the highest 
philosophy. 

2 Literally, “passing away into nothing- 
Bess.” 


8 “Wisdom in a mystery” is a wisdom 


revealed to the initiated, i.e. (in this case) to 
Christians, but hidden from the rest of the 
world. 

* Isaiah lxiv. 4 is the nearest passage te 
this in the Old Testament. The quotation is 
not to be found anywhere exactly. 





5 Us, including all the inspired Christian — 


teachers, and the rest of the “ perfect.” 

§ Compare iii. 1. 
that this verb is often used by LXX. for ex- 
plain, interpret, as at Gen. xl. 8. 

7 Properly man considered as endowed 
with the anima (the living principle), as dis- 
tinguished from the spiritual principle. See 
Juy. Sat. xv. 148. Etymologically speaking, 
the animal man would be the best translation ; 
but to English readers this would convey a 
harsher meaning than the original. 


It should be observed — 


=. 


FIRST EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. 429 


judged by others. For “ iho bath knodon the mind of the Zordii. 16 
that be should instruct Bim ?”? but we have the mind of the Lord? 
{within us]. 
The party And I, brethren, could not speak to you as spiritual men, 
ee are but as carnal, yea, as babes in Christ. I fed you with milk, iii. | 
Emalby and not with meat; for you were not able to bear it; nay, 
"you are not yet able, for you are still carnal. For while you 2 
are divided amongst yourselves by jealousy, and strife, and factious par- 38 
ties, is it not evident that you are carnal, and walking in the ways of 
men? When one says, “I follow Paul,” and another, “I follow Apollos,” 
can you deny that you are carnal ? 4 
Who, then, is Paul, or who is Apollos? what are they but 
servants, by whose ministration you believed? and wasit not 5 
the Lord who gave to each of them the measure of his success? 6 
epposingpar- J planted, Apollos watered ; but it was God who made the seed 
oftheir work. +4 srow. So that he who plants is nothing, nor he who waters, 
but God alone who gives the growth. But the planter and the waterer 7 
are one together ;* and each will receive his own wages according to his 8 
work. For we are God’s fellow-laborers,‘ and you are God’s husbandry. 
You are God’s building; God gave me the gift of grace whereby like a 9 
skilful architect I laid a foundation; and on this foundation another 
builds; but let each take heed what he builds thereon — [“ thereon,” I 
say,] for other foundation can no man lay than that already laid, which 
is Jesus Curist.© But on this foundation one may raise gold, and silver, 
and precious stones; another, wood, hay, and stubble. But each man’s 
work will be made manifest ; for The Day’ will make it known; because 


12 
13 


1 Isaiah xl. 18 (LXX.), quoted also Rom. 
xi. 34. 

2 The best MSS. are divided between the 
readings of “Christ ” and “Lord ” here. 

8 “And therefore cannot be set against 
each other ” is implied. 

* This remarkable expression is used by 
St. Paul more than once. Compare 2 Cor. vi. 
1, and the note on 1 Thess. iii. 2. 

5 The MSS. vary here, but the same sense 
is virtually involved in all three readings; viz. 
that the Messiuhship of Jesus was the founda- 
tion of the teaching of the Apostles. 


§ [The image becomes much more vivid, if 
we remember the contrasted buildings of an 
ancient city,—the sumptuous edifices of 
granite and marble, with ornaments of gold 
and silver, on the one hand, and the hovels of 
the poor on the other, with walls of wood and 
roof of thatch, and interstices stuffed witn 
straw. See the description of Rome below, 
Ch. XXIII. —z.] 

7 “The Day of Christ’s coming.” 
pare 1 Thess. y. 4. 


Com- 


iii.14 work. He whose building stands unharmed shall receive payment 


15 


430 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 













that day will be revealed with fire, and the fire will test each builder’ 


his labor; he whose work is burned down shall forfeit his reward: yet 
he shall not himself be destroyed, but shall be saved as it were through 
the flames. 
Know!’ ye not that you are God’s temple, and that you form 7, Charehie 
a shrine wherein God’s Spirit dwells? If any man ruin the — 
temple of God, God shall ruin? him ; for the temple of God is holy ; and 
holy* therefore are ye. . 
Let none deceive himself; if any man is held wise among Intellectual 
you in the wisdom of this world, let him make himself a fool aro aachrle . 
[in the world’s judgment], that so he may become wise. For “™” 
the wisdom of this world is foolishness with God, as it is written, 
“Be taketh the boise in their ofon craftiness.”* And again, “ Ghe 
ord knotoeth the thoughts of the toise that they are bain.” * 
Therefore let none of you make his boast in men; for all things are 
yours; both Paul and Apollos, and Cephas, and the whole world itself; 
both life and death, things present and things to come — all are yours—_ 


but’ you are Christ’s; and Christ is God’s. 
Let us be accounted as servants of Christ, and stewards of 
the mysteries of God.’ Moreover, it is required in a steward 





to be found faithful. Yet to me it matters nothing that I be Fungae 


judged by you or by the doom” of man ; nay, I judge not even 


1 The connection with what precedes is, 
“In calling you God’s building, I tell you no 
new thing; you know already that you are 
God’s temple.” 

2 The verbal link is lost in the A. V. 

8 Not “‘ which temple” (A. V.). 

* Job v. 18, from LXX., with an imma- 
terial variation. 

§ Ps. xciv. 11, from LXX., with a slight 
change. 

6 The meaning is, “Boast not of having 
this man or that as your leader; for all the 
Apostles, nay, all things in the universe, are 
ordained by God to co-operate for your good.” 

7 All things work together for the good of 
Christians; all things conspire to do them 
service : but their work is to do Christ’s ser- 


vice, even as He Himself came to do the wil 
of His Father. 

8 Mysteries are secrets revealed (ue the 
Glad-tidings of Christ) to the initiated, i. ¢. to 
all Christians. See note on ii. 7. The meta-— 
phor here is, that as a steward dispensed his — 
master’s bread to his fellow-servants, so Paul, 
Peter, and Apollos dispensed the knowledge 
of Christ to their brethren. 

® [Or rather, “Inquiry is made into a stew- 
ard’s conduct, in order that he may be proved 
faithful.” —H.] 

10 This use of “day” is peculiar to St. 
Paul; so that Jerome calls it a Cilicism. It is 
connected with that above (iii. 18), and occurs 
1 Thess. v. 4. 







1a 
maar. xv. FIRST EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. 431 


this does not justify me; but I must be tried by the judgment of the 
ord. Therefore judge nothing hastily, until the coming of the Lord; 
for He shall bring to light the secrets of darkness, and make manifest the 


counsels of men’s hearts; and then shall each receive his due? praise 
from God. 


Contrast be. Dut these things, brethren, I have represented under the 
elation of persons of myself and Apollos, for your sakes; that by con- 
pe ehical sidering us you might learn not to think of yourselves above 
ite abasement that which has been written,? and that you may cease to puff 


Aposties, ° : 
yourselves up in the cause® of one agajnst another. For who 


makes thee to differ from another? what hast thou that thou didst not 
receive ? and how, then, canst thou boast, as if thou hadst won it for 
thyself? But ye, forsooth, have already eaten to the full [of spiritual 
food], ye are already rich, ye have seated yourselves upon your throne, 
and have no need‘ of me. Would that you were indeed enthroned, that 
[ too might reign with you! For, I think, God has set forth us the 
Apostles last of all, like criminals condemned to die, to be gazed at in a 
theatre ® by the whole world, both men and angels. We for Christ’s 
sake are fools, while you are wise in Christ; we are weak, while you 
are strong; you are honorable, while we are outcasts; even to the 
present hour we bear hunger and thirst, and nakedness and stripes, and 
have no certain dwelling-place, and toil with our own hands; curses we 
meet with blessings, persecution with patience, railings with good words. 
We have been made as it were the refuse of the earth, the offscouring 
of all things, unto this day. I write not thus to reproach you; but as a 
father I chide the children whom I love. For though you may have ten 


1“ Fits praise.” The error in A. V. was 
vaused by not observing the article. 

2 This is ambiguous; the phrase is com- 
monly employed in reference to the Old Testa- 
ment; but here it suits better with the con- 
ext to take it as referring to the preceding 
remarks of St. Paul himself. 

* St. Paul probably means “in the cause 
of your party-leaders;” but speaks with in- 
entional indistinctness. 

4“ Without us.” 

5 The connection is, “The lot of an 
Apostle is no kingly lot.” 


® Literally, because we have been made a 
theatrical spectacle. Compare Heb. x. 33. 
The spectacle to which St. Paul here alludes 
was common in those timer. Criminals con- 
demned to death were exhibited for the amuse- 
ment of the populace or. the arena of the 
amphitheatre, and forced to fight with wild 
beasts, or to slay one sxnother as gladiators. 
These criminals were ¢xhibited at the end of 
the spectacle as an exciting termination to the 
entertainment (‘set forth last of all’). So 
Tertullian paraphrares the passage “ Nos Deus 
Apostolos novissimos elegit velut bestiarios,”’ 


| 
myself. For although I know not that I am guilty of unfaithfulness, yetiv. ¢ 


10 


11 


12 


13 


14 
15 


w 16 Glad-tidings which I brought. 


432 


thousand guardians ' to lead you towards the school of Christ, you ¢ 
have but one father; and it was I who begat you in Christ Jesus, by # 
I beseech you, therefore, become follo 


ers of me. 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 







For this cause 1 have sent to you Timotheus, my beloved Missior 


son, a faithful servant of the Lord, who shall put you in 
remembrance of my ways in Christ, as I teach everywhere = 
Now some have been filled with arrogance, sup 


in all the churches. 


posing that I am not coming to you. 
if the Lord will; and then I shall learn, not the word of these boasters 
For mighty deeds, not empty words, are the tokens 
God’s kingdom. What is your desire? 

rod, or in love and the spirit of meekness ? 


but their might. 


lt is reported that there is fornication generally? among Judgment 
you, and such fornication, as is not known? even among ‘ous persc 
the Heathen, so that one among you has his father’s wife. 
forsooth, have been puffed up when you should have mourned, 








But I shall be with you shortl 


Must I come to you with 


And you 





the doer of this deed might be put away from the midst of you. Fo 
me,—being present with you in spirit, although absent in body, —]I 
have already passed sentence, as though present, on him who has do 

this thing; [and I decree] in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, ~ 
you convene an assembly, and when you, and my spirit with you, are gath 
ered together, with the power of our Lord Jesus Christ, that you deliver 
over to Satan‘ the man who has thus sinned, for the destruction of his 
fleshly lusts, that his spirit may be saved in the day of the Lord Je . 
Unseemly is your boasting ; know ye not that “a little leaven leaveneth 
the whole lump?” 5 Cast out therefore the old leaven, that you may be 
an untainted mass, even as now ® you are without taint of leaven ; for 


1 The guardian slave who led the child to 
school. The word is the same as in Gal. iii. 
24. See the note there. 

2 The adverb seems most naturally joined 
with “‘among you,” but it may be taken with 
“reported ” in the sense of “ universally ;” so 
Prof. Stanley, “There is nothing heard of 
except this.” 

8 The “is named” of T. R. is omitted by 
the best MSS.; “is heard of,” or something 
equivalent, must be supplied. 


1 


* This expression appears used as equiva. 
lent to casting out of the Church: cf. 1 Tim i. 
20. From the following words there seems 
also a reference to the doctrine that Satan is 
the author of bodily disease. Compare 2 Cor. 
xii. 7. : 

& The same proverb is quoted Gal. v. 9. ~ 

§ In spite of the opinion of some eminent 
modern commentators, which is countenanced 
by Chrysostom, we must adhere to the inter 
pretation which considers these words as wrib 


a. xv. 


FIRST EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. 


433 


our Paschal Lamb is Christ, who was slain for us; therefore let us keep v. $ 
the feast, not with the old leaven, nor the leaven of vice and wickedness, 
but with the unleavened bread of purity and truth. 


I enjoined you in my letter! to keep no company with 
fornicators ; not that you should utterly forego all intercourse 10 
with the men of this world who may be fornicators, or lasciv- 


ious, or extortioners, or idolaters; for so you would need to go utterly 


out of the world. 


But? my meaning was, that you should keep no 


company with any man, who, bearing the name of a Brother, is either 


ten at the Paschal season, and suggested by it. 
The words leaven, lump, Paschal Lamb, and 
feast, all agree most naturally with this view. 
It has been objected, that St. Paul would not 
address the Corinthians as engaged in a feast 
which he, at Ephesus, was celebrating; be- 
eause it would be over before his letter could 
reach them. Any one who has ever written a 
birth-day letter to a friend in India will see 
the weakness of this objection. It has also 
been urged that he would not address a mixed 
church of Jews and Gentiles as engaged in 
the celebration of a Jewish feast. Those who 
urge this objection must have forgotten that 
St. Paul addresses the Galatians (undoubt- 
edly a mixed church) asif they had all been 
formerly idolaters (Gal. iv. 8); and addresses 
the Romans, sometimes as if they were 
all Jews (Rom. vii. 1), sometimes as if they 
were Gentiles (Rom. xi. 18). If we take 
“as ye are unleavened” in a metaphorical 
sense, it is scarcely consistent with the pre- 
vious “cast out the old leaven;” for the pas- 
Sage would then amount to saying, “ Be free 
from leaven (metaphorically) as you are free 
from leaven (metaphorically) ;” whereas, on 
the other view, St. Paul says, “Be free from 
leaven (metaphorically) as you are free from 
leaven (literally).”” There seems no difficulty 
in supposing that the Gentile Christians joined 
with the Jewish Christians in celebrating the 
Paschal feast after the Jewish manner, at least 
to the extent of abstaining from leaven in the 
love-feasts. And we see that St. Paul still 
observed the “days of unleavened bread” at 
this period of his life, from Acts xx. 6. Also, 
from what follows, we perceive how naturally 
this greatest of Jewish feasts changed into the 
greatest of Christian festivals. 

+ Literally, “I =e to you in the letter,” 


viz. the letter which I last wrote, or the letter to 
which you refer in your questions ; for they had 
probably mentioned their perplexity about this 
direction in it. So in 2 Cor. vii. 8 the present 
letter (1 Cor.) is referred to in the same phrase 
(I grieved you in the ldter). There are two 
decisive reasons why these words must refer 
to a previous letter, not to the letter St. Paul 
is actually writing. (1.) No such direction 
as ‘“ Keep no company with fornicators” oc- 
curs in what has gone before. (2.) If St. 
Paul had meant to say “I have just written,” 
he could not have added the words “in the 
letter,’ which would have been then worse 
than superfluous. Prof. Stanley (who has 
recently supported the view here opposed) 
urges that the aorist might be used of the 
present epistle as at 1 Cor. ix.15; which is 
obyiously true. He also urges that “the 
letter” may sometimes refer to the present 
letter; which may also be admitted in cases 
where the letter is referred to as a@ whole in its 
postscript ; e. g. “ I Tertius, who wrote the letter” 
(Rom. xvi. 22). “TI charge you that the later 
be read”’ (1 Thess. v. 27). ‘‘ When the letter 
has been read among you, cause it to be read at 
Laodicea” (Col. iv. 16). But none of these 
instances gives any support to the view that 
a writer could refer to his own words, just 
uttered, by such a phrase as “I wrote to you 
in the letter.” We are forced, therefore, to 
conclude that these words refer to a preceding 
letter, which has not been preserved. And 
this view receives a strong confirmation from 
the words of St. Paul’s Corinthian opponents 
(spoken before 2 Cor. was written): “ His le- 
ters are weighty, &c.” (2 Cor. x. 10.) 

2 The conjunction here seems not to be a 
particle of time, but of connection. 


ll 


10 


434 


a fornicator, or a wanton,’ or an idolater, or a railer, or a drunkard, o 

an extortioner; with such a man, I say, you must not so much as eg 

v.12 For what need have I to judge those also that are without? 
18 not your part to judge those that are within? But those without < 


“ From amongst yourselbes ye shall cast o 


for God’s judgment. 
the ebil one,”? 


Can there be any of you who dare to bring their-private 1 
differences into the courts of law, before the wicked, and not 
rather bring them before the saints ?* 
saints shall judge the world? and if the world is subjected to 
your judgment, are you unfit to decide the most trifling matters? Kno 
ye not that we shall judge angels? how much more the affairs of 
If, therefore, you have disputes to settle which concern the aff2 
of this life, give the arbitration of them to the very least esteemed 
your Church. I speak to your shame. 


life ? 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 











Is 


ee b 

een Chris- 
ieee must o 
be neous 
into 0 


courts ; — 
its existence 
is a proof of 
evil. 


Know ye not that the 


Can it be that amongst you there 


is not so much as one man wise enough to arbitrate between his breth 
ren, but must brother go to law with brother, and that in the courts of 
the unbelievers? Nay, farther, you are in fault, throughout, in having 
such disputes at all. Why do you not rather submit to wrong? Why 







not rather suffer yourselves to be defrauded ? 
wronging and defrauding, and that your brethren. Know ye x, immo 
not that wrong-doers shall not inherit the kingdom of God? cons 
Be not deceived — neither fornicators, nor idolaters, nor adul- tanity. 
terers, nor self-defilers, nor sodomites, nor robbers, nor wantons,‘ nor 


1 The Greek word has the meaning of a 
concupiscent man in some passages of St. Paul’s 
writings. Compare Eph. v. 5 (where it is 
coupled with unclean). So the corresponding 
substantive, in St. Paul, almost invariably 
means lasciviousness. See Eph. iv. 19, y. § 
{and the note), and Col. iii. 5. The only 
places where the word is used by St. Paul in 
the sense covetousness are 2 Cor. ix. 5, and 
1 Thess. ii. 5, in the latter of which passages 
the other meaning would not be inadmissible. 
How the word contracted its Pauline meaning 
may be inferred from the similar use of con- 
cupiscence in English. [Since the above was 
first published, Prof. Stanley and Prof. Jowett 
have both expressed their concurrence in this 
rendering of the word; see note in this vol- 


ume on Eph. v. 3.] 
s 
















Nay, you are yourselve 


can 
with 
true is- 


2 Dent. xxiv. 7 (LXX.). 7 

® It should be remembered that the: Greek 
and Roman law gave its sanction to the 
decision pronounced in a litigated case by 
arbitrators privately chosen; so that the 
Christians might obtain a just decision of 
their mutual differences without resorting to | 
the Heathen tribunals. The Jews resident in 
foreign parts were accustomed to refer their 
disputes to Jewish arbitrators. Josephus 
(Ant. xiv. 10, 17) gives a decree by which the 4 
Jews at Sardis were permitted to establish @ 
“private court,” for the purpose of deciding 
“their misunderstandings with one another.” 

* Fersons gives to concupiscence. See note 
on ¥. 11. 


q 


. 


; 


HAP. Xv. 435 


FIRST EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. 


drunkards, nor railers, nor extortioners, shall inherit the kingdom of 
God. And such were some of you; but you have washed away your vill 
stains,! — you have been hallowed, you have been justified, in the name 

of the Lord Jesus, and in the Spirit of our God.? | 


“ All things are lawful for me.” * But not all things are 12 


defence of good forme. Though all things are in my power, they shail 
i not bring me under their power. “ Meat is for the belly, and 13 
the belly for meat,” though God will soon put an end to both; but the 
body ismot for fornication, but for the Lord, and the Lord for the body ;* 
and as God raised the Lord from the grave, so He will raise us also by 14 


His mighty power.’ Know ye not that your bodies are members of 15 
Christ’s body? Shall I then take the members of Christ, and make them 
the members of an harlot? God forbid. Know ye not, that he who 
joins himself to an harlot becomes one body with her? For it is said, 
“then teowin shall be one flesh.”® But he who joins himself to the 
Lord, becomes one spirit with Him. Flee fornication. The root of sin 
is not in the body,’ [but in the soul ;] yet the fornicator sins against his 


16 


17 
18 


1 Observe that the Greek verb is middle, 
not passive, as in A. V.: cf. Acts xxii. 16. 
If the aorist is here used in its proper sense 
(of which we can never be sure in St. Paul), 
the reference is to the time of their first con- 
yersion, or baptism. 

2 The words may be paraphrased thus, 
“By your fellowship with the Lord Jesus, 
whose name you bear, and by the indwelling 
of the Spirit of our God.” 

8 See the explanation of this in Ch. XIII. ; 
and compare (for the true side of the phrase) 
Gal. y. 23, “ Against such there is no law.” 
Probably St. Paul had used the very words 
“All things are lawful for me” in this true 
sense, and the immoral party at Corinth had 
caught them up, and used them as their watcb- 
word. It is also probable that this fact was 
Mentioned in the letter which St. Paul had 
just received from Corinth (1 Cor. vii. 1). 
Also see chap. viii. 1 below. From what 
follows it is evident that these Corinthian 
freethinkers argued that the existence of bodily 
appetites proved the lawfulness of their gratifi- 
cation. 

* The body is for the Lord Jesus, to be 


consecrated by His indwelling to His service; 
and the Lord Jesus is for the body, to conse- 
crate it by dwelling therein in the person of 
His Spirit. 

5 St. Paul’s argument here is, that sins 
of unchastity, though bodily acts, yet injure 
a@ part of our nature (compare the phrase 
“ spiritual body,” 1 Cor. xv. 44) which will 
not be destroyed by death, and which is closely 
connected with our moral well-being. And it 
is a fact no less certain than mysterious, that 
moral and spiritual ruin is caused by such 
sins; which human wisdom (when untaught 
by Revelation) held to be actions as blameless 
as eating and drinking. 

® Gen. ii. 24 (LXX.), quoted by our Lord, 
Matt. xix. 5. 

7 Literally, “every sin which a man commits 
is without (external to) the body.” The Corin- 
thian freethinkers probably used this argu- 
ment also, and perhaps availed themselves of 
our Lord’s words, Mark vii. 18: “Do ye not 
perceive that whatsoever thing from without enter- 
eth into the man, it cannot defile him, because it 
entereth not into his heart?” &c. (See the whole 
passage.) 


vi.19 own body. 


20 are not your own, for you were bought with a price.’ 


o~ 


2 


12 


{8 


1 


436 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


Know ye not that your bodies are temples of the Holy Spiri 
which dwells within you, which ye have received from God? And yo 







Glorify God 


therefore, not in your spirit only, but in your body also, since both are 


His.? 


As to the questions which you have asked me in your letter, 
It is good for a man to remain unmarried. 
Nevertheless, to avoid fornication,’ let every man have his own 
wife, and every woman her own husband. Let the husband 
live in the intercourse of affection with his wife, and likewise riages. 
the wife with her husband. The wife has not dominion over her own body, 
but the husband ; and so also the husband has not dominion over his ow 
Do not separate one from the other, unless it be with 
mutual consent for a time, that you may give yourselves without disturk 
ance‘ to prayer, and then return to one another, lest, through your 
fleshly passions, Satan should tempt you to sin. Yet this I say by way o 
permission, not of command. Nevertheless I would that all men were as 
I myself am; but men have different gifts from God, one this, another 
But to the unmarried and to the widows, I say that it would be 


this is my answer. 


body, but the wife. 


that. 











good for them if they should remain in the-state wherein I myself als 


am ; yet if they are incontinent, let them marry ; for it is better to ma 
than to burn. To the married, not I, but the Lord gives commandment} 
that the wife part not from her husband ; (but if she be already parted, 
let her remain single, or else be reconciled with him ;) and also, that the 


husband put not away his wife. 


But to the rest speak I, not the Lord. If any Brother be married to 
an unbelieving wife, let him not put her away, if she be content to live 
with him ; neither let a believing wife put away an unbelieving husband 


1 The price is the blood of Christ. Com- 
pare Acts xx. 28, and Col. i. 14. 

2 The latter part of this verse, though 
not in the best MSS., yet is implied in the 
sense. 

® The plural in the Greek perhaps means 
(as Prof. Stanley takes it) “because of the gen- 
+-al prevalence of fornication,’”’ with special ref- 
reve to the profligacy of Corinth, where 









every unmarried person would be liable to spe 
cial temptation. ; 

* “Fasting” is an interpolation, not found” 
in the best MSS. 

5 This commandment is recorded Mark x. 
11, 12: Whosoever shall put away his wife, and 
marry another, committeth adultery against her. 
And if a woman shall put away her husband, and 
be married to another, she committeth adultery. 


: 


CHAP, XV. FIRST EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. 437 


who is willing to live with her; for the unbelieving husband is hallowed vii.14 
by union with his believing wife, and the unbelieving wife by union with 
her believing husband ; for otherwise your children would be unclean,’ 
but now they are holy. But if the unbelieving husband or wife seeks for 
separation, let them be separated; for in such cases, the believing 
husband or wife is not bound to remain under the yoke. But the call 
whereby God has called? us is a call of peace.* For thou who art the 16 
wife of an unbeliever, how knowest thou whether thou mayest save thy 
husband ? or thou who art the husband, whether thou mayest save thy 
wife ? 


15 


Only‘ let each man walk in the same path which God allotted 
, to him, wherein the Lord has called him. This rule I give in 
all the churches. Thus, if any man, when he was called,° 
bore the mark of circumcision, let him not efface it; if any 
man was uncircumcised at the time of his calling, let him not receive cir- 


17 


wherein they 
were at their 
conversion. 


cumcision. 
obedience to the commands of God. Let each abide in the condition 
wherein he was called. Wast thou in slavery at the time of thy calling? 
Care not for it. 
rather make use of thy condition. For the slave who has been called in 
the Lord is the Lord’s freedman ; and so also the freeman who has been 
called is Christ’s slave. He has bought you all ;’ beware lest you make 
yourselves the slaves of man.® Brethren, in the state wherein he was 
called, let each abide with God. 


Circumcision is nothing, and uncircumcision is nothing ; but 


Nay, though thou have power to gain thy freedom,’ 


23 
24 


+The term used is literally, “ unclean,” 
and is used in its Jewish sense, to denote 
that which is beyond the hallowed pale 
of God’s people ; the antithesis to “ holy,” 
which was applied to all within the con- 
secrated limits. On the inferences from 
this verse, with respect to infant baptism, 
see Ch. XIII. 

*This verb, in St. Paul’s writings, 
Means “to call into fellowship with 
Christ; ” “to call from the unbelieving 
World into the Church.” 

®The inference is, “therefore the pro- 
fession of Christianity ought not to lead 
the believer to quarrel with the unbeliey- 
ing members of his family.” 

“Literally, only, as God allotted to 
each, as the Lord has called each, so let 
him walk, 


The past tense is mistranslated “is 
called” in A. V. throughout this chapter. 

*The Greek here is ambiguous, and 
might be so rendered as to give directly 
opposite precepts; but the version given 
in the text (which is that advocated by 
Chrysostom, Meyer, and De Wette) 
agrees best with the order of the Greek 
words, and also with the context. We 
must remember, with regard to this and 
other precepts here given, that they were 
given under the immediate anticipation 
of our Lord’s coming. 

7There is a change here in the Greek 
from singular to plural. For the 
“price,” see chap. vi. 20. 

® Alluding to their servile adherence to 
party leaders. Compare 2 Cor. xi. 20. 


wii.25 


26 
27 
8 


29 


438 


Concerning your virgin daughters! I have no command from Answer to : 
the Lord, but I give my judgment, as one who has been moved about the 
by the Lord’s mercy? to be faithful. 
good, by reason of the present? necessity, for all to be unmarried.‘ 
thou bound to a wife? seek not separation; art thou free? seek ne 
marriage ; yet if thou marry, thou sinnest not.’ And if your virgin dau 
ters marry, they sin not; but the married will have sorrows in the fles 
But this I say, brethren, the time is 
short ;* that henceforth both they that have wives be as though they had 
none, and they that weep as though they wept not, and they that rejoice 
as though they rejoiced not, and they that buy as though they possesse 
not, and they that use this world as not abusing® it; for the outwa 


and these I would spare you.® 


show of this world is passing away.? 
earthly care. The cares of the unmarried man are fixed upon the Lord 
and he strives to please the Lord. 
fixed upon worldly things, striving to please his wife. 
this difference" from the virgin ; the cares of the virgin are fixed upon 


1 We cannot help remarking, that the man- 
ner in which a recent infidel writer has spoken 
of this passage is one of the most striking 
proofs how far a candid and acute mind may 
be warped by a strong bias. In this case the 
desire of the writer is to disparage the moral 
teaching of Chyistianity; and he brings for- 
ward this passage to prove his case, and 
blames St. Paul because he assumes these 
Corinthian daughters to be disposable in mar- 
riage at the will of their father; as if any 
other assumption had been possible in the 
case of Greek or Jewish daughters in that age. 
We must suppose that this writer would (on 
the same grounds) require a modern mission- 
ary to Persia to preach the absolute incom- 
patibility of despotic government with sound 
morality. A similar ignoratio elenchi runs 
through all his remarks upon this chapter. 

2 Compare “I obtained mercy,” 1 Tim. i. 
18. 

3 The participle here can only mean present. 
See the note on 2 Thess. ii. 2. The word was 
mistranslated in this passage in the first edition. 

* “So,” namely “ as virgins.” 

5 Literally, though thou shalt have married, 
thou hast not sinned; the aorist used for the 
perfect, as constantly by St. Paul. 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. — 






















daughters i 


I think, then, that it is marriage, 


But I would have you free from 


But the cares of the husband are 
The wife also has 


® I is emphatic, Z, if you followed my ad- 
vice ; also observe the present, “I am sparing 
you [by this advice],” or, in other words, “Z 
would spare you.” 
7 We adopt Lachmann’s reading. “ The 
object of this contraction of your earthly life 
is, that you may henceforth set your affections 
on things above.” 5 
8 Literally, the verb appears to mean to use 
up, as distinguished from to use. Compare ix 
18. It thus acquired the sense of to abuse, in” 
which it is sometimes employed by Demos- 
thenes and by the grammarians. } 
® Literally, “passing by,” flitting past, like 
the shadows in Plato’s Cavern (Repub. vii. 1) 
or the figures in some moving ro 
ria. bd 
10 The reading of Lachmann makes a com 
siderable difference in the translation, which 
would thus ran: “The husband strives to please 
his wife, and is divided [in mind]. Both the un 
married wife [i. e. the widow] and the virgin care) ‘ 
Jor the things of the Lord,” gc. This 
gives a more natural sense to “ divided”? (cf. 
i. 18, so Stanley); but on the other hand, the 
use of “ unmarried wife ” for widow is unprece- 
dented; and in this very chapter (verse 8) 
the word widows is opposed to unmarried. 


OHAP, XV, 


FIRST EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. 439 


the Lord, that she may be holy both in body and in spirit ; but the cares 
of the wife are fixed upon worldly things, striving to please her husband. 
Now this I say for your own profit; not that I may entangle you in aviiss 
snare; but that I may help you to serve the Lord with a seemly and 
undivided service. But if any man think that he is treating his virgin 3 
daughter in an unseemly manner, by leaving her unmarried beyond the 
flower of her age, and if need so require, let him act according to his will; 
he may do so without sin; let them! marry. But he who is firm in his 87 
resolve, and is not constrained to marry his daughter, but has the power 
of carrying out his will, and has determined to keep her unmarried, does 
well. Thus he who gives his daughter in marriage does well, but he who 
gives her not in marriage does better. 
of The wife is bound by the law of wedlock so long as her 
husband lives ; but after his death she is free to marry whom 
she will, provided that she choose one of the brethren? in the Lord. Yet 
she is happier if she remain a widow, in my judgment; and I think that 
I, no less * than others, have the Spirit of God. 

As to the meats which have been sacrificed to idols, we viii. 
know — (for “we all have knowledge;”* but knowledge 
puffs up, while love builds. If any man prides himself on his 
knowledge, he knows nothing yet as he ought to know; but whosoever 8 
loves God, of him God hath knowledge) *°— as to eating the meats sacri- 4 
ficed to idols, we know (i say) that an idol has no true being, and that 
there is no other God but one. For though there be some who are called 5 
gods, either celestial or terrestrial, and though men worship many gods 
and many lords, yet to us there is but one God, the Father, from whom 6 
are all things, and we for Him; and one Lord, Jesus Christ, by whom 
are all things, and we by Him.’ But “all” have not this “ knowledge;” T 


38 


39 
widows. 


40 


Answer to 
questions con- 
cerning meats 


idols, 


1 “ Them,” viz. the daughter and the suitor. 

3 Literally, provided it be in the Lord. 

3 The “also” in “ I also” has this meaning. 

* It is necessary, for the understanding of 
this Epistle, that we should remember that it 
is an anser to a letter received from the Co- 
Yinthian Churck (1 Cor. vii. 1), and therefore 
constantly alludes to topics in that letter. It 
seems probable, from the way in which they 
are introduced, that these words, “ We all have 
fnowledge,” are quoted from that letter. 


5 That is, God acknowledges him ; compare 
Gal. iv. 9. 

§ That is, by whom the life of allihings, and 
our life also, ts originated and sustained. So Col. 
i. 16: “By Him and for Him were all created, 
and in Him all things subsist;” where it 
should be remarked that the “for Him” is 
predicated of the Son, as in the present passage 
of the Father. Both passages show how fully 
St. Paul taught the doctrine of the Aéyog. 


a 


12 


13 


ix. 1 


1 


440 


on the contrary, there are some who still have a conscientious fear of a 
idol, and think the meat an idolatrous sacrifice, so that, if they eat it, 
viii.8 their conscience being weak is defiled. Now our food cannot change our 
place in God’s sight; with Him we gain nothing by eating, nor lose by — 
not eating. But beware lest, perchance, this exercise of your rights! 
0 should become a stumbling-block to the weak. For if one of them see 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 







thee, who boastest of thy knowledge,’ feasting in an idol’s temple, will 


not he be encouraged to eat the meat offered in sacrifice, notwithstanding 
the weakness of his conscience?* And thus, through thy knowledge 
will thy weak brother. perish, for whom Christ died. 
sin thus against your brethren, and wound their weak conscience, you 
Wherefore, if my food cast a stumbling-block i 
my brother’s path, I will eat no flesh while the world stands, lest thereby 


sin against Christ. 


I cause my brother’s fall.‘ 


Is it denied that I am an Apostle? Is it denied that I ¢ 


am free from man’s authority ?* 


seen Jesus® our Lord? Is it denied that you are the fruits of { 
my labor in the Lord? If to others I am no apostle, yet at anc 
least I am such to you; for you are yourselves the seal which 
stamps the reality of my apostleship, in the Lord ; this is my 
answer to those who question my authority. Do they deny my right to 
be maintained’ [by my converts}? Do they deny my right to carry a 
believing wife with me on my journeys, like the rest of the apostles, and 
the brothers of the Lord,’ and Cephas ? 


1 “This liberty of yours.” Observe again- 
the reference to the language of the self-styled 
Pauline party at Corinth. Compare “all 
things are lawful for me” (vi.12). The de- 
erees of the “Council of Jerusalem” might 
seem to have a direct bearing on the question 
discussed by St. Paul in this passage; but he 
does not refer to them as deciding the points 
in dispute, either here or elsewhere. Probably 
the reason of this is, that the decrees were 
meant only to be of temporary application ; 
and in their terms they applied originally only 
to the churches of Syria and Cilicia (see Acts 
xv. 23; also Chap. VIL.). 

2 Literally, the possessor of knowledge ; in allu- 
sion to the orevions “ We ail have knowl- 


edge.’ 
















Nay, when you 


He vindicater 


It is denied that I have bis claim 


to 
the Apostolic 
fi 


Or do the’ think that I and 


5 Literally, will not the conscience of him, 
though he is weak, be, ge. 

* The whole of this eighth chapter is paral- 
lel to Rom. xiv. 

5 « Free.” Compare verse 19 and Gal i. 1, 
“an Apostle not of men.” 

6 “Christ” here is omitted by the best 
MSS. 

7 This was a point much insisted on by 
the Judaizers (see 2 Cor. xii. 13-16). They 
argued that St. Paul, by not availing himself 
of this undoubted apostolic right, betrayed his 
own consciousness that he was no true 
Apostle. 

8 «The brothers of the Lord.” It is of 
very doubtful question whether these were the — 
sons of our Lord’s mother’s sister, viz. the 


SHAP, XV. FIRST EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. 44) 


Barnabas alone have no right to be maintained, except by the labor of 
ur own hands? 
husbandman plants a vineyard without sharing in its fruit? What 
shepherd tends a flock without partaking of their milk? Say I this on 
Man’s judgment only, or says not the Law the same? Yea, in the Law 


af Moses it is written, “ Ohou shalt not muyzle the ox that treadeth 
mut the corn.”? Is it for oxen that God is caring, or speaks He alto- 
gether for our sake? For our sake, doubtless, it was written ; because 
ihe ploughman ought to plough, and the thresher to thresh, with hope to 
share in the produce of his toil. If 1 have sown for you the seed of 
spiritual gifts, would it be much if I were to reap some harvest from 
your carnal gifts? If others share this right over you, how much more 
should I? Yet I have not used my right, but forego every claim,’ lest I 
should by any means hinder the course of Christ’s Glad-tidings. Know 
ye not that they * who perform the service of the temple live upon the 
revenues of the temple, and they who minister at the altar share with it 
So also the Lord commanded * those who publish the 
dlad-tidings, to be maintained thereby. But I have not exercised any of 


n the sacrifices ? 


hese rights, nor do’I write® this that it may be practised in my own 
vase. For I had rather die than suffer any man to make void my 
oasting. For, although I proclaim the Glad-tidings, yet this gives me 
a0 ground of boasting; for I am compelled to do so by order of my? 
Master. 
my own free choice, I might claim wages to reward my labor; but since 
[ serve by compulsion, I am a slave intrusted with a stewardship. What, 
hen, is my wage? It is to make the Glad-tidings free of cost where I 


Yea, woe is me if I proclaim it not. For were my service of 


What soldier! ever serves at his private cost? What i 


Apostles James and Judas, the sons of Al- 
ohssus (Luke vi. 15, 16) (for cousins were 
alled brothers), or whether they were sons of 
Joseph by a former marriage, or actually sons 
f the mother of our Lord. 

1 He means to say that, to have this right 
of maintenance, a man need be no Apostle. 

2 Deut. xxv. 4 (LXX.), quoted also 1 Tim. 
r. 18. 

$ The proper meaning of the verb used 
ere is to hold out against, as a fortress against 
ssault, or ice against superincumbent weight. 
Tompare xiii. 7, and 1 Thess. iii. 1. 

* Numbers vii. and Dent. xviii. 


§ (Matt. x. 9,10.) Previde neither gold nor 
silver nor brass in yeur purses, nor scrip for your 
journey, neither twe coats, neither shoes, nor yet 
staves: for the workman ts worthy of his meat. 

® The aorist is the epistolary tense. There 
is considerable difference of reading in this 
verse, but not materially affecting the sense. 

7 “ Necessity” here is the compulsion ex- 
ercised by a master overa slave. In calling 
his service compulsory, St. Paul refers to the 
miraculous character of his conversion. 

8 This “ stewardship ” consisted in dispens- 
ing his Master’s goods to his fellow-slaves. 
See iv. 1, 2. 


1. ¢ 


1¢ 


16 


17 


18 


ix.19carry it, that I may forego my right as an Evangelist.’ There 
20 although free from the authority of all men, I made myself the slave ¢ 
To the Jews I became as a Jew, that 

might gain the Jews; to those under the law, as though I were under f 
law (not that I was myself subject to the law),’ that I might gain thos 
under the law; to those without the law,‘ as one without the law (nc 
that I was without law before God, but under the law of Christ), that 


24 
25 


27 


442 


all, that I might gain? the most. 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 










might gain those who were without the law. To the weak, I becami 


weak, that I might gain the weak. I am become all things to all me 
that by all means I might save some. 
Glad-tidings, that I myself may share therein with those who hear mi 
Know ye not that in the races of the stadium, though all run, yet bu 
one can win the price ?— (so run that you may win) —and every ma 
who strives in the matches trains himself by all manner of self-restr 
Yet they do it to win a fading crown,® — we, a crown that cannot fa 
I, therefore, run not like the racer who is uncertain of his goal; I figh 
not as the pugilist who strikes out against the air;’ but I bruise® 
body and force it into bondage ; lest, perchance, having called others 
the contest,’ I should myself fail shamefully of the prize. 
For” I would not have you ignorant, brethren, that our 
forefathers all were guarded by the cloud, and all passed safely 
And all, in the cloud, and in the sea, were 
And all of them alike ate the same 
spiritual food ; and all drank of the same spiritual stream ; for 


through the sea. 
baptized unto Moses. 


1 Literally, that I may net fully use. See 
note on vii. 31. The perplexity which com- 
mentators have found in this passage is partly 
due to the construction of the Greek, but prin- 
cipally to the oxymoron; St. Paul virtually 
says that his wage is the refusal of wages. The 
passage may be literally rendered, “‘ Zt is, that 
I should, while Evangelizing, make the Evangel 
Sree of cost, that I may not fully use my right as an 
Evangelist.” 

2 “Gain ” alludes to “ wage.” 
whom he gained were his wage. 

8 The best MSS. here insert a clause which 
is not in the Textus Receptus. 

* For “without law” in the sense of 
“heathen,” compare Rom, ii. 12. 

§ For a description of the severe training 
required, see notes at the beginning of Ch. XX. 


The souls 

















And this I do for the sake of 


* This was the crown made of the lea 
of the pine, groves of which surrounded the 
Isthmian Stadium: the same tree still gro 
plentifully on the Isthmus of Corinth. It was 
the prize of the great Isthmian game 
Throughout the passage, St. Paul alludes t 
these contests, which were so dear to the prid 
and patriotism of the Corinthians. Compa 
also 2 Tim. ii. 5. And see the beginning of 
Ch. XX. on the same subject. 

7 Literally, Z run as one not uncertain [of t 
goal]: I fight as one not stating the air. 

8 This is the literal meaning of the pugili 
tie term which the Apostle here employs. 

* “ Asa herald.” See the second note a 
Ch. XX. 

10 The reading of the best MSS. is “ for.” 
The connection with what precedes is the pos 


\ 


OBAP. xv. FIRST EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. 


they drank from the spiritual rock which followed them ;* but that rock 
was Christ. 
down and perished in the wilderness. Now, these things were shadows 
of our own case, that we might learn not to lust after evil, as they lusted.? 
Nor be ye idolaters, as were some of them; as it is written, —“‘Ohe pen 
ple sat down to cat aud drink, and rose up to play.”* Neither let 
us commit fornication, as some of them committed, and fell in one day 
three and twenty thousand.‘ Neither let us try the long-suffering of 
Christ, as did some of them, who were destroyed by the serpents.* Nor 
murmur as some of them murmured, and were slain by the destroyer.* 
Now all these things befell them as shadows of things to come; and they 
were written for our warning, on whom the ends of the ages are come.” 
Wherefore, let him who thinks that he stands firm, beware lest he fall. 
No trial has come upon you beyond man’s power to bear; and God is faithe 
ful to His promises, and will not suffer you to be tried beyond your 
strength, but will with every trial provide the way of escape, that you 
may be able to sustain it. 


Theymustre © Wherefore, my beloved, flee from idolatry. I speak as to 
pounce all fel- 5 
Raa." men of understanding ;* use your own judgment upon my 


words. When we drink the cup of blessing, which we bless, are we not 
all partakers in the blood of Christ? When we break the bread, are we 
not all partakers in the body of Christ ?° For as the bread is one,so we, 


the many, are one body; for of that one bread we all partake. If you 


6 See Numbers xvi. 41. 


sibility of failure even in those who had re- 
Csived the greatest advantages. 

1§t. Paul’s meaning is, that, under the 
allegorical representation of the Manna, the 
Water and the Rock are shadowed forth 
Spiritual realities: for the Rock is Christ, the 
only source of living water (John iv.), and the 
Manna also is Christ, the true bread from 
Heaven (John vi.). For the Rabbinical tradi- 
tions about the rock, see Schéttgen; and on the 
whole verse, see Prof. Stanley’s excellent note. 

? Viz., aiter the flesh-pots of Egypt. 

® Exod. xxxii. 6 (LXX.). 

4 Numbers xxv._9, where twenty-four thou- 
Sand is the number given. See the remarks 
On p. 157, n. 2, on the speech at Antioch, and 
also the note on Gal. iii. 17. 

5 Numbers xxi. 6. 


The murmuring 
of the Corinthians against the Apostle is com- 
pared to the murmuring of Korah against 
Moses. 

7 The coming of Christ was “the end of 
the ages,” 7. e., the commencement of a new 
period of the world’s existence. So nearly 
the same phrase is used Heb. ix. 26. A simi- 
lar expression occurs five times in St. Matthew, 
signifying the coming of Christ to judgment. 

8 “Wise men,’ the character peculiarly 
affected by the Corinthians. The word is pers 
haps used with a mixture of irony, as at Ll 
Cor. iv. 10, and 2 Cor. xi. 19, 

% Literally, The cup of blessing which we bless, 
is it not a common participation in the blood of 
Christ? The bread which we break, is it not @ 
common participation in the body of Christ? 


445 


Yet most of them lost God’s favor, yea, they were struck x.5 


7 
8 


14 
15 
16 


17 
18 


x.19 fices are in partnership with the altar? What would I say then ? that : 


20 


21 


22 


23 


24 


25 


26 
2 


=] 


28 


29 


30 


31 


32 


33 


xi. 1 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


















look to the carnal Israel, do you not see that those who eat of the se c 


idol has any real being? or that meat offered to an idol is really chang 
thereby? Notso; but I say, that when the heathen offer their sacri 
“ then sacrifice to Demons, and not to God;”! and I would not hay 
you become partners’ with the demons. You cannot drink the cup 
the Lord, and the cup of demons; you cannot eat at the table of th 
Lord, and at the table of demons. Would we provoke the Lord to je 
ousy? Are we stronger than He? 

“‘ All things are lawful,” * but not all things are expedient ; r 
“all things are lawful,” but not all things build up the church. te 
Let no man seek his own, but every man his neighbor’s good fTan‘inj 
Whatever is sold in the market, you may eat, nor need you 
ask for conscience’ sake whence it came: ‘‘ Sor the earth is 
the Hord’s, and the fulness thereof.” * And if any unbeliever invi 
you to a feast, and you are disposed to go, eat of all that is set before you 
asking no questions for conscience’ sake ; but if any one should say to yor 
“This has been offered to an idol,” eat not of that dish, for the sake o 
him who pointed it out, and for the sake of conscience.’ Thy neighbo 
conscience, I say, not thine own ; for [thou mayest truly say] “ why 
my freedom condemned by the conscience of another? and if I thank 
fully partake, why am I called a sinner for that which I eat with thank 
giving?” ° 

Therefore, whether you eat or drink, or whatsoever you do, do all fe 
the glory of God.” Give no cause of stumbling, either to Jews or Ger 
tiles, or to the Church of God. For so I also strive to please all men it 
all things, not seeking my own good, but the good of all,® that “hey may 
be saved. I beseech you follow my example, as I follow the esampl 
of Christ. 


1 Deut. xxxii. 17: “They sacrificed to 
demons, not to God” (LXX). 

2 This is addressed to those who were in 
the habit of accepting invitations to feasts cele- 
brated in the temples of the heathen gods “sit- 
ting in the idol’s temple” (viii. 10). These 
feasts were, in fact, acts of idolatrous worship ; 
the wine was poured in libation to the gods 
(“the cup of demons,” v. 21), and the feast 
was given in honor of the gods. 

3 See vi. 12 and note. 








£ Psalm xxiv. 1 (LXX.}. 
§ The repeated quotation is onntted in th 
best MSS. 
® Compare Rom. xiv. 16: “Let not your 
good be evil spoken of.” Here, again, the hy- 
pothesis that St. Paul is quoting from the let 
ter of the Corinthians removes all difficulty. 
7 i. e. that the glory of God may be manifested 
to men. ‘ 
5 The phrase denotes not many, but # 
many, the whole mass of mankind. 


to you.” 





as God is the head of Christ. 


FIRST EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. 


445 


my teaching. and keep unchanged the rules which I delivered 
But I would have you know that Christ is the 
head of every man, and the man is the head of the woman, 
Ifa man should pray or prophesy in the 


congregation with a veil over his head, he would bring shame upon his 


hhead* [by wearing the token of subjection]. 


But if a woman prays or 


prophesies with her head unveiled, she brings shame upon her head, as 


3 as she that is shaven. 


I say, if she cast,off her veil, let her shave 


her head at once; but if it is shameful for a woman to be shorn or 


_ let her keep a veil upon her head.* 


For a man ought not to veil 


hi head, since he is the likeness of God, and the manifestation of God’s 


ory. But the woman’s part is to manifest her husband’s glory. 


For 


the man was not made from the woman, but the woman from the man. 


or was the man created for the sake of the woman, but the woman for 








the sake of the man. 
rom the other.° 


unveiled ? 


1 This statement was probably made in the 
sent by the Corinthian Church to St. 


7 Tt appears from this passage that the Tal- 


lith which the Jews put over their heads when - 


., enter their synagogues (see p. 154) was 
m the apostolic age removed by them when 
they officiated in the public worship. Other- 
Wise St. Paul could not, while writing to a 
church containing so many born Jews as the 
Corinthian, assume it as evidently disgraceful 
to @ man to officiate in the congregation with 
Veiled head. It is true that the Greek practice 
was to keep the head uncovered at their reli- 
gious rites (as Grotius and Wetstein have re- 
Marked), but this custom would not have af- 
fected the Corinthian synagogue, nor have in- 
fluenced the feelings of its members. 

*For the character of this veil (or hood), see 
Canon Stanley’s note in loco. 
hy 


q 


subjection upon her head, because of the angels.* 


Therefore, the woman ought to wear a sign* of 


Nevertheless, in their 


fellowship with the Lord, man and woman may not be separated the one 
For as woman was made from man, so is man also 
t orne by woman; and all things spring from God. Judge of this matter 
by your own feeling. Is it seemly for a woman to offer prayers to God 
Or does not even nature itself teach you that long hair is 
a disgrace to a man, but a glory to a woman? for her hair has been 


*The word is often used for the dominion 
exercised by those in lawful authority over their 
subordinates (see Luke vii. 8.) Here it is used 
to signify the sign of that dominion. 

> The meaning of this very difficult expres- 
sion seems to be as follows: — The angels are 
sent as ministering servants to attend upon 
Christians, and are especially present when the 
church assembles for public worship ; and they 
would be offended by any violation of decency 
or order. For other explanations, and a full 
discussion of the subject, the reader is referred 
to Prof. Stanley’s note. 

© In their relation to Christ, man and woman 
are not to be severed the one from the other. 
Compare Gal. iii 28. St. Paul means to say 
that the distinction between the sexes is one 
which only belongs to this life. 


I praise you, brethren, that’ “you are always mindful of xi.2 


xi16 given her for a veil. 


17 


18 


19 


20 
21 


22 


23 


24 


25 


26 


27 


28 
29 
























446 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. ¥AUL. 


But if any one thinks to be contentious in d 
fence of such a custom, let him know that it is disallowed by me, 
by all the Churches of God. 

[i said that I praised you, for keeping the rules which Censure ¢ 
were delivered to you]; but while I give you this command- tion n of Sia 
ment I praise you not; your solemn assemblies are for evil ?* q 
rather than for good. For first, I hear that there are divisions ame " 
you when your congregation assembles; and this I partly beliey 
For there must needs be not divisions only,? but also adverse sects a 
you, that so the good may be tested and made known. Moreover,’ whe 
you assemble yourselves together, it is not to eat the Lord’s Supper; fe 
each begins to eat [what he has brought for] his own supper, befo 
and while some are hungry, other 
are drunken.* Have you, then, no houses to eat and drink in? or do y 
come to show contempt for the congregation of God’s people, and 
What can I say to you? Shall I praise you in this 
I praise you not. For I myself* received from the Lord that which 
delivered to you, that the Lord Jesus, in the night when He was b 
trayed, took bread, and when He had given thanks, He brake it, a 
said —“* Take, eat ; this is my body, which is broken for you: this do % 
remembrance of me.” In the same manner also, He took the cup afi 
supper, saying, “ This cup is the new covenant in my blood: this do ye 
as often as ye drink it, in remembrance of me.” For as often as you e2 
this bread and drink this cup, you openly show forth the Lord’s deatl 
until He shall come again. Therefore, whosoever shall eat this bread o 
drink this cup of the Lord unworthily shall be guilty of profani 
the body and blood of the Lord. But let a man examine himself, and s 
let him eat of this bread and drink of this cup. For he who eats an¢ 
drinks of it unworthily eats and drinks judgment against himself, noi 


any thing has been given to others: 


shame the poor ?° 


1 Literally, that neither I, nor the churches of 
God, admit of such a custom. 

2 ¢ There must be also, &e.” 

8 The second subject of rebuke is intro- 
duced here. 

* For the explanation of this, see Chap. 
XII. It should be observed that a common 
meal, to which each of the guests contributed 
his own share of the provisions, was a form of 


entertainment of frequent occurrence amor 
the Greeks, and known by the name a 
Epaves. 

5 Literally, Those who have not houses 
eat in, and who therefore ought to have re 
ceived their portion at the love-feasts from 
their wealthier brethren. 

® The “1” is emphatic. 








Actyaue 
( 
ay 
A 


tear, KV, FIRST EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS, 447 


duly judging of the Lord’s body.! For this cause many of you are weak xi.36 
and sickly, and many sleep. For if we had duly judged ourselves, we 31 
should not have been judged. But now that we are judged, we are 32 
chastened by the Lord, that we may not be condemned together with the 
world. Therefore, my brethren, when you are assembling to eat, wait for 33 
one another; and if any one is hungry, let him eat at home, lest your 34. 
meetings should bring judgment upon you. The other matters I will set 

in order when I come. 

Concerning those who exercise? Spiritual Gifts, brethren, I xii. 1 
would not have you ignorant. You know that inthe days % 
of your heathenism you were blindly® led astray to worship dumb and 
senseless idols [by those who pretended to gifts from heaven]. This, 3 
therefore, I cali to your remembrance ; that no man who is inspired by 
the Spirit of God can say “Jesus is accursed;” and no man can say 
“ Jesus is the Lord,” unless he be inspired by the Holy Spirit. More- 4 
over, there are varieties of Gifts, but the same Spirit gives them all; and 
[they are given for] various ministrations, but all to serve the same 
Lord; and the working whereby they are wrought is various, but all 
are wrought in all by the working of the same God.’ But the gift where- 
by the Spirit becomes manifest is given to. each for the profit of all. To 
one® is given by the Spirit the utterance of Wisdom, to another the 


On the Spirit- 
ual Gitte. 


a To ov 


1 Tf in this verse we omit, with the ma- 
jority of MSS., the words “ unworthily ” and 
“of the Lord,” it will stand as follows: He 
whe eats and drinks of it, not duly judging of 
jor discerning| the Body, eats and drinks judg- 
ment against himself. The “not discerning ” 
is explained by Canon Stanley, “if he does 
not discern that the body of the Lord is in 
himself and in the Christian society ;” but 
the more usual and perhaps more natural 
explanation is, “if he does not distinguish 
between the Hucharistic elements and a com- 
mon meal.” 

2 The adjective is here taken as masculine, 
because this agrees best with the context, and 
also because another word is used in this 
chapter for spiritual gifis. 

® As ye chanced to be led at the will of your 
leaders, i. 2. blindly. 

*7. e. the mere outward profession of 
Christianity is (so far as it goes) a proof of 
the Holy Spirit's guidance. ‘Therefore the 


extraordinary spiritual gifts which followed 
Christian baptism in that age proceeded in all 
cases from the Spirit of God, and not from the 
Spirit of Evil. This is St. Paul’s answer to a 
difficulty apparently felt by the Corinthians 
(and mentioned in their letter to him), whether 
some of these gifts might not be given by the 
Author of Evil to confuse the Church. Prof. 
Stanley observes that the words Jesus is ac- 
cursed and Jesus is the Lord (according to the 
reading of some of the best MSS., which pro- 
duces a much livelier sense) “ were probably 
well-known forms of speech; the first for re- 
nouneing Christianity (compare maledicere 
Christo, Plin. Hp. x. 97), the second for pro- 
fessing allegiance to Christ at baptism.” 

5 Tt should be observed that the 4th, 5th, 
and 6th verses imply the doctrine of the 
Trinity. 

5 On this: classification of spiritual gifts, 
see p. 372, note. 


«i. 9 To another Faith? through the same Spirit. 


10 


11 


12 


13 


25 
26 


aie THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 






















utterance of Knowledge’ according to the working of the same Spir 
To another gifts of Heali 
To another the powers which work Miracles 
to another Prophecy ; to another the discernment of Spirits ;* to anoth 
varieties of Tongues ;‘ to another the Interpretation of Tongues. 
all these gifts are wrought by the working of that one and the sam 
Spirit, who distributes them to each according to His will. For as th 
body is one, and has many members, and as all the members, thoug! 
many,* are one body ; so also is Christ. 


through the same Spirit. 


For in the communion of on 
Spirit we all were ® baptized into one body, whether we be Jews or 
tiles,’ whether slaves or freemen, and were all made to drink of the sa 
Spirit. For the body is not one member, but many. If® the foot sho 
say, “I am not the hand, therefore I belong not to the body,” does i 
Or if the ear should say, “I « 
not the eye, therefore I belong not to the body,” does it thereby seve 
itself from the body? If the whole body were an eye, where would k 
the hearing? If the whole body were an ear, where would be 
smelling? But now God has placed the members severally in the bod) 
according to His will. If all were one member, where would be th 
body? But now, though the members are many, yet the body is one 
And the eye cannot say to the hand, “I have no need of thee ;” nor 
again the head to the feet, “I have no need of you.” Nay, those part 
of the body which are reckoned the feeblest are the most necessary, 2 
tkose parts which we hold the least honorable, we clothe with the mo; : 
abundant honor, and the less beautiful parts are adorned with the greate! 
beauty ; whereas the beautiful need no adornment. But God has tem 
pered the body together, and given to the lowlier parts the higher hone ' 
that there should be no division in the body, but that all its parts should 
feel, one for the other, a common sympathy. And thus, if one memb or 


thereby sever itself from the body? 


1 Knowledge (gnosis) is the term used 
throughout this Epistle for a deep insight into 
divine truth; Wisdom is a more general term, 
but here (as being opposed to gnosis) probably 
means practical wisdom. 

2 That is, wonder-working faith. See Ch. 
XU. 

5 See Ch. XIII. 

* See Ch. XIII. for remarks on this and 
the other gifts mentioned in this passage. 


5 Some words of the Received Text an 
omitted here py the best MSS. 

6 The past tense is mistranslated in A. V. as 
present. 7 See note on Rom. i. 16. 

8 The resemblance between this passage 
and the well-known fable of Menenius Agripps. 
(Liv. 11.82) can scarcely be accidental; and 
may perhaps be considered another proof that 
St. Paul was not unacquainted with classical 
literature. 


é 


i 


OP, KV. FIRST EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. 449 


suffer, every member suffers with it; or if one member be honored, 
_ every member rejoices with it. Now ye are together the body of Christ, a7 
and each one of you a separate member. And God has set the mem- 3% 
bers in the Church, some in one place, and some in another:? first,’ 
_ Apostles; secondly, Prophets; thirdly, Teachers ; afterwards Miracles ; 
then gifts of Healing ; Serviceable Ministrations; Gifts of Government ; 
varioties of Tongues. Can all be Apostles? Can all be Prophets? 9 
Can ali be Teachers? Can all work Miracles? Have all the Gifts of 2 
Healing? Do all speak with Tongues? Can all interpret the Tongues? 
But I would have you delight * in the best gifts; and moreover, beyond &1 
them all,‘ I will show you a path wherein to walk. 
er Though I speak in all the tongues of men and angels, if I xii.g 
the exirsor have not love, I am no better than sounding brass or a tin- 
of the Spirit, kling cymbal. And though I have the gift of prophecy,and 2 
understand all the mysteries, and all the depths of knowledge; and 
though I have the fulness of faith,’ so that I could remove mountains ; 
if I have not love, lam nothing. And though I sell all my goods to feed 8 
the poor, and though I give my body to be burned,‘ if I have not love, 4 
it profits me nothing. Love is long suffering; love is kind; love envies 
not; love speaks no vaunts; love swells not with vanity ; love offends not 8 
by rudeness ; love seeks not her own; is not easily provoked ; bears no 
malice ;4 rejoices not over® iniquity, but rejoices in the victory of 6 


1 The omission of the answering clause in 
the Greek renders it necessary to complete the 
sense by this interpolation. 

2On this classification, see p. 372, note; 
en the particular charisms and offices men- 
tioned im it, see pp. 872-378. 

§ The verb means originally to feel intense 
eagerness about a person or thing: hence its 
‘different senses of love, jealousy, &c., are 
derived. Here the wish expressed is, that the 
Corinthians should take that delight in the 
éxercise ef the more useful gifts, which hither- 
te they had taken in the more wonderful, not 
that individuals should “covet earnestly ” for 
themselves gifts which God had not given 
them, Compare xiv. 89, and observe that the 
verb is a different one in xiv. 1. 

* This seems the meaning here. Theo 
phrase can scarcely be taken as am adjective 
with “path,” as in A. V. Such an instance 
is Rom. vii. 13 is not parallel. In English 

29 


the use of the words exceedingly sinful would 
not explain the expression an exceedingly path. 

§ ¢. e. the charism of wonder-werking faith. 
See Ch. XU The “ removal of mountains” 
alludes to the words of our Lord, recorded 
Matt. xvii. 20. 

§ Some MSS. have “ give my body that I 
may boast,”’ which gives a satisfactory sense. 

7 Literally, does not reckon the evil [against the 
evil-doer|. Compare 2 Cor. ¥. 19: “not reek- 
ening their sins.” The Authorized Version 
here, “‘thinketh no evil,” is so beautiful that 
ere cannot but wish it had been a correct 
translation. The same disposition, however, 
is implied by the “‘ believes all things” below. 

8 This verb sometimes means to rejoice ta 
the misfortune of another, and the charazteristie 
ef love here mentioned may meaer that is decs 
not exult in the punishment ef iniquity; er 
may simply mean that it dees net delight m 
the contemplation of wickedness. 


450 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. CHAP, x 


"7 truth ;} foregoes all things,’ believes all things, hopes all things, endure: 

g all things. Love shall never pass away; but Prophecies shall vanish, 
9 and Tongues shall cease, and Knowledge shall come to nought. For our 
10 
11 



















Knowledge is imperfect, and our prophesying is imperfect. But wher 

the perfect is come, the imperfect shall pass away. When I was 

child, my words were childish, my desires were childish, my judgment 

were childish ; but being grown a man, I have done with the things of 

12 childhood. So now we see darkly,’ by a mirror,‘ but then face to face 

now I know in part, but then shall I know, even as I now am® known. 

13 Yet while other gifts shall pass away, these three, Faith, Hope, 
Love, abide; and the greatest of these is Love. 

xiv.1 Follow earnestly after Love; yet delight in the spiritual for the exe 

2 gifts, but especially in the gift of Prophecy. For he who eho a 

speaks in a Tongue speaks not to men, but to God; for no Riot 

8 man understands him, but with his spirit he utters mysteries. But he 

who prophesies speaks to men, and builds them up, with exhortation and 

' 4 with comfort. He who speaks in a Tongue builds up himself alone; but 

5 he who prophesies builds up the Church. I wish that you all had the 

gift of Tongues, but rather that you had the gift of Prophecy; for he 

who prophesies is above him who speaks in Tongues, unless he interpret, 

6 that the Church may be built up thereby. Now, brethren, if when I 

came to you I were to speak in Tongues, what should I profit you, unless 

I should [also] speak either in Revelation or in Knowledge, either i 

7 Prophesying or in Teaching? Hven if the lifeless instruments of sound, 

the flute or the harp, give no distinctness to their notes, how can we 

g understand their music? If the trumpet utter an uncertain note, how 

9 shall the soldier prepare himself for the battle? So also if you atta 

unintelligible words with your tongue, how can your speech be under 

19 stood? you will but be speaking to the air. Perhaps there may be 29 

many languages in the world [as the Tongues in which you speak], and 


1 Literally, rejoices when the Truth rejoices. ® Literally, “I was known,” 2. ¢. when ia 
2 For the meaning, see note on ix. 12. this world, by God. The tense used retrospec- 
8 Literally, in an enigma; thus we see God tively; unless it may be better to take it 29 
(e. g.) in nature, while even revelation only the aorist used in a perfect sense, which is not 
shows us His reflected likeness. There is,no uncommon in St. Paul’s style. 
doubt, an allusion to Numbers xii. 8. 
4 Not “through a glass,” but by means of @ 
metrror. 


ey 
nh 
f 


@AP. Xv, FIRST EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS, 451 


none of them is unmeaning. If, then, I know not the meaning of the 
language, I shall be as a foreigner to him that speaks it, and he will be 
accounted a foreigner by me. Wherefore, in your own case (since you 
delight in spiritual gifts) strive that your abundant possession of them 
may build up the Church. Therefore, let him who speaks in a Tongue 
pray that he may be able to interpret’ what he utters. For if I utter 
prayers in a Tongue, my spirit indeed prays, but my understanding bears 
no fruit. What follows, then? I will pray indeed with my spirit, but I 
will pray with my understanding also; I will sing praises with my spirit, 
For if thou, with thy spirit, 
offerest thanks and praise, how shall the Amen be said to thy thanksgiv- 
ing by those worshippers who take no part? in the ministrations, while 
they are ignorant of the meaning of thy words? Thou indeed fitly 
offerest thanksgiving, but thy neighbors are not built up. I offer thanks- 
giving to God in private,’ speaking in Tongues [to Him], more than any 
of you. 
my understanding so as to instruct others than ten thousand words in a 
Tongue. Brethren, be not children in understanding; but in malice be 
children, and in understanding be men. 


but I will sing with my understanding also. 


Yet in the congregation I would rather speak five words with 


It is written in the Law,‘ 
“With men of other tongues and other lips will J speak unto this 
people; and pet for all that then torll not bear me, swith the Lord.” 
So that the gift of Tongues is a sign® given rather to unbelievers than to 
believers; whereas the gift of Prophecy belongs to believers. When, 
therefore, the whole congregation is assembled, if all the speakers speak 
in Tongues, and if any who take no part in your ministrations, or who 
are unbelievers, should enter your assembly, will they not say that you 
are mad?® But if all exercise the gift of Prophecy, then if any man 


1 This verse distinctly proves that the gift 
of Tongues was not a knowledge of foreign lan- 
guages, as is often supposed. See Ch. XIII. 

2 Not the unlearned (A. V.), but him whe 
takes no part in the particular matter in hand. 

5 ‘This is evidently the meaning of the verse. 

Jompare verse 2, “ He who speaks in a tongue 
8eaks not to himself but to God,” and verse 
28, “Let him speak in private to himself and 
God alone.” 

* Is. xxviii. 11. Not exactly according te 
the Hebrew or LXX. 


5 That is, a condemnatory sign. 

6 We must not be led, from any apparent 
analogy, to confound the exercise of the gift 
of Tongues in the primitive Church with 
modern exhibitions of fanaticism, which bear 
a superficial resemblance to it. We must re- 
member that such modern pretensions to this 
gift must of course resemble the manifesta- 
tions of the original gift in external features, be- 
cause these very features have been the objects 
of intentional imitation. If, however, the in- 
articulate utterances of ecstatic joy are followed 


my 
1 


20 


22 
23 


Bt 


B88 e 


452 


who is an uabeliever, or who takes no part in your ministrations, 6! 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL 






enter the place of meeting, he is convicted in conscience by every speak. 


er, he feels himself judged by all, and! the secret depths of his heart are 
laid open; and so he will fall upon his face and worship God, and repc 
that God is in you of a truth. What follows, then, brethren? If, wher 
you meet together, one is prepared to sing a hymn of praise, another to 
exercise his gift of Teaching, another his gift of Tongues, another to deli 
er a Revelation,’ another an Interpretation: let all be so done as to build 
up the Church. If there be any who speak in Tongues, let not mo 
than two, or at the most three, speak [in the same assembly]; and let 
them speak in turn; and let the same interpreter explain the words of 
all. But if there be no interpreter, let him who speaks in Tongues kee 
silence in the congregation, and speak in private to himself and Gos 
Of those who have the gift of Prophecy, let two or three spe: 
{in each assembly], and let the rest* judge; but if another of them 
while sitting as hearer, receives a revelation [calling him to prophesy] 
let the first cease to speak. For so you can each prophesy in turn, tha 
all may receive teaching and exhortation ; and the gift of Prophecy doe 
not take from the prophets ‘ the control over their own spirits. For God 
is not the author of confusion, but of peace. 

5In your congregation, as in all the congregations of the ry. womes 
Saints, the women must keep silence; for they are not Per ciate pu 
mitted to speak in public, but to show submission, as saith tation. 
also the Law. And if they wish to ask any question, let them ask it of 
their own husbands at home; for it is disgraceful to women to speak 
[Whence is your claim to change the rules delivered 
Was it from you that the word of God went forth? or 


alone. 


the congregation. 
to you ?j? 


(as they were in some of Wesley’s converts) 
by a life of devoted holiness, we should hesi- 
tate to say that they might not bear some 
analogy to those of the Corinthian Christians. 

1 The werd for “se” is omitted in best 
MSS. 

* This would be an exercise of the gift of 
“ prophecy.” 

* Ge. let the rest of the prophets judge 
whether those who stand up to exercise the 
gift have really received it. This is parallel to 
the directicn im 1 Thess. v. 21. 






















— not 


* Literally, “ the spirits of the prophets 
under the control of the. prophets.” This is 
reason why the rule given above can easily 
observed. [This seems to modify what is 
on p. 375. —a.] 

PTs iranaiten a 
middle of the 33d veree, and a comma at the 
end of it. 

® Gen. iii. 16: “Thy husband shall have 
the dominion over thes.” 

7 The sentence in brackets, or something 
equivalent, is implied in the 4 which begin 


i 


: 


, 


| Paar. xv. FIRST EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. 453 


you the only church which it has reached? Nay, if any think that he 8 
has the gift of Prophecy, or that he is a spiritual! man, let him acknowl 
edge the words which I write for commands of the Lord. But if any 9g 
man refuse this acknowledgment, let him refuse it at his peril. 

Therefore, brethren, delight in the gift of Prophecy, and hinder not §9 
the gift of Tongues. And let all be done with decency and order. 46 


Thedoctrine = Moreover, brethren, I call to your remembrance the Glad- xy. 
potion o> tidings which I brought you, which also you received, wherein 3 
tsimpuraere. also you stand firm, whereby also you are saved,’ if you still 


hold fast the words wherein I declared it to you; unless, indeed, you 
believed in vain. For the first thing I taught you was that which I had 8 
myself been taught, that Christ died for our sins, according to the Scrip- 
tures ;* and that He was buried, and that He rose‘ the third day from 4 
the dead, according to the Scriptures ;* and that He was seen by Cephas, § 
and then by The Twelve; after that He was seen by about five hundred 6 
brethren at once, of whom the greater part are living at this present 
time, but some are fallen asleep.‘ Next He was seen by James, and then 7 
by all the Apostles; and last of all He was seen by me also, who am § 
placed among the rest as it were by an untimely birth; for I am the least ¢ 
of the Apostles, and am not worthy to be called an Apostle, because I 
persecuted the Church of God. But by the grace of God, I am what I ie 
am; and His grace which was bestowed upon me was not fruitless ; but 
I labered more abundantly than all the rest; yet not I, but the grace of 


the next. “On was tt from you,” —i.¢. “ Or 
of you set up your judgment against that of ether 
Churches, was it from you, &c.” 

1 “ Spiritual,” the epithet on which the 
party of Apollos (the ultra-Pauline party) 
especially prided themselves. See chap. iii 
1-8 and Gal. vi. 1. 

2 Literally, you are in the way of salvation. 
The words which follow (the words wherein, 
&<.) were joined (in our first edition) with 
preached in the preceding verse, according te 
Billroth’s view. But further consideration 
has led us to think that they may be more 
aaturally made dependent on hold fast, as they 
are taken by De Wetie, Alford, and others. 

® Se our Lerd quotes Is liii. 12, in Luke 
Exii. 37. 

* Im the erigmal it is the perfect, not the 


aorist: “ He is risen,” not “ He was raised,” o¢ 
(more literally) He is awakened, not He was 
awakened; because Christ, being ence riser, 
dieth no more. But this present-perfect cam- 
not here be retained in the English. 

5 Among the “ Scriptures” here referred 
to by St. Paul, one is the prophecy which he 
himself quoted in the speech at Antioch from 
Ps. xvi. 10. 

* Can we imagine it possible that St. Panl 
should have said this without knowing it te 
be true t or without himself having scen some 
ef these “five hundred brethren,” of whom 
“the greater part” were alive when he wrote 
these wordst The sceptical (but candid and 
honest) De Wette acknowledges this testimony 
as conclusive. e 


22 
23 


454 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. CHAP. 








God which was with me. So then, whether preached by me, or th 
this is what we preach, and this is what you believed. 

If, then, this be our tidings, that Christ is risen from the dead, how 
it that some among you say, there is no resurrection of the dead? Bat 
if there be no resurrection of the dead, then Christ is not risen; and if 
Christ be not risen, vain is the message we proclaim, and vain the faith 
with which you heard it. Moreover, we are found guilty of false witness 
against God; because we bore witness of God that He raised Christ from 
the dead, whom He did not raise, if, indeed, the dead rise not. For if 
there be no resurrection of the dead, Christ himself! is not risen. And 
if Christ be not risen, your faith is vain, you are still in’ your sins. 
Moreover, if this be so, they who have fallen asleep in Christ perished 
when they died. If in this life only we have hope in Christ, we are of 
But now, Christ is risen from the dead; the 
first-fruits* of all who sleep. For since by man came death, by man 
came also the resurrection of the dead. For as, in Adam, all men die, 
so, in Christ, shall all be raised to life. But each in his own order; 
Christ, the first-fruits; afterwards they who are Christ’s at His appear- 
ing; finally, the end shall come, when He shall give up His kingdom to 
God His Father, having destroyed all other dominion, and authority, and 
power.* For He must reign “ till Be bath put all enemies under His I 
feet.” > And last of His enemies, Death also shall be destroyed. For 
“ Seo buth put all things under Bis feet.”* But in that saying, “ all ‘ 
things ure put under Bim,” it is manifest that God is excepted, who 
put all things under Him. And when all things are made subject to , 
Him, then shall the Son also subject Himself to Him who made them — 
subject, that God may be all in all. 4 
therefore is, “ As the single sheaf of first-fruits 


all men most miserable. 


1 This argument is founded on the union 


between Christ and His members: they so 
share His life, that, because He lives forever, 
they must live also; and -onversely, if we 
deny their immortality, we deny His. 

2 Because we ‘“‘are saved” from our sins 
“by His life.” (Rom. v. 10.) 

8 On the second day of the feast of Pass- 
over a sheaf of ripe corn was offered upon the 
altar as a consecration of the whole harvest. 
Till this was done it was considered unlawful 
to begin reaping. See Levit. xxiii. 10, 11, 
and Joseph. Antig. iii. 10. The metaphor 


represents and consecrates all the harvest, so 
Christ’s resurrection represents and involves 
that of all who sleepin Him.” It should be 


— 


observed that the verb is not present (as in 


A.V.), but past (not is become, but became), 
and that the best MSS. omit it. 

* Compare Col. ii. 15; also Eph. i. 21. 

§ Pg. ex. 1 (LXX.). Quoted, and similarly 
applied, by our Lord himself, Matt. xxii. 44. 

6 Ps. viii. 6, nearly after LXX. Quoted 
also as Messianic, Eph. i. 22, and Heb. ii. 8. 
See the note on the latter place. 





Kae 
HAP, XV, FIRST EPISTLKH TU TH CORINTHIANS. 455 


Again, what will become of those who cause themselves to be baptized 
for the dead,' if the dead never rise again” Why, then, do they submit 
to baptism for the dead ? 

And I too, why do I put my life to hazard every hour? I protest by 
say” boasting (which I have [not in myself, but] in Christ Jesus our 


Serd) I die daily. If I have fought (so to speak) with beasts at Ephe- 
sas,’ what am I profited if the dead rise not? ‘‘ Pet us ent and drink, 
for to-morrow for die.”* Beware lest you be led astray ; “ Converse 
with evil men corrupts good manners.” *® Change your drunken revellings § 
into the sobriety of righteousness, and live no more in sin; for some of 
you know not God; I speak this to your shame. 

But some one will say, “‘ How are the dead raised up? and with what 


body do they come?” 7? Thou fool, the seed thou sowest is not quick- 


1 The only meaning which the Greek seems 
to admit here is a reference to the practice of 
submitting to baptism instead of some person 
who had died unbaptized. Yet this explanation 
is liable to very great difficulties. (1) How 
strange that St. Paul should refer to such a 
superstition without rebuking it! Perhaps, 
however, he may have censured it in a former 
letter, and now only refers to it as an argu- 
mentum ad homines. It has, indeed, been 
alleged that the present mention of it implies 
acensure; but this is far from evident. (2) 
If such a practice did exist in the Apostolic 
Church, how can we account for its being dis- 
continued in the period which followed, when 
@ magical efficacy was more and more ascribed 
to the material act of baptism? Yet the 
practice was never adopted except by some 
Obscure sects of Gnostics, who seem to have 
founded their custom on this very passage. 

The explanations which have been adopted 
to avoid the difficulty, such as “over the 
graves of the dead,” or ‘‘in the name of the 
dead (meaning Christ),” &c., are all inadmissi- 
ble, as being contrary to the analogy of the 
language. On the whole, therefore, the pas- 
sage must be considered to admit of no satis- 
factory explanation. It alludes to some prac- 
tice or the Corinthians, which has not been 
recorded elsewhere, and of which every other 
trace has perished. The reader who wishes to 
zee all that can be said on the subject sheuld 
consult Canon Stanley’s note. 


2 We read “our” with Griesbach, on the 
authority of the Codex Alexandrinus. If 
“your” be the true reading, it can scarcely be 
translated (as has been proposed) “‘ my boasting 
of you.” For though instances may be ad- 
duced (as Rom. xi. 31) when a possessive pro- 
noun is thus used objectively, yet they never 
eccur except where the context renaers mis- 
take impossible. Indeed it is obvious that no 
writer would go out of his way to use a 
possessive pronoun in an unusual sense, when 
by so doing he would create ambiguity which 
might be avoided by adopting a usual form of 
expression. 

§ This is metaphorical, as appears by the 
qualifying expression translated in A. V., 
“after the manner of men.” It must refer to 
some very violent opposition which St. Paul 
had met with at Ephesus, the particulars of 
which are not recorded. 

* Is. xxii. 18 (LXX.). 

5 §t. Paul here quotes a line from The 
Thais, a comedy of Menander’s: the line had 
probably passed into a proverbial expression. 
We see, from this passage, that the free-think- 
ing party at Corinth joined immoral practice 
with their licentious doctrine; and that they 
were corrupted by the evil example of their 
heathen neighbors. 

8 Not awake (as in A. V.), but cease to be 
drunken. And below, do net go on sinning 
(present). 

7 The form of this objection is conclusive 


30 


35 
36 


43 


S635 


456 


ened into life till it hath partaken of death. And that which thou sowe 
has not the same body with the plant which will spring from it, but it 
mere grain, of wheat, or whatever else it may chance to be. But Goi 
gives it a body according to His will ; and to every seed the body of it 
own proper plant. For all flesh is not the same flesh ;' [but each bod 
is fitted to the place it fills] ; the bodies of men, and of beasts, of birds 
and of fishes, differ the one from the other. 
belong to heaven, and bodies which belong to earth; but in glory t 


heavenly differ from the earthly. 


aguinst the hypothesis of those who suppose 
that these Corinthians only disbelieved the 
Resurrection of the body; and that they be- 
lieved the Resurrection of the dead. 8t. Paul 
asserta the Resurrection of the dead; to which 
they reply, ‘‘ How can the dead rise to life 
again, when their body has perished?’’ This 
ebjection he proceeds to answer, by showing 
that individual existence may continue, with- 
out the continuance of the material body.’ 

1 Prof. Stanley translates “‘no flesh is the 
eame flesh,” which is surely an untenable propo- 
sition, and moreover inconsistent with the 
context; though the words of the Greek no 
doubt admit of such a rendering. 

® Yor the translation here, see note on ii. 
i4. The reference to this of the following 
“ soul” (in the quotation) should be observed, 
though it cannot be retained in English. 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8ST. PAUL. 


The sun is more glorious than thi 
moon, and the moon is more glorious than the stars, and one star excel 
another in glory. So likewise is the resurrection of the dead ; [they wi 
be clothed with a body fitted to their lot]; it is sown in corruption, i 
is raised in incorruption ; it is sown in dishonor, it is raised in glo 
it is sown in weakness, it is raised in power ; it is sown a natural ? bod ; 
it is raised a spiritual body; for as there are natural bodies, so there a 
also spiritual bodies? And so it is written, “ Obe first man Adan 
fous mude x libing soul,” the last Adam was made a life-giving spirit 
But the spiritual comes not till after the natural. The first man was mad 
of earthly clay, the second man was the Lord from heaven. 
earthly, such are they also that are earthly ; and as is the heavenly, su 
are they also that are heavenly; and as we have borne the image of 
earthly, we shall also bear the image of the heavenly. But this I say 
brethren, that flesh and blood’ cannot inherit the kingdom of God, 





















And there are bodies whiel 


As is th 


® The difference of reading does not m 
terially affect the sense of this verse. 

4 Gen. ii. 7, slightly altered from LX} 
The second member of the antithesis is not 
part of the quotation. 

5 The importance of the subject justifie 
our quoting at some length the admirable 
remarks of Dr. Burton (formerly Regius Pro 
fessor of Divinity at Oxford) on this passage, 
in the hope that his high reputation for learm 
ing and for unblemished orthodoxy may lead 
some persons to reconsider the loose and un 
scriptural language which they are in the habi 
of using. After regretting that some of the 
early Fathers have (when treating of the 
Resurrection of the Body) appeared to contra 
dict these words of St. Paul, Dr. Burton ont 
tinues as follows :— , 

“It is nowhere asserted in the New Teste 


- 


saat. XV. FIRST EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. 457 
neither can corruption inherit incorruption. Behold, I declare to you a 
mystery; we shall not’ all sleep, but we shall all be changed, in a 
moment, in the twinkling of an eye, at the sound of the last trumpet ; 
for the trumpet shall sound, and the dead shall be raised incorruptible, 
and we shall be changed. For this corruptible must put on incorruption, 
and this mortal must put on immortality. 

But when this corruptible is clothed with incorruption, and this 
mortal is clothed with immortality, then shall be brought to pass the 
ying, which is written, “ Mexth is shoalloted ng in bictory.”* “@O 
death, tobere is thy sting?” “© grabe, tohere is thy bictorg?”* 
The sting of death is sin, and the strength of sin is the law;‘ but 


ment that we shall rise again with our bodies. 
Unless a man will say that the stalk, the 
lade, and the ear of corn, are actually the 
ame thing with the single grain which is put 
nto the ground, he cannot quote St. Paul as 
aying that we shall rise again with the same 
bodies; or at least he must allow that the 
mature body may only be like to the present 
mac, inasmuch as both come under the same 
yenus ; t. e. we speak of human bodies, and we 
peak of heavenly bodies. But St Panl’s 
words de not warrant us in saying that the 
resemblance between the present and future 
body will be greater than between a man and 
s star, or between a bird and a fish. Nothing 
tan be plainer than the expression which he 
uses in the first of these two analogies, Thou 
jowest net that body that shall be (xv. 37). He 
lays also, with equal plainness, of the body, 
it ts sown a natural bedy; it is raised a spiritual 
jody: there is a natural bedy, and there ts @ 
piritual bedy {ver. 44). These words require 
0 be examined closely, ant| involve remotely 
a deep metaphysical question. In common 
enguage, the terms Body and Spirit are ac- 
ustomed to be opposed, and are used te 
epreseat two things which are totally distinct. 
But St. Paul here brings the two expressions 
gether, and speaks of a spiritual bedy. St. 
Paul, therefore, did aot oppose Bedy to Spirit ; 
snd though the looseness of modern language 
may allow us to do so, and yet to be correct in 
yur ideas, it may save some confusion if we 
usider Spirit as opposed to Matter, and if 
we take Body to be a generic ierm, which com- 
prises both. A body, therefore, in the language 


of St. Paul, is something which has a distinet 
individual existence. 

* 8t. Paul tells us that every individual, 
when he rises again, will have a spiritual 
body: but the remarks which I have made 
may show how different is the idea conveyed 
by these words from the notions which some 
persons entertain, that we shall rise again with 
the same identical body. St. Paul appears ef- 
fectually to preclude this notion when he says, 
Flesh and blood cannot inherit the kingdom of 
Ged” (ver. 50). — Burton’s Lectures, pp. 429- 
431, 

1 The other reading (edopted by Lach- 
mann) gives the opposite assertion, vis. “ we 
shall all sleep, but we shall net all be changed.” It 
is easy to understand the motive which might 
have led to the substitution of this reading for 
the other ; a wish, namely, to escape the infor 
ence that St. Pan! expected some of that gen- 
eration to survive until the general resurree- 
tion. 

2 Is. xxv. 8 Not quoted from the LXX., 
but apparently from the Hebrew, with some 
alteration. 

3 Hosea xiii. 14. Quoted, but not exactly, 
from LXX., which here differs from the 
Hebrew. 

4 Why is the law called “the strength of 
sin” ¢ Because the Law of Duty, being ac- 
knowledged, gives to sin its power to wound 
the conscience; in fact, a moral law ef pre 
cepts and penalties announces the fatal conse- 
quences of sin, without giving us any pewer 
of conquering sin. Compare Rom. vii. 7-i1. 


12 


458 THE LIFR AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


thanks be to God, who giveth us the victory, through our Lord Jesy 
Christ. 4 

Therefore, my beloved brethren, be ye steadfast, immovable, alwa: 
abounding in the work of the Lord; knowing that your labor is not i 
vain, in the Lord. 

Concerning the collection for the saints [at Jerusalem] I pirections 
would have you do as I have enjoined upon the churches of the ool ct 
Galatia. Upon the first day of the week, let each of you set $2,Ch* 
apart whatever his gains may enable him to spare; that there may k 
no collections when I come. And when I am with you, whomsoeve 
you shall judge to be fitted for the trust I will furnish with letters 
and send them to carry your benevolence to Jerusalem; or if the 
shall seem sufficient reason for me also to go thither, they shall .. oun. 
go with me. But I will visit you after I have passed through ™"°P!@™* 
Macedonia (for through Macedonia I shall pass), and perhaps I shai 
remain with you, or even winter with you, that you may forward me ¢ 
my farther journey, whithersoever I go. For I do not wish to see ya 
now for a passing ' visit; since I hope to stay some time with you, if 
Lord permit. But I shall remain at Ephesus until Pentecost, for a do 
is opened to me both great and effectual ; and there are many adversarie: 
[against whom | must contend]. If Timotheus come to you, Timoth 
be careful to give him no cause of fear* in your intercourse with him, fe 
he is laboring, as I am, in the Lord’s work. Therefore, let no man di 











spise him, but forward him on his way in peace, that he may come hith 
to me; for I expect him, and the brethren with him. 

As regards the brother Apollos, I urged, him much to Visit Apotios. 
you with the brethren, [who bear this letter] ;* nevertheless, he vy 
resolved not to come to you at this time, but he will visit you at a mo 
convenient season. 


1 4, e. St. Paul had altered his original in- and x. 1-12). He explains his reason 
tention, which was to go from Ephesus by sea postponing his visit in 2 Cor. i. 23. It wa 
to Corinth, and thence to Macedonia. For an anxiety to give the Corinthians time 
this change of purpose he was reproached by repentance, that he might not be forced to u 
the Judaizing party at Corinth, who insin- severity with them. 
nated that he was afraid to come, and that he 2 The youth of Timothenus accoznts 
dared not support the loftiness of his preten- this request. Compare 1 Tim. iy. 12. 
sions by corresponding deeds (see 2 Cor. i. 17 ® See notes, pp. 408 and 460. 


4 3 
‘7 


MAP, ZV. FIRST EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. 499 


xbortations. Be watchful, stand firm in faith, be manful and stout- 43 
earted.’ Let all you do be done in love. 14 
ephanas, You know, brethren, that the house of Stephanas? were the 15 
mdAchaiows. first-fruits of Achaia, and that they have taken on themselves 

he task of ministering to the saints. 
art, to show submission towards men like these, and towards all who 

rork laboriously with them. I rejoice in the coming of Stephanas and 17 
lortunatus, and Achaicus, because they* have supplied all which you 
eeded ; for they have lightened my spirit and yours.* To such render 


I exhort you, therefore, on your 16 


18 
ue acknowledgment. 

The Churches of Asia salute you. Aquila and Priscilla send 
their loving salutation in the Lord, together with the Church 
thich assembles at their house. All the brethren here salute you. 20 
alute one another with the kiss of holiness.® 
| . The salutation of me, Paul, with my own hand. Let him2i,23 

use: who loves not the Lord Jesus Christ be accursed. Ohe Zord 

6 
.. of our Lord Jesus Christ be with you. 
in Christ Jesus.’ 


18 


My love be with you 23,2 


In the concluding part of this letter we have some indication of the 
ipostle’s plans for the future. He is looking forward to a journey 
nrough Macedonia (xvi. 5), to be succeeded by a visit to Corinth (ab. 
-7), and after this he thinks it probable he may proceed to Jerusalem 
ib. 3,4). In the Acts of the Apostles the same intentions® are ex- 


1 ¢. e. under persecution. 

7 See p. 349. 

® Compare 2 Cor. xi. 9, and Phil. ii. 30. 
; cannot well be taken objectively, as ‘my 
ant of you;” not only because “ my ” would 
ave been added, but also because the expres- 
on is used in eight passages by St. Paul, 
ad in one by St. Luke, and the genitive con- 
ected with the word for “want” is subjec- 
vely used in seven out of these nine cases 
ithout question, and ought, therefore, also 
ibe so taken in the remaining two cases, 
here the context is not equally decisive. 

* Viz. by supplying the means of our inter- 
arse. 5 See note on 1 Thess. v. 25. 

© Maran-Atha means “The Lord cometh,” 
nd is used apparently by St. Paul as a kind 
‘motto: compare “the Lord is nigh ” (Phil. 


iv. 5). Biliroth thinks that he wrote it in 
Hebrew characters, as a part of the autograph 
by which he authenticated this letter. See 
the Hebrew and Greek together at the end of 
this chapter. Buxtorf (Lex. Chald. 827) says 
it was part of a Jewish cursing formula, from 
the “‘ Prophecy of Enoch” (Jud. 14) ; but this 
view appears to be without foundation. In 
fact, it would have. been most incongruous to 
blend together a Greek word (ANATHEMA) 
with an Aramaic phrase (MARAN ATHA), 
and to use the compound as a formula of exe- 
cration. This was not done till (in later ages 
of the Church) the meaning of the terms them- 
selves was lost. 

7 The “Amen” is not found in the best 
MSS. 

8 The important application made in the 


pressed, with a stronger purpose of going to Jerusalem (xvi. 21), and wi 
the additional conviction that after passing through Macedonia a 
Achaia, and visiting Palestine, he “ must also see Rome” (ib.). He k 
won many of the inhabitants of Asia Minor and Ephesus to the faith 
ead now, after the prospect of completing his charitable exertions for t 
poor Christians of Judwa, his spirit turns towards the accomplishme 
ef remoter conquests. Far from being content with his past achie 
ments, or resting from his incessant labors, he felt that he was under 
debt of perpetual obligation to all the Gentile world. 
es himself, soon after this time, in the Epistle to the Roman Christian 
whom he had long ago desired to see (Rom. i. 10-15), and whol 
hopes at length to visit, now that he is on his way to Jerusalem, and 
looking forward to a still more distant and hazardous journey to Spa 
The path thus dimly traced before him, as 
‘thought of the future at Ephesus, and made more clearly visible, whi 
he wrote the letter at Corinth, was made still more evident? as he p; 
Yet not without forebodings of evil,’ and muc 
discouragement,‘ and mysterious delays,’ did the Apostle advance on h 
But we are anticipating many subjects which wi 
give a touching interest to subsequent passages of this history. 
portant events still detain us in Ephesus. Though St. Paul’s compa 
ions * had been sent before in the direction of his contemplated journe 
(Acts xix. 22), he still resolved to stay till Pentecost (1 Cor. xvi. 8). 
“ great door”? was open to him, and there were many “ adversaries, 
against whom he had yet to contend. 


(ib. xv. 22-29). 


ceeded on his course. 


courageous career. 


ANAQEMA NAN PO 


Anathema 


Hore Paulina ef these coincidences between 
the Acts and Corinthians, and again of those 
referred to below between the Acts and Re- 
mans, need only be alluded to. 

1 “T am a debtor both to Greeks and Bar- 
barians.” Rom. i. 14. 

3 By the vision at Jerusalem (Acts xxiii. 
11), and on board the ship (xxvii. 23, 24). 

® Compare what he wrote to the Romans 
(Rom. xv. 30, 31) with what he said at Mile 
tus (Acts xx. 22, 23), and with the scene at 
Ptolemais (ib. xxi. 10-14). 

* The arrest at Jerusalem. 

5 The two-years’ imprisonment at Casares, 
and the shipwreck. 

© Bee p. 404. We have mentioned there, io 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL 














Thus he oxy 088. 


Maran - Atha 


@ note, the probability that Titus was one 
those who went to Corinth with the 
Epistle. See 1 Cor. xvi. 11, 12; 2 Cor. 
18. We find that this is the view of Mae 
knight. Transl., §c., of the Apest. Epistles, vol 
i. p. 451. If this view is correct, it is interest 
ing to observe that Titus is at first simply 
spoken of as “a brother,” — but that gradual 
he rises into note with the faithful di 
of responsible duties. He becomes eminent 
conspicuous in the circumstances detailed b 
low, Ch. XVIL, and in the end he shares with 
Timothy the honor of associating his mam 
with the pastoral Episties of St. Paul. t 
T See note, p. 458. 








4 CHAPTER XVL 


Description of Ephesus. — Tomple of Diana. — Her Image and Worship. — Pelitical Constite 
tion ot Ephesus.— The Asiarchs.— Demetrius and the Silversmiths. — Tamualt iu the 
Theatre. — Speech of the Tewn-Clerk. — St. Paul’s Departure. 


HE boundaries of the province of Asia,’ and the position of its chief 

city Ephesus,’ have already been placed before the reader. It is 

10w time that we should give some description of the city itself, with a 

1otice of its characteristic religious institutions, and its political arrange- 
ments under the Empire. 

No cities were ever more favorably placed for prosperity and growth 
han those of the colonial Greeks in Asia Minor. They had the advan- 
age of a coast-line full of convenient harbors, and of a sea which was 
avorable to the navigation of that day ; and, through the long approaches 
ormed by the plains of the great western rivers, they had access to the 
nland trade of the East. Two of these rivers have been more than once 
luded to,— the Hermus and the Mwander.’ The valley of the first 
yas bounded on the south by the ridge of Tmolus; that of the second 
yas bounded on the north by Messogis. In the interval between these 
Wo mountain-ranges was the shorter course of the river Cayster. A few 
niles from the sea a narrow gorge is formed by Mount Pactyas on the 
outh, which is the western termination of Messogis, and by the preci- 
vices of Gallesus on the north, the pine-clad summits * of which are more 
emotely connected with the heights of Tmolus. This gorge separates 
he Upper “ Caystrian meadows”’* from a small alluvial plain’ by the 


1 p. 205. 2 p. 410. 
© Bee above, pp. 405, 410.  * See p. 410. 
* “Our road lay at the foot of Gallesus, 


Steep succeeded stesp, as we advanced, and 
the path became more narrow, slippery, and 
uneven . . . the known sureness of foot of 


emeath precipices of a stupendous height, 
rapt and imaccessible. In the rock are 
many holes inhabited by eagles; of which 
everal were soaring high in the air, with 
rows clamoring about them, so far above us 
@ hardly to be discernible.’””— Chandler, p. 
ll. Of another journey he says: “ We rode 
mong the roots of Gallesus, or the Aleman, 
hrough pleasant thickets abounding with gold- 
inches. The acrial summits of this immense 
Rountain towered above us, clad with pines. 


eur horses being our confidence and security 
by fearful precipices and giddy heights.” —p. 
108. For the Cayster and the site of Ephesus, 
see p. 107. The approach from Sardis, by 
which Sit. Paul is supposed to have come (see 
above, p. 405), was on this side: and part of 
the pavement of the road still remains. 

® For the “ Asian meadow,” see above, p. 
205. 
7 The plain is said by Mr. Arundell to be 
about five miles long; and the morass has 

+e 


462 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 



























sea. Partly on the long ridge of Coressus, which is the southern bou 
dary of this plain, — partly on the detached circular eminence of Mou 
Prion, — and partly on the plain itself, near the windings of the Cayste 
and about the edge of the harbor, — were the buildings of the cif 
Ephesus was not so distinguished in early times as several of her Ioni 
sisters ;' and some of them outlived her glory. But, though Phoca 
and Miletus sent out more colonies, and Smyrna has ever remained 
flourishing city, yet Ephesus had great natural advantages, which we 
duly developed in the age of which we are writing. Having easy acce 
through the defiles of Mount Tmolus to Sardis, and thence up the va 
of the Hermus far into Phrygia,?— and again, by a similar pass throug 
Messogis to the Meander, being connected with the great road throug 
' Iconium to the Euphrates, —it became the metropolis of the province o 
Asia under the Romans, and the chief emporium of trade on the nea 
side of Taurus. The city built by Androclus and his Athenian followe 
was on the slope of Coressus ; but gradually it descended into the plain, 
in the direction of the Temple of Diana. The Alexandrian age produc 

a marked alteration in Ephesus, as in most of the great towns in t 
Kast ; and Lysimachus extended his new city over the summit of Prion 
as well as the heights of Coressus. The Roman age saw, doubtless 
still further increase both of the size and magnificence of the place. 
attempt to reconstruct it from the materials which remain would kt 
a difficult task,!— far more difficult than in the case of Athens, or ev 
Antioch; but some of the more interesting sites are easily identifie 
Those who walk over the desolate site of the Asiatic metropolis see pil 
of ruined edifices on the rocky sides and among the thickets of Mour : 
Prion:® they look ous from its summit over the confused morass whi 


once was the harbor,® where Aquila and Priscilla landed; and they ¥ 


advanced considerably into the sea since the 
flourishing times of Ephesus. 

1 The Ephesian Diana, however, was the 
patroness of the Phocean navigators, even 
when the city of Ephesus was unimportant. 

2 Tn this direction we imagine St. Paul to 
have travelled. See above, p. 405. 

3 We have frequently had occasion to men- 
tion this great road. See pp. 231-234, 405. 
It was the principal line of communication 
with the eastern provinces; but we have con- 
jectured that St. Paul did not travel by it, 
because it seems probable that he never was 
at Coloss®. See p. 405. A description of the 
route by Colosse and Laodicea will be found 
in Arundell’s Asia Minor. The view he gives 
of the cliffs of Colosss should be noticed. 









Though St. Paul may never have seen them 
they are interesting as connected with Epa 
phras and his other converts. } 

4 A plan of the entire city, with a deserij 
tive memoir, has been prepared by E. Falken 
Esq., architect, but remains unpublished. _ 

5 Hamilton’s Researches in Asia Minor, p. 
28. Compare Chandler. 4 

6 « Even the sea has retired from the scene 
of desolation, and a pestilential morass, co 
ered with mud and rushes, has succeeded to 
the waters which brought up the ships laden 
with merchandise from every country.”—Arun- 
dell’s Seven Churches, p. 27. Another ocex 
sion will occur for mentioning the harbor, 
which was very indifferent. Some attempts 
to improve it were made about this time 


j 


a 


po 


HAP. XVI. EPHESUS. 462 


n its deep recesses the dripping marble-quarries, where the marks of the 
ools are visible still. On the outer edge of the same hill they trace the 
mclosure of the Stadium,’ which may have suggested to St. Pani many 
yf those images with which he enforces Christian duty, in the first letter 
yritten from Ephesus to Corinth.’ Farther on, and nearer Coressus, the 
emains of the vast Theatre‘ (the outline of the enclosure is still dis- 
inct, though the marble seats are removed) show the place where the 
nultitude, roused by Demetrius, shouted out, for two hours, in honor of 
Jiana.® Below is the Agora,® through which the mob rushed up to the 
yell-known place of meeting. And in the valley between Prion and 
Joressus is one of the Gymnasia,' where the athletes were trained for 
ransient honors and a perishable garland. Surrounding and crowning 
he scene are the long Hellenic walls of Lysimachus, following the ridge 
f Coressus.2 On a spur of the hill, they descend to an ancient tower, 
yhich is still called the Prison of St. Paul. The name is doubtless 
egendary: but St. Paul may have stood here, and looked over the city 
md the plain, and seen the Cayster winding towards him from the base 


f Gallesus.!° 


1 Chandler. A curious story is told of the 
iscovery of this marble. A shepherd named 
‘ixodorus was feeding his flock on the hill: 
wo of his rams fighting, one of them missed 
is antagonist, and with his horn broke a 
rust of the whitest marble. The Ephesians 
ere at this time in search of stone for the 
uilding of their temple. The shepherd ran 
D his fellow-citizens with the specimen, and 
yas received with joy. His name was changed 
ato Evangelus (giver of glad-tidings), and 
ivine honors were afterwards paid to him. 

2 See Chandler, who measured the area, 
nd found it 687 feet in length. The side 
ext the plain is raised on vaults, and faced 
ith a strong wall. ° 

® 1 Cor. ix. 24-27. 

* “ Of the site of the theatre, the scene of 
he tumult raised by Demetrius, there can be 
0 doubt, its ruins being a wreck of immense 
randeur. I think it must have been larger 
han the one at Miletus, and that exceeds any 
have elsewhere seen in scale, although not in 
tmament. Its form alone can now be spoken 
f, for every seat is removed, and the prosce- 
jum is a hill of ruins.” —Fellows’s Asia 
Minor, p. 274. The Theatre of Ephesus is 
aid to be the largest known of any that have 
pInained ‘o us from antiquity. 

5 Acts xix The second ed'tion contains a 


Within his view was another eminence, detached from the 


view (from Laborde), combining the steps of 
the theatre with a general prospect towards the 
sea. See also the art. Hphesus in the Dict. of 
the Bible. 

®§ The Agora, with its public buildings, 
would naturally be between the hill-side on 
which the theatre and stadium stood, and the 
harbor. For the general notion of a Greek 
Agora, see the description of Athens. 

7 See an engraving of these ruins in the 
second volume of Jonian Antiquities, published 
by the Dilettanti Society. 

8 « An interesting feature in these ruins is 
the Hellenic wall of Lysimachus, ranging 
along the heights of Coressus. It extends for 
nearly a mile and three-quarters, in a S. E. 
and N. W. direction, from the heights imme- 
diately to the S. of the gymnasium to the 
tower called the Prison of St. Paul, but which 
is in fact one of the towers of the ancient wall. 
. . - It is defended and strengthened by nu- 
merous square towers of the same character at 
unequal distances.’”’ — Hamilton’s Researches, 
vol. ii. p. 26. An engraving of one of the 
gateways is given, p. 27. 

9 Hamilton, as above. 

10 “This eminence (a root of Coressus run- 
ning out towards the plain) commands a lovely 
prospect of the river Cayster, which there 
crosses the plain from near Gallesns, with 


\ 































464 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL 


city of that day, but which became the Mohammedan town when 
Ephesus was destroyed, and nevertheless preserves in its name & rec 
of another Apostle, the “ disciple” St. John." 
But one building at Ephesus surpassed all the rest in magnificence 
in fame. This was the Temple of Artemis or Diana, which glittered 
brilliant beauty at the head of the harbor, and was reckoned by the a 
cients as one of the wonders of the world. The sun, it was said, sg 
nothing in his course more magnificent than Diana’s Temple. Its hor 
dated from a remote antiquity. Leaving out of consideration the earli 
temple, which was contemporaneous with the Athenian colony un 
Androclus, or even yet more ancient, we find the great edifice, whi 
was anterior to the Macedonian period, begun and continued in t 
midst of the attention and admiration both of Greeks and Asiatics. 
foundations were carefully laid, with immense substructions, in t 
marshy ground.’ Architects of the highest distinction were employe 
The quarries of Mount Prion supplied the marble.‘ All the Gre 
cities of Asia contributed to the structure; and Croesus, the king 
Lydia, himself lent his aid. The work thus begun before the Persis 
war was slowly continued even through the Peloponnesian war; and 
dedication was celebrated by a poet contemporary with Euripides.’ B 
the building, which had been thus rising through the space of ms 
years, was not destined to remain long in the beauty of its perfecti 
The fanatic Herostratus set fire to it on the same night in which Ale 
ander was born. This is one of the coincidences of history, on whi 
the ancient world was fond of dwelling: and it enables us, with m 
distinctness, to pursue the annals of “ Diana of the Ephesians.” 
temple was rebuilt with new and more sumptuous magnificence. 
ladies of Ephesus contributed their jewelry to the expense of the res 
ration. The national pride in the sanctuary was so great, that, wh 
Alexander offered the spoils of his eastern campaign if he might inscri 
his name on the building, the honor was declined. The Ephesia 
never ceased to embellish the shrine of their goddess, continually addiz 
new decorations and subsidiary buildings, with statues and pictures 
the most famous artists. This was the temple that kindled the enth 
asm of St. Paul’s opponents (Acts xix.), and was still the rallying-poi 


small but fall stream, and with many luxuri- ® The first architect was Theodorus 9 
ant meanders.” — Chandler. Samos. He was succeeded by Chersiphon 6 
1 Ayasaluk, which is a round hill like Gnossus, then by his son Metagenes. TB 
Prion, but smaller. Its name is said to be a bnilding was completed by Demetrius 
corruption of 6 &yioc Oeddeyos, “the holy Peonivs. 
Theologian.” Sup. 89. * See above. 
2 Pliny says that it was built in marshy 5 Timetheus. 
ground, lest it should be injured by earth- 
quakes. 


. 


a 
AP. KVL TEMPLE OF DIAKA 465 


| Heathenism in the days of St. John and Polycarp. In the second 
ntury we read that it was united to the city by a long colonnade. But 
on. afterwards it was plundered and laid waste by the Goths, who came 
om beyond the Danube in the reign of Gallienus.’ It sank entirely 
to decay in the age when Christianity was overspreading the Empire; 
1d its remains are to be sought for in medimval buildings, in the col 
mns of green jasper which support the dome of St. Sophia, or even in 
e naves of Italian cathedrals.’ 

Thus the Temple of Diana of Ephesus saw all the changes of Asia 
inor, from Croesus to Constantine. Though nothing now remains on the 
ot to show us what or even where it was, there is enough in its written 
emorials to give us some notion of its appearance and splendor. The 
ader will bear in mind the characteristic style which was assumed by 
reek architecture, and which has suggested many of the images of the 
ew Testament.’ It was quite different from the lofty and ascending 
rm of those buildings which have since arisen in all parts of Christian 
arope, and essentially consisted in horizontal entablatures resting on 
rtical columns. In another respect, also, the temples of the ancients 
ay be contrasted with our churches and cathedrals. They were not 
ofed over for the reception of a large company of worshippers, but 
ere in fact colonnades‘ erected as subsidiary decorations round the cell 
hich contained the idol, and were, through a great part of their space, 
yen to the sky. The colonnades of the Ephesian Diana really consti- 
ited an epoch in the history of Art, for in them was first matured that 
aceful Ionic style, the feminine.beauty of which was more suited to the 
mius of the Asiatic Greek, than the sterner and plainer Doric, in 
hich the Parthenon and Propylwa of Athens were built. The scale on 
hich the Temple was erected was magnificently extensive. It was 425 
et in length and 220 in breadth, and the columns were 60 feet high. 
he number of columns was 127, each of them the gift of a king; and 
} of them were enriched with ornament and color. The folding-doors 
ere of cyprus-wood ; the part which was not open to the sky was roofed 
er with cedar; and the staircase was formed of the wood of one single 
ne from the island of Cyprus. The value and fame of the Temple 
ere enhanced by its being the treasury where a large portion of the 
ealth of Western Asia was stored up.’ It is probable that there was no 


1 Arundell’s Seven Churches, p. 46. court of St. Ambrogio at Milan, which is a 
1 Thid. p. 47. colonnade west of the Church, itself enclosing 
® See, for instance, Gal. ii. 9, Rev. iii. 12, a large oblong space not roofed over. 
@ 1 Tim. iii. 15; comparing what has been 5 A German writer says that the temple of 
id above, p. 195. the Ephesian Diana was what the Bank of 
* A friend suggests one parallel in Chrie- England is in the modera world. 
@ architecture, viz. the Atrium, er western 

30 


‘; n> 
. «oa 


466 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. omar 
religious building in the world in which was concentrated a gre 
amount of admiration, enthusiasm, and superstition. 

If the Temple of Diana at Ephesus was magnificent, the image ensh 
within the sumptuous enclosure was primitive and rude. We usually ¢ 
ceive of this goddess, when represented in art, as the tall huntress, ea 
in pursuit, like the statue in the Louvre. Such was not the form of t 
Kphesian Diana, though she was identified by the Greeks with their o7 
mountain-goddess, whose figure we often see represented on the coins 
this city.|. What amount of fusion took place, in the case of this wors 
between Greek and Oriental notions, we need not inquire. The im 
may have been intended to represent Diana in one of her custom 
characters, as the deity of fountains ;* but it reminds us rather of f 
idols of the far Hast, and of the religions which love to represent 
life of all animated beings as fed and supported by the many breasts 
nature.’ The figure which assumed this emblematic form above 
terminated below in a shapeless block. The material was wood. A kh 
of metal was in each hand. The dress was covered with mystic device 
and the small shrine, where it stood within the temple, was concealed 
a curtain in front. Yet, rude as the image was, it was the object of f 
utmost veneration. Like the Palladium of Troy —like the most anei 
Minerva of the Athenian Acropolis,‘—like the Paphian Venus® 
Cybele of Pessinus,® to which allusion has been made,—like the Ce 
in Sicily mentioned by Cicero,’—it was believed to have “fallen do 
from the sky” (Acts xix. 35). Thus it was the object of the grea 
veneration from the contrast of its primitive simplicity with the m« 
ern and earthly splendor which surrounded it; and it was the mo 
on which the images of Diana were formed for worship in oth 
cities. 

One of the idolatrous customs of the ancient world was the use | 
portable images or shrines, which were little models of the more ce 
brated objects of devotion. They were carried in processions, on journée 





















1 Hence she is frequently represented as 
the Greek Diana on coins of Ephesus. Some 
of these are given in the larger editions. 

2 This is the opinion of Guhl, whose elab- 
orate work on ancient Ephesus is referred to 
several times in the larger editions. 

® The form of the image is described by 
Jerome: “ Scribebat Paulus ad Hphesios Dia- 
mam colentes, non hane venatricem, quz 
arcum tenet atque succincta est, sed illam 
mutimammiam, quam Grexci moAvuacray vo- 
cant.” —Proem. ad Eph. Representations in 
uneient sculpture are very frequent. The 


coin at the end of Ch. XIV. gives a 
notion of the form of the image. 
* See above in the description of Athen 
p. 309. 
5 See the description of Paphos above, 
140. : 
8 See Herodian, as referred to above, ] 
235. : 
7 Cic. in Verr. vy. 187. To this list we m 
add, without any misrepresentation, the how 
of our Lady of Loretto. See the Quarter 
Review for September, 1853, and the Chi 
tian Remembrancer for April, 1855. 






WORSHIP OF DIANA. 467 





and military expeditions,! and sometimes set up as household gods in 
private dwellings. Pliny says that this was the case with the Temple of 
the Cnidian Venus; and other Heathen writers make allusion to the 
“ shrines ” of the Ephesian Diana, which are mentioned in the Acts (xix. 
24). The material might be wood, or gold, or “silver.” The latter 
material was that which employed the hands of the workmen of Demetrius. 
From the expressions used by St. Luke, it is evident that an extensive and 
lucrative trade grew up at Hphesus, from the manufacture and sale of 
these shrines. Few of those who came to Ephesus would willingly go away 
without a memorial of the goddess, and a model of her temple ;? and, 
from the wide circulation of these works of art over the shores of the 
Mediterranean, and far into the interior, it might be said, with little 
exaggeration, that her worship was recognized by the “ whole world ”’® 
(Acts xix. 27). 

The ceremonies of the actual worship at Ephesus were conducted by 
the members of a twofold hierarchy. And here again we see the traces 
of Oriental rather than Greek influences. The Megabyzi, the priests 
of Diana, were eunuchs from the interior, under one at their head, who 
bore the title of high priest, and ranked among the leading and most 
influential personages of the city. Along with these priests were asso- 
ciated a swarm of virgin priestesses, consecrated, under the name of 
Meliss, to the service‘ of the deity, and divided into three classes, and 
serving, like the priests, under one head. And with the priests and 
priestesses would be associated (as in all the great temples of antiquity) 
a great number of slaves, who attended to the various duties connected 
with the worship, down to the care of sweeping and cleaning the Temple. 
This last phrase leads us to notice an expression used in the Acts of the 
Apostles, concerning the connection of Ephesus with the Temple of 
Diana. The term “ Neocoros,’” or “ Temple-sweeper” (veoduogos, xix. 35), 
originally an expression of humility, and applied to the lowest menials 
engaged in the care of the sacred edifice,’ became afterwards a title of 
the highest honor, and was eagerly appropriated by the most famous 


Inscriptions might be quoted to the same 
effect. 


1 We may compare Cicero’s words of the 
Roman legionary eagle, Cat. 1. 9. 


2 We cannot be sure, in this case, whether 
by the word used here is meant the whole 
temple, or the small shrine which contained 
the image. Perhaps its form is that repre- 
sented on the first coin engraved in Mr. Aker- 
man’s paper in the Numismatic Chronicle. ° 

3 We find the image of the Ephesian 
Diana on the coins of a great number of 
Other cities and communities, e.g. Hierapo- 
lis, Mytilene, Perga, Samos, Marseilles, &c. 


* These priestesses belonged to the class of 
“sacred slaves.” This class of devotees was 
common in the great temples of the Greeks. 
Different opinions have been expressed on the 
character of those at Ephesus: but, knowing 
what we do of Heathenism, it is difficult to 
have a favorable view of them. 

5 The term properly denotes “sweeper of 
the temple,” and is nearly synonymous with the . 
Latin “ sdituns,” or the French ‘‘ sacristau.” 


468 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8ST. PAUL r. 













cities.' This was the case with Ephesus in reference to her nationa 
goddess. The city was personified as Diana’s devotee. The title “‘ Wes 
coros”’ was boastfully exhibited on the current coins.? Even the fre 
people of Ephesus were sometimes named “ Neocoros.”* Thus, the to 
clerk could with good reason begin his speech by the question, — 
man is there that knows not that the city of the Ephesians is neocorc 
of the great goddess Diana, and of the image which came down froz 
heaven ?” 

The Temple and the Temple-services remained under the Romans 
they had been since the period of Alexander. If any change had take 
place, greater honor was paid to the goddess, and richer magnificence 
added to her sanctuary, in proportion to the wider extent to which her 
fame had been spread. Asia was always a favored province,‘ and Ephe 
sus must be classed among those cities of the Greeks, to which 
conquerors were willing to pay distinguished respect.’ Her liberties « 
her municipal constitution were left untouched, when the province ws 
governed by an officer from Rome. To the general remarks which have 
been made before in reference to Thessalonica,* concerning the position 
of free or autonomous cities under the Empire, something more may k 


added here, inasmuch as certain political characters of Ephesus appear 
on the scene which is described in the sacred narrative. 
We have said, in the passage above alluded to, that free cities unde: 
the Empire had frequently their senate and assembly. 
dant proof that this was the case at Ephesus. Its old constitution 
democratic, as we should expect in a city of the Ionians, and as we are 
distinctly told by Xenophon: and this constitution continued to subsist 
The senate, of which Josephus speaks,’ still met i 
the Senate-house, which is noticed by another writer,’ and the position o 
which was probably in the Agora below the Theatre.’ 


under the Romans. 


\ Primarily the term was applicable to per- 
sons, but afterwards it was applied to communi- 
ties, and more especially in the Roman period. 
A city might be Neocores with respect to several 
divinities, and frequently the title had regard 
to the defiled emperor. 

2 See, for instance, that engraved at the 
end of this chapter. A great number of these 
coins are described in Mr. Akerman’s paper, 
in the Num. Chr. 

5 On the opposite page an inscription is 
given containing the words Neocores, Proconsul, 
and Toer-Clerk. The Proconsul is Peducius 
Priscinus, the Town-Clerk is Tiberius Clan 
tine ltalieas. The other inscription is that 












There is abun 


We have stil 


which is mentioned below, p. 471, 0.2. The 
the Town-Clerk is called Munatius, and he 
also Asiarch. It is worth while te obse 
that these are all Roman names. 

* The circumstances under which this prow 
ince came under the Roman power were suck 
as to provoke no hostility. See pp. 206, 207. 

5 See p. 288. 

5 See pp. 288-291, and compare p. 253. 

T Ant. xiv. 10, 12, also 2, 5, and xvi. & 
4, 7. 


§ Ach. Tat. viil. 
® See the allusion te the Agora oho, 
448, e ' 





M. 1. AYP. AIONYZION TON [EPOKHPYKA 
KAI B AZIAPXON EK TQN IAIQN T OA 
MOYNATIOZ #IAOZEBAZTOZ O LFPAM- 
MATEYZ KAI AZIAPXHZAZ. 


H ¢IAOZEBAETOE E¢EZINN BOYAH KAI 
O NEQKOPOE AHMOZ KAGIEPOZAN EN! 
AN@BYNATOY NEAOYKAIOY MPEIZKEINOY 
WHOIZAMENOY TIB. KA. ITAAIKOY TOY 
CFPAMMATEQE TOY AHMOY. 


Mnacriptions from Ephesus. 





GOVERNMENT OF EPHESUS. 469 





more frequent notices of the demus or people, and its assembly. Where 
ayer its customary place of meeting might be when legally and regularly 
convoked (évvcum éxxincia, Acts xix. 39), the theatre* would be an obvious 
place of meeting, in the case of a tumultuary gathering, like that which 
will presently be brought before our notice. 

Again, like other free cities, Ephesus had its magistrates, as Thessa- 
lonica had its politarchs (pp. 289 and 290), and Athens its archons. 
Among those which our sources of information bring before us are 
several with the same titles and functions as in Athens.? One of these 
was that officer who is described as “ town-clerk”’? in the authorized 
version of the Bible (yeauparevs, Acts xix. 35). Without being able to 
determine his exact duties, or to decide whether another term, such as 
* Chancellor,” or “ Recorder,” would better describe them to us,‘ we may 
assert, from the parallel case of Athens,’ and from the Ephesian records 
themselves, that he was a magistrate of great authority, in a high and 
very public position. He had to do with state-papers; he was keeper of 
the archives; he read what was of public moment before the senate and 
assembly ; he was present when money was deposited in the Temple ; 
and when letters were sent to the people of Ephesus, they were officially 
addressed to him. Thus, we can readily account for his name appearing 
so often on the coins‘ of Ephesus. He seems sometimes to have given 
the name to the year, like the archons at Athens, or the consuls at Rome. 
Hence no magistrate was more before the public at Ephesus. His very 
aspect was familiar to all the citizens; and no one was so likely to be 
able to calm and disperse an angry and excited multitude. (See Acts 
xix. 35-41.) 

If we turn now from ithe city to the province of which it was the 
metropolis, we are under no perplexity as to its relation to the imperial 
government. From coins and from inscriptions,’ from secular writers 
and Scripture itself (Acts xix. 38), we learn that Asia was a proconsular 
province.* We shall not .tay to consider the question which has been 
raised concerning the usage of the plural in this passage of the Acts; for 


1 In Josephus xiv., xvi. (as above), the sea- 
ste and assembly are combined. We find 
Spec in inscriptions, and om coins, also 
txxAgcia. The senate is sometimes fovAz, 
sometimes yepovoia. 

_ 2 For illustrations of ‘the habit of Greek 
assemblies to meet in theatres, we may refer to 
what Tacitus says of Vespasian at Antioch, 
Hist. i. 80; also to Joseph. Wars, vii. 8. 

* For instance, besides the archons, strategi, 
‘ymemasiarchs, &c. 


* In Luther’s Bible the term “Canzler” is 
used. 

® There were several ypaxmereic at Athens. 
Some of them were state-officers of high im 
portance. 

® The first coim described in Mr. Akerman’s 
paper exhibits to us the same man as apylexedy 
and ypaypareie. 

7 See, for instance, the coin p. 477, and ths 
inscription opposite. 

® Ses a previous account of this previnca 


470 


it is not necessarily implied that more than one proconsul was in Ephesu 
But another subject connected with the provincial arrang 
ments requires a few words of explanation. 
province were, in all legal matters, under the jurisdiction of the procon- 
sul; and for the convenient administration of justice, the whole ‘count 
was divided into districts, each of which had its own assize town ( forw 
The proconsul, at stated seasons, made a circuit throug 
these districts, attended by his interpreter (for all legal business in th 
Empire was conducted in Latin),* and those who had subjects of litigatior 
or other cases requiring the observance of legal forms, brought ther 
before him or the judges whom he might appoint. 
true Roman spirit, in his geographical description of the Empire, 
always in the habit of mentioning the assize-towns, and the extent of th 
shires which surrounded them. In the province of Asia he takes especié 
notice of Sardis, Smyrna, and Ephesus, and enumerates the variow 
towns which brought their causes to be tried at these cities. 
visit of the proconsul to Ephesus was necessarily among the most impo 
tant ; and the town-clerk, in referring to the presence of the proconsu 
could remind his fellow-citizens in the same breath that it was the ve: 
time of the assizes (dyogain &yorrc, Acts xix. 38).* 

We have no information as to the time of the year® at which th 
Ephesian assizes were held. If the meeting took place in spring, the 
might then be coincident with the great gathering which took place 
the celebration of the national games. 
of the United Ionians had merged into that which was held in honor oi 
The whole month of May was consecrated to 


at the time.! 


or conventus).” 


the Ephesian Diana.® 


1 “There are deputies (proconsuls).” It is 
enough to suppose that we have here simply 
the generic plural, as in Matt. ii. 20. In the 
Syriac version the word is in the singular. 
Some suppose that this was the time when the 
proconsulship was (so to speak) in commission 
under Celer and Alius, as mentioned by Taci- 
tus (Ann. xiii.1). A more probable conjec- 
ture is that some of the governors of the 
neighboring provinces, such as Achaia, Cilicia, 
Cyprus, Bithynia, Pamphylia, might be pres- 
ent at the public games. The governors of 
neighboring provinces were in frequent com- 
munication with each other. See p. 428. 

2 Conventus was used both for the assize- 
town and the district to which its jurisdiction 
extended. It was also used to denote the 
actual meeting for the assizes. 

® See pp. 404 and 428. 

* We are not, however, absolutely forced to 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 






















The Roman citizens in 


Thus Pliny, after 


The offici 


It seems that the ancient festivy 


assume that the assizes were taking place 
this particular time. See the note of Cane 
Wordsworth, who gives the substance of t 
whole passage thus: “ Assize-days or cot 
days come round, and Proconsuls attend, by 
fore whom the cause may be tried.” 
phrase dyopaiove [7uépac] aye is equivalent 
Czesar’s conventus agere, and Cicero’s fe 
agere. We find the same Greek phrase in Strak 

5 We find Cesar in Gaul holding the con 
ventus in winter; but this was probably be 
cause he was occupied with military proceet 
ings in the summer, and need not be rega 
as a precedent for other provinces. 

6 What the festival of Delos was for the 
islands, the Panionian festival was for # 
mainland. But Ephesus seems ultimately 
have absorbed and concentrated this celeb 
tion. These games were called Artemis 
Ephesia, and Gicumenica. 





THE ASIARCHS. 471 


glory of the goddess ; and the month itself received from her the name 
of Artemision. The Artemisian festival was not simply an Ephesian 
geremony, but was fostered by the sympathy and enthusiasm of all the 
surrounding neighborhood. As the Temple of Diana was called “ the 
Temple of Asia,” so this gathering was called “‘the common meeting of 
Asia.”! From the towns on the coast and in the interior, the Ionians 
tame up with their wives and children to witness the gymnastic and 
nusical contests, and to enjoy the various amusements, which made the 
ways and nights of May one long scene of revelry. To preside over these 
games, to provide the necessary expenses, and to see that due order was 
maintained, annual officers were appointed by election from the whole 
province. About the time of the vernal equinox, each of the principal 
towns within the district called Asia chose one of its wealthiest citizens, 
and, from the whole number thus returned, ten were finally selected to 
discharge the duty of Aszarchs.2 We find similar titles in use in the 
neighboring provinces, and read, in books or on inscriptions and coins, 
of Bithyniarchs, Galatarchs, Lyciarchs, and Syriarchs. But the games 
of Asia and Ephesus were pre-eminently famous ; and those who held 
there the office of ‘ Presidents of the Games” were men of high distinc- 
tion and extensive influence. Receiving no emolument from their office, 
but being required rather to expend large sums for the amusement of 
the people and their own credit,’ they were necessarily persons of wealth. 
Men of consular rank were often willing to receive the appointment, and 
it was held to enhance the honor of any other magistracies with which 
they might be invested. They held for the time a kind of sacerdotal 
position ; and when, robed in mantles of purple and crowned with gar- 
lands, they assumed the duty of regulating the great gymnastic contests, 
and controlling the tumultuary crowd in the theatre, they might literally 
be called the “‘ Chief of Asia” (Acts xix. 31). 

These notices of the topography and history of Ephesus, of its religious 
imstitutions, and political condition under the Empire, may serve to clear 
the way for the narrative which we must now pursue. We resume the his- 


1 We find this expressed on cvins. In in- 
scriptions the temple appears a» the temple 
of Asia,” 

2 *Aciapya, Acts xix., translatud “ Chief 
of Asia” in the A. V. From whats said in 
Eusebius (H. £. iv. 15) of one Asiarch pre- 
siding at the martyrdom of Polycarp, it has 
been needlessly supposed that in this passage 
of the Acts we are to consider all but one to 
have been assessors of the chief Asiarch, or 
else those to be meant who had held the office 


in previous years and retained the title, like 
the High Priest at Jerusalem. Among the 
Ephesian inscriptions one is given opposite 
p. 469, containing the words Asiarch and Town- 
Clerk. “‘ Twice Asiarch”’ appears on a coin of 
Hypressa, represented in Ak. Num. Iii. p. 51. 

3 Compare the case of those, who dis- 
charged the state-services or liturgies at Athens 
Such was often the position of the Roman 
gdiles: and the same may %e said of the county 
sheriffs in England. 


472 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL 













tory at the twenty-second verse of the nineteenth chapter of the Acts, whe 
we are told of a continued stay' in Asia after the burning of the books : 
the magicians.? St. Paul was indeed looking forward to a journ 
through Macedonia and Achaia, and ultimately to Jerusalem and Ron 
(vy. 21); and in anticipation of his departure he had sent two of his cor 
panions into Macedonia before him (v. 22). The events which had p: 
viously occurred have already shown us the great effects which h 
preaching had produced both among the Jews and Gentiles? And th 
which follow show us still more clearly how wide a “ door” ‘ had bee 
thrown open to the progress of the gospel. The idolatrous practices « 
Ephesus were so far endangered, that the interests of one of the prev 
lent trades of the place were seriously affected; and meanwhile § 
Paul’s character had risen so high, as to obtain influence over some 
the wealthiest and most powerful personages in the province. The scei 
which follows is entirely connected with the religious observances of t 
city of Diana. The Jews’ fall into the background. Both the dang 
and safety of the Apostle originate with the Gentiles. 

It seems to have been the season of spring when the occurrences to 
place which are related by St. Luke at the close of the nineteenth chaj 
ver. We have already seen that he purposed to stay at Ephesus “ ti 
Pentecost ;””’ and it has been stated that May was the “ month of Diar 
in which the great religious gathering took place to celebrate the game 
If this also was the season of the provincial assize (which, as we ha 
geen, is by no means improbable), the city would be crowded with vari 
classes of people. Doubtless those who employed themselves in makiz 
the portable shrines of Diana expected to drive a brisk trade at such 
time ; and when they found that the sale of these objects of superstitic 
was seriously diminished, and that the preaching of St. Paul was th 
cause of their merchandise being depreciated, “‘ no small tumult are 
concerning that way ” in which the new teacher was leading his disciple 
(v. 23). A certain Demetrius, a master-manufacturer in the craft, suz 
moned together his workmen, along with other artisans who were occt 
pied in trades of the same kind — (among whom we may perhaps reckoj 
“ Alexander the coppersmith ” (2 Tim. iv. 14), against whom the Apostle 
warned Timothy at a later period),— and addressed to them an inflam 
matory speech. It is evident that St. Paul, though he had made no ope 


1 He himself staid in Asia for geen dress at Miletus (xx. 19), St. Paul 


oan.” ; especially of the temptations which befel] tu 
® Related above, Acts xix. 18-20. by the “ lying-in-wait of the Jews.” 
* Bee Ch. XIV. * 1 Cor. xvi. 9. 6 vy. 21-41. 
© Yet it seeme that the Jews never ceased T See the end of the preceding chapwr 


froma their secret machinations. In the ad- ® See above. 


DEMETRIUS AND THE SDLVERSMITHS. 473 





and calumnious attack on the divinities of the place, as was admitted 
belew (v. 37), had said something like what he had said at Athens, that 
we ought not to suppose that the deity is “like gold or silver carved with 
the art and device of man” (Acts xvii. 29), and that “ they are no gods 
that are made with hands ” (v. 26). Such expressions, added to the fail- 
ure in the profits of those who were listening, gave sufficient materials for 
an adroit and persuasive speech. Demetrius appealed first to the interest 
of his hearers,’ and then to their fanaticism.? He told them that their 
gains were in danger of being lost — and, besides this, that “ the temple 
of the great goddess Diana” (to which we can imagine him pointing as 
he spoke)* was in danger of being despised, and that the honor of their 
national divinity was in jeopardy, whom not only “all Asia,’ * but “ all 
the civilized world,” * had hitherto held in the highest veneration. Such 
a speech could not be lost, when thrown like fire on such inflammable 
materials. The infuriated feeling of the crowd of assembled artisans 
broke out at once into a cry in honor of the divine patron of their city 
and their craft, —‘‘ Great is Diana of the Ephesians.” * 

The excitement among this important and influential class of opera- 
tives was not long in spreading through the whole city.’ The infection 
seized upon the crowds of citizens and strangers; and a general rush was 
made to the theatre, the most obvious place of assembly. On their way, 
they seem to have been foiled in the attempt to lay hold of the person of 
Paul”? though they hurried with them into the theatre two of the 
companions of his travels, Caius and Aristarchus, whose home was in 
Macedonia.” A sense of the danger of his companions, and a fearless 
zeal for the truth, urged St. Paul, so soon as this intelligence reached 
him, to hasten to the theatre and present himself before the people ; but 


1 See vy. 25, 26. 
2 See v. 27. 


Ty. 29. 
5 See anove, p. 463. 


® Ses what is said above on the position of 
the Temple. It would probably be visible 
from the neighborhood of the Agora, where 
We may suppose Demetrius to have harangued 
the workmen. 

*y.27. Compare vy. 10 and 26; alsol 
Cor. xvi. 19. See p. 413. 

5 “The world,” y. 27. Compare the town- 
clerk’s words below, v. 35. 

© In an inscription which contains the words 
yesuuareds and av@irarec, we find special men- 
tion of “the great goddess Diana before the city,” 
and extracts might be given from ancient 
suthors to the same effect. In illustration of 
this latter phrase, compare what has been said 
sf the T.ystrian Jupiter, p. 168. 


* Something of the same kind seems te 
have happened as at Thessalonica (Acts xvii. 
5, 6), when the Jews sought in vain for Par! 
and Silas in the house of Jagon, and therefore 
dragged the host and some of the other Chris- 
tians before the magistrates. Perhaps the 
house of Aquila and Priscilla may have been 
a Christian home to the Apostle at Ephesus, 
like Jason’s house at Thessalonica. See Acts 
xviii. 18, 26, with 1 Cor. xvi. 19; and eom- 
pare Rom. xvi. 3,4, where they are said t 
have “laid down their necks” for St. Paul’s 
life. 

10 The Greek word is the same in Acts xix 
29, and 2 Cor. viii. 19. See what is said 
above of these companions of St. Paul, p. 404 


474 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF §8T. PAUL. CHAP, 














the Christian disciples used all their efforts to restrain him. Pe hay 
their anxious solicitude might have been unavailing’ on this occasion, a 
it was on one occasion afterwards, had not other influential friends in 
terposed to preserve his safety. And now was seen the advantage whicl 
is secured to a righteous cause by the upright character and unflinchin 
zeal of its leading champion. Some of the Asiarchs whether converte 
to Christianity or not, had a friendly feeling towards the Apostle; and 
well knowing the passions of an Ephesian mob when excited at one of 
the festivals of Asia, they sent an urgent message to him to prevent hi 
from venturing into the scene of disorder and danger. Thus he relu 
tantly consented to remain in privacy, while the mob crowded violenth 
into the theatre, filling the stone seats, tier above tier, and rending the 
air with their confused and fanatical cries.® 

It was indeed a scene of confusion ; and never perhaps was the chaz 
acter of a mob more simply and graphically expressed, than when it i 
said, that “ the majority knew not why they were come together” (v. 32) 
At length an attempt was made to bring the expression of some articulat 
words before the assembly. This attempt came from the Jews, who seer 
to have been afraid lest they should be implicated in the odium whiel 


had fallen on the Christians. 


tude. 


1 The imperfect (v. 30) simply expresses 
the attempt. 2 See Acts xxi. 13. 

8 For the office of the Asiarchs, see above, 
p- 471. 

*y.31. The danger in which St. Paul 
was really placed, as well as other points in 
the sacred narrative, is illustrated by the ac- 
count of Polycarp’s martyrdom. ‘‘The pro- 
consul, observing Polycarp filled with confi- 
dence and joy, and his countenance brightened 
with grace, was astonished, and sent the her- 
ald to proclaim, in the middle of the stadium, 
“Polycarp confesses that he is a Christian. 
When this was declared by the herald, all the 
multitude, Gentiles and Jews, dwelling at 
Smyrna, cried out, ‘ This is that teacher of 
Asia, the father of the Christians, the destroyer 
of our gods; he that teaches multitudes not to 
sacrifice, not to worship.’ Saying this, they 
cried out, and asked Philip the Asiarch to let 
a lion loose upon Polycarp.” Euseb. #. £. 
iv. 15. 


By no means unwilling to injure the Apos 
tle’s cause, they were yet anxious to clear themselves, and therefore the 
“ put Alexander forward” to make an apologetic speech® to the multi 
If this man was really, as we have suggested, “* Alexander the 
coppersmith,”’ he might naturally be expected to have influence with 















5 “Some cried one thing and some 
other,” v. 32. An allusion has been mad 
(p. 118) to the peculiar form of Greek theatre 
in the account of Herod’s death at Cesarea 
From the elevated position of the theatre 
Ephesus, we may imagine that many of th 
seats must have commanded an extensive 
of the city and the plain, including the Ten 
ple of Diana. 

® Our view of the purpose for which Alex 
ander was put forward will depend upor 
whether we consider him to have been a Je 
or a Christian, or a renegade from Christianity. 
It is most natural to suppose that he was 
Jew, that the Jews were alarmed by the 
mult, and anxious to clear themselves from 
blame, and to show they had nothing to ¢ 
with St. Paul. As a Jew, Alexander would 
be recognized as an enemy te idolatry, an 
naturally the crowd would not hear him, 





Z 
AP, XVI. SPEECH ‘OF THE TOWN-CLERK. 475 


Demetrius and his fellow-craftsmen. But when he stood up and “ raised 
his hand ”’! to invite silence, he was recognized immediately by the mul- 
titude as a Jew. It was no time for making distinctions between Jews 
and Christians; and one simultaneous cry arose from every mouth, 
“Great is Diana of the Ephesians;” and this cry continued for two 
hours. 

The excitement of an angry multitude wears out after a time, and a 
period of re-action comes, when they are disposed to listen to words of 
counsel and reproof. And, whether we consider the official position of 
the “ Town-clerk,” or the character of the man as indicated by his 
speech, we may confidently say that no one in the city was so well suited 
to appease this Ephesian mob. The speech is a pattern of candid argu- 
ment and judicious tact. He first allays the fanatical passions of his 
listeners by this simple appeal:? “Is it not known everywhere that 
this city of the Ephesians is Neocoros of the great goddess Diana and of 
the image that came down from the sky?” The contradiction of a few 
insignificant strangers could not affect what was notorious in all the 
world. Then he bids them remember that Paul and his companions had 
not been guilty of approaching or profaning the temple,’ or of outraging 
the feelings of the Ephesians by calumnious expressions against the god- 
dess.* And then he turns from the general subject to the case of Deme- 
frius, and points out that the remedy for any injustice was amply 
provided by the assizes which were then going on,—or by an appeal to 
the proconsul. And reserving the most efficacious argument to the last, 
he reminded them that such an uproar exposed the city of Ephesus to 
the displeasure of the Romans: for, however great were the liberties 
allowed to an ancient and loyal city, it was well known to the whole 
population, that a tumultuous meeting which endangered the public 
peace would never be tolerated. So, having rapidly brought his argu- 
ments to a climax, he tranquillized the whole multitude, and pronounced 
the technical words which declared the assembly dispersed. (Acts xix. 
41.) The stone seats were gradually emptied. The uproar ceased (ib. 
xx. 1), and the rioters separated to their various occupations and amuse- 
ments. 

Thus God used the eloquence of a Greek magistrate to protect His; 
servant, as before He had used the right of Roman citizenship (p. 268), 


1 The phrase is not quite identical with 3 The rendering in the Authorized Version, 
that used of St. Paul (Acts xiii. 16, xxi. 40), “robbers of churches,” is unfortunate. Wic- 
and of St. Peter (Acts xii. 17). See the re lif has, more correctly, “sacrilegious.” 
marks already made on the former passage. * “ Blasphemers of your goddess.” 

2 For the Neocorate of Ephesus and its 
notoriety, see above, pp. 467, 468. 


7 


476 TSE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8ST. PAUL 


and the calm justice of a Roman governor (p. $65). And, as iz 
cases of Philippi and Corinth,’ the narrative of St. Paul’s 

at Ephesus concludes with the notice of a deliberate and affec 
farewell. The danger was now over. With gratitude to that Heave 
Master who had watched over his life and his works, and 
recognition of that love of his fellow-Christians, and that favor of t 

“Chief of Asia,” which had been the instruments of his eafety5) 
gathered together the disciples (Acts xx. 1), and in one last affecti 
meeting — most probably in the school of Tyrannus—he gave them | 
farewell salutations, and commended them to the grace of God, a 
parted from them with tears. 

This is the last authentic account which we possess, — if we 
the meeting at Miletus (Acts xx.),—of any personal connection of 
Paul with Ephesus; for although we think it may be inferred from ¢ 
Pastoral Epistles that he visited the metropolis of Asia again at a le 
period, yet we know nothing of the circumstances of the visit, and ' 
its occurrence has been disputed. The other historical associations 
Christianity with this city are connected with a different Apostle and 
later period of the Church. Legend has been busy on this scene 
apostolic preaching and suffering. Without attempting to unravel wi 
is said concerning others who have lived and died at Ephesus? we | 
allowed to believe that the robber-haunts* in the mountains around ha 
Witnessed some passages in the life of St. John, that he spent the li 
year of the first century in this “ metropolis of the Asiatic Chure 
and that his body rests among the sepulchres of Mount Prion. Here 
may believe that the Gospel and Epistles were written, which teach 
that “love” is greater than “faith and hope” (1 Cor. xiii. 13); 
here, — though the “ candlestick ” is removed, according to the prophe 
word (Rev. ii. 5),—a monument yet survives, in the hill strewn wi 
the ruins of many centuries of him who was called “John 



















1 Acts xvi 40, xviii. 18 the meaning of the term “ Theologian,” 


* I: is said that Timothy died at Ephesus, 
and was buried, like St John, on Mount 
Prien. I: bas been thought better to Isxve in 
reverent silence all that has bean traditionally 
said concerning the Mother of our blessed 
Leri. 

* Kussh. H. E. iii. 23, which should be 
compared with 2 Cor. xi. 26. See p. 145. 

* Stanley's Sermons, gc., on the Apostolic 
Ace, p. 250. Ses the whole sermon, and the 
saxny which follows it. 


* Ayesaluk. Ses abowe, p. <$i, 2.1. For 












“ Divine,” as applied to St. John, see 
ley's Sermons, p. 271. 


Nors. — (See the coin on p. 477.) — Fx 
Ak. Num. IZ. p. 55. This coin is ‘ 
interesting for many reasons. It has a 7 
resentation of the temple, and the : 
and mame of Nero, who was now rei 
and it exhibits the words vedeopor 
xix.) and &»@eraro (ib.)}. The name of 
Proconsul ie Aviola. It is far fom 
that he might hold that office while Bt 


M4 i Ted 


? 


COIN OF EPHESUS. 


& 


A 


pian,” because he emphatically wrote of the “ Divinity of our 











CHAPTER XVIL 


St. Paul at Troas.— He passes over to Macedonia. — Causes of his Dejection.— He m 
Titus at Philippi.— Writes the Second Epistle to the Corinthians. — Collection for the P. 
Christians in Judea. — Liberality of the Macedonians. — Titus. — Journey by Illyricu: 
Greece. 

FTER his mention of the affectionate parting between St. Paul a 
the Christians of Ephesus, St. Luke tells us very little of the Ap 
tle’s proceedings during a period of nine or ten months ; — that is, fir 

the early summer of the year A. D. 57, to the spring of a. pD. 58.) A 

the information which we find in the Acts concerning this period is ¢o; 

prised in the following words : —‘ He departed to go into Macedonia, ai 
when he had gone over those parts, and had given them much exhortation, | 

came into Greece, and there abode three months.”? Were it not for t 

information supplied by the Epistles, this is all we should have known ¢ 

a period which was, intellectually at least, the most active and influent 

of St. Paul’s career. These letters, however, supply us with many ad 

tional incidents belonging to this epoch of his life; and, what is me 
important, they give us a picture drawn by his own hand of his state 
mind during an anxious and critical season ; they bring him before us! 
his weakness and in his strength, in his sorrow and in his joy; th 
show the causes of his dejection and the source of his consolation. 

In the first place, we thus learn what we should, @ priori, have expecte 

— that he visited Alexandria Troas on his way from Ephesus to Macedon 

In all probability he travelled from the one city to the other by sea, 

we know he did* on his return in the following year. Indeed, in cot 

tries in such a stage of civilization, the safest and most expeditious re 
from one point of the coast to another is generally by water rather th 
by land ; ‘ for the “ perils in the sea,” though greater in those times 













1 The date of the year is according to the 
calculations of Wieseler, of which we shall 
say more when we come to the period upon 
which they are founded. The season at which 
he left Ephesus is ascertained by St. Paul’s 
own words (1 Cor. xvi. 8) compared with Acts 
xx. 1. The time of his leaying Corinth on 
his return appears from Acts xx. 6. 

2 Acts xx, 1-3, 

478 


8 Except the small space from Tre 
Assos by land, Acts xx. 13, 14. { 

* Atthe same time, it should be remembered 
that this was the most populous part of one of 
the most peaceful provinces, and that 6 
of the great roads passed by Smyrna and Per 
gamus between Ephesus and Troas. A de 
scription of the country will be found in Fel 
lows’s Asia Minor, ch. i. and ii. : 








. xv. ST. PAUL AT TROAS. ; 478 


in ours, yet did not so frequently impede the voyager as the “ perils of 
rivers ” and “ perils of robbers” which beset the traveller by land. 

We are not informed who were St. Pau!’s companions in this journey ; 
but as we find that Tychicus and Trophimus (both Ephesians) were with 
him at Corinth (Acts xx. 4) during the same apostolic progress, and 
returned thence in his company, it seems probable that they accompanied 
him at his departure. We find both of them remaining faithful to him 
through all the calamities which followed; both exerting themselves in 
his service, and executing his orders to the last; both mentioned as his 
friends and followers, almost with his dying breath.! 

In such company, St. Paul came to Alexandria Troas. We have already 
described the position and character of this city, whence the Apostle of 
the Gentiles had set forth when first he left Asia to fulfil his mission, — 
the conversion of Europe. At that time, his visit seems to have been 
yery short, and no results of it are recorded; but now he remained for 
a considerable time ; he had meant to stay long enough to lay the founda- 
tion of a Church (see 2 Cor. ii. 12), and would have remained still long- 
er than he did, had it not been for the non-arrival of Titus, whom he had 
sent to Corinth from Ephesus either with or soon after the First Hpistle. 
The object of his mission? was connected with the great collection now 
going on for the Hebrew Christians at Jerusalem, but he was also 
enjoined to enforce the admonitions of St. Paul upon the Church of Cor- 
inth, and endeavor to defeat the efforts of their seducers; and then to 
return with a report of their conduct, and especially of the effect upon 
them of the recent Hpistle. Titus was desired to come through Macedonia, 
and to rejoin St. Paul (probably) at Troas, where the latter had intend- 
ed to arrive shortly after Pentecost; but now that he was forced to leave 
Ephesus prematurely, he had resolved to wait for Titus at Troas, expect- 
ing, however, his speedy arrival. In this expectation he was disappointed ; 
week after week passed, but Titus came not. The tidings which St. Paul 
expected by him were of the deepest interest ; it was to be hoped that he 
would bring news of the triumph of good over evil at Corinth: yet it 
might be otherwise ; the Corinthians might have forsaken the faith of 
their first teacher, and rejected his messenger. While waiting in this 
uncertainty, St. Paul appears to have suffered all the sickness of hope 
deferred. “My spirit had no rest, because I found not Titus my bro- 


1 Tn the 2d Epistle to Timothy. For Ty- carried another letter to the Corinthians; it so, 
chiens, see Acts xx.4; Eph. vi. 21; Col. iv. it may be referred to in 2 Cor. ii. 3, and 2 Cor. 
7; 2 Tim.iv.12; Tit. Hi. 12. For Trophi- viii. 8; passages which some have thought too 
Taus, see Acts xx. 4, Acts xxi. 29; 2 Tim. strong for the supposition that they only refer 
ir 20. to the First Epistle. 

2 It is not impossible that Titus may have 


480 


ther.”’! 


1 2 Cor. ii. 13. § 2 Cor. ii. 12. 

§ 2 Cor. ii. 12. * See Ch. IX. 

§ Philippi (of which Neapolis was the port) 
was the first city of Macedonia which he 
would reach from Troas. See pp. 248-251. 
The importance of the Philippian Church 
would, of course, cause St. Paul to halt there 
for some time, especially as his object was wo 
make a general collection for the poor Cnris- 
dans of Jerusalem. Hence the scene of St. 
Paul’s grief and anxiety (rocordeé, 2 Cor. vii. 
5, as occurring when he came inte Macedonia) 
must have been Philippi; and the same place 
seems (from the next verse) to have witnessed 
his consolation by the coming of Titus. So 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


Nevertheless, his personal anxiety did not prevent his laboriz 
earnestly and successfully in his Master’s service. He “ published the 
Glad-tidings of Christ”? there as in other places, probably preaching as 
usual, in the first instance, to the Jews in the Synagogue. 
a ready hearing; “ a door was opened to him in the Lord.”? 
was laid the foundation of a Church which rapidly increased, and which 
we shall find him revisiting not long afterwards. 
was compelled to leave it prematurely; for the necessity of meeting 
Titus, and learning the state of things at Corinth, urged him forward 
He sailed, therefore, once more from Troas to Macedonia (a voyage 
already described‘ in our account of his former journey), and, landing 
at Neapolis, proceeded immediately to Philippi.’ 
We might have supposed that the warmth of affection with which he 
was doubtless welcomed by his converts here would have soothed the 
spirit of the Apostle, and restored his serenity. For, of all his conve 
the Philippians seem to have been the most free from fault, and the mos 
attached to himself. In the Epistle which he wrote to them, we find n 
censure, and much praise; and so zealous was their love for St. Pa 
that they alone (of all the Churches which he founded) forced him fr 
the very beginning to accept their contributions for his support. Twice, 
while he was at Thessalonica,® immediately after their own conversion, 
' they had sent relief to him. Again they did the same while he was at 
Corinth,’ working for his daily bread in the manufactory of Aqui ; 
And we shall find them afterwards cheering his Roman prison by similar 
proofs of their loving remembrance.’ We might suppose from this the 
they were a wealthy Church; yet such a supposition is contradicted by 
the words of St. Paul, who tells us that “in the heavy trial which had 
proved their steadfastness, the fulness of their joy Lad overflowed ow 
of the depth of their poverty, in the richness of their iberality.”* In fa 





















He met with 
And thus 


At present, indeed, he 


(2 Cor. xi. 9) we find “ Macedonia” used 
equivaleat co Philippi (vee note 7, below). We 
conclude, therefore, that the ancient traditic 
(embodied in the subscription of 2 Cor.), = 
cording to which the Second Epistle to the 
Corinthians was written from Philippi, is com 
rect. 
® Phil. iv. 16. And see below, p. 512 
7 2 Cor. xi. 9. The Macedoniay contribe 
tions there mentioned must have been from 
Philippi, because Philippi was the only Churel 
which at that time contributed to St Pants 
support (Phil. iv. 15). A 
® Phil. iv. 16. | 
® 2 Cor. viii. 2 | 





, 


‘quar. xvu. HIS RECEPTION IN MACEDONIA. 48} 


they had been exposed to very severe persecution from the first. ‘“ Unto 
them it was given,” so St. Paul reminds them afterwards, —“ in the 
behalf of Christ, not only to believe on Him, but also to suffer for His 
sake.” ! Perhaps, already their leading members had been prosecuted 
under the Roman law? upon the charge which proved so fatal in after. 
times, — of propagating a “new and illegal religion” (religio nova a 
wlicita) ; or, if this had not yet occurred, still it is obvious how severe 
must have been the loss inflicted by the alienation of friends and connec- 
tions; and this would be especially the case with the Jewish converts, 
such as Lydia,? who were probably the only wealthy members of the 
community, and whose sources of wealth were derived from the com- 
mercial relations which bound together the scattered Jews throughout 
the Empire. What they gave, therefore, was not out of their abundance, 
but out of their penury; they did not grasp tenaciously at the wealth 
which was slipping from their hands, but they seemed eager to get rid 
of what still remained. They “remembered the words of the Lord 
Jesus, how He said, It is more blessed to give than to receive.” St. 
Paul might have addressed them in the words spoken to some who 
were like minded with them : — “* Ye had compassion of me in my ‘ bonds, 
and took joyfully the spoiling of your goods, knowing that ye have in 
heaven a better and an enduring substance.” 

Such were the zealous and loving friends who now embraced their 
father in the faith ; yet the warmth of their welcome did not dispel the 
gloom which hung over his spirit; although amongst them® he found 
Timotheus also, his “‘ beloved son in the Lord,” the most endeared to 
him of all his converts and companions. The whole tone of the Second 
Epistle to Corinth shows the depression under which he was laboring ; 
and he expressly tells the Corinthians that this state of feeling lasted, not 
only at Troas, but also after he reached Macedonia. “ When first I 


1 Phil. i. 29. had been despatched on some commission into 
2 Tt must be remembered that Philippi was Macedonia shortly before Haster, and St. Paul 
a Colonia. had then expected (but thought it doubtful) 


® Lydia had been a Jewish proselyte before 
herconyersion. [We cannot assume that she 
was a permanent resident at Philippi. See 
Acts xvi. 14. —.| 

* Or “on those in bonds,” if we adopt the 
treading of the best MSS. See note on Heb. 
x, 34, 

5 This we infer because Timotheus was with 
him when he began to write the Second Epistle 
to Corinth (2 Cor. i. 1), which (for the reasons 
mentioned in p. 480, n. 5) we believe to have 
been written at Philippi. Now Timotheus 

31 


that he would reach Corinth and return thence 
to Ephesus; and that he would reach it after 
the reception at Corinth of the First Epistle to 
the Corinthians (1 Cor. xvi. 10, 11). This, 
however, Timotheus seems not to have done; 
for it was Titus, not Timotheus, who brought 
to St. Paul the first tidings of the reception of 
the First Epistle at Corinth (2 Cor. vii. 6-11). 
Also, had Timotheus reached Corinth, he would 
have been mentioned 2 Cor. xii. 18. Hence it 
would appear that Timotheus must have been 
retained in Macedonia. 


482 THE LIFE AND £PISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 






















came into Macedonia,” he says, “ my flesh had no rest; without we 
fightings, within were fears.” And this had continued until “ Gog 
who comforts them that are cast down, comforted me by the coming ¢ 
Titus.” 
It has been sometimes supposed that this dejection was occasioned b 
an increase of the chronic malady under which St. Paul suffered ;? ¢ 
it seems not unlikely that this cause may have contributed to the result 
He speaks much, in the Hpistle written at this time from Macedonia, 
the frailty of his bodily health (2 Cor. iv. T to 2 Cor. v. 10, and als 
2 Cor. xii. T-9, and see note on 2 Cor. i. 8) ; and, in a very affecting pas 
sage, he describes the earnestness with which he had besought his Lori 
to take from him this “ thorn in the flesh,’’ — this disease which contin 
ually impeded his efforts, and shackled his energy. We can imagine ho 
severe a trial, to a man of his ardent temper, such a malady must ha 
been. Yet this alone would scarcely account for his continued depre 
sion, especially after the assurance he had received, that the grace 
Christ was sufficient for him, — that the vessel of clay * was not too fi 
gile for the Master’s work, — that the weakness of his body would bi 
the more manifest the strength of God’s Spirit. The real weight whic 
pressed upon him was the “ care of all the Churches ;” the real cav 
of his grief was the danger which now threatened the souls of his co 
verts, not in Corinth only, or in Galatia, but everywhere throughout 
Empire. We have already described the nature of this danger, 2 
seen its magnitude: we have seen how critical was the period through 
which the Christian Church was now passing.‘ The true questic 
(which St. Paul was enlightened to comprehend) was no less than this 
— whether the Catholic Church should be dwarfed into a Jewish sect; 
whether the religion of spirit and of truth should be supplanted by the 
worship of letter and of form. The struggle at Corinth, the result ¢ 
which he was now anxiously awaiting, was only one out of many similar 
struggles between Judaism® and Christianity. These were the “ fight 
ings without” which filled him with “fears within;” these were the 
agitations which “ gave his flesh no rest,” and “ troubled him on every 
side.” § 


1 We need not notice the hypothesis that St. 
Paul’s long-continued dejection was caused by 
the danger which he incurred on the day of the 
tumult in the theatre at Ephesus; a supposition 
most unworthy of the character of him who 
sustained such innumerable perils of a more 
deadly character with unshrinking fortitude. 

2 See.2 Cor. iv. 7. 


® 2 Cor. xii. 7-9. * Pp. 384-389. 


5 That the great opponents of St. Paul @ 
Corinth were Judaizing emissaries, we have én 
deavored to prove below; at the same time & 
complication was given to the struggle at Cor 
inth by the existence of another element of, 
error in the free-thinking party, whose theo. 
retic defence of their practical immorality ¥ we 
have already noticed. is 

§ 2 Cor. vii. 5. 4 


. 






ry: ' 
ouar, xvu. OPPONENTS OF ST. PAUL. 483 

At length the long-expected Titus arrived at Philippi, and relieved the 
anxiety of his master by better tidings than he had hoped to hear.’ The 
majority of the Corinthian Church had submitted to the injunctions of 
St. Paul, and testified the deepest repentance for the sins into which they 
had fallen. They had passed sentence of excommunication upon the 
incestuous person, and they had readily contributed towards the collec- 
tion for the poor- Christians of Palestine. But there was still a minority, 
whose opposition seems to have been rather imbittered than humbled by 
the submission which the great body of the Church had thus yielded. 
They proclaimed, in a louder and more contemptuous tone than ever, 
their accusations against the Apostle. They charged him with craft in 
his designs, and with selfish and mercenary motives ;— a charge which 
they probably maintained by insinuating that he was personally interested 
in the great collection which he was raising. We have seen? what 
scrupulous care St. Paul took to keep his integrity in this matter above 
every shade of suspicion ; and we shall find still further proof of this as 
we proceed. Meanwhile it is obvious how singularly inconsistent this 
accusation was, in the mouths of those who eagerly maintained that Paul 
could be no true Apostle, because he did not demand support from the 
Churches which he founded. The same opponents accused him likewise 
of egregious vanity, and of cowardly weakness; they declared that he 
was continually threatening without striking, and promising without per- 
forming ; always on his way to Corinth, but never venturing to come: 
and that he was as vaciilating in his teaching as in his practice; refusing 
circumcision to Titus, yet circumcising Timothy; a Jew among the Jews, 
and a Gentile among the Geutiles. 

It is an important question, to which of the divisions of the Corinthian 
Church these obstinate opponents of St. Paul belonged. From the 
notices of them given by St. Paul himself, it seems certain that they 
were Judaizers (see 2 Cor. xi. 22); and still further, that they were of 
the Christine section of that party (see 2 Cor. xi. 7). It also appears that 
they were headed by an emissary from Palestine (2 Cor. xi. 4), who had 
brought letters of commendation from some members of the Church at 


1 Wieseler is of opinion that before the com- 
ing of Titus St. Paul had already resolved to 
send another letter to the Corinthians, perhaps 
by those two brethren who travelled with Titus 
s00n after, bearing the Second Epistle; and 
that he wrote as far as the 2d verse of the 7th 
chapter of the Second Epistle to the Corinthi- 
ans before the appearance of Titus. He infers 
this from the change of tone which takes place 
af this point, and from St. Paul’s returning 


to topics which, in the earlier portion of the 
Epistle, he appeared to have dismissed; and 
from the manner in which the arrival of 
Titus is mentioned at 2 Cor. vii. 4-7. On 
this hypothesis some other person from Cor- 
inth must have brought intelligence of the first 
impression produced on the Corinthians by the 
Epistle which had just reached them; and 
Titus conveyed the further tidings of theix 
subsequent condnct. 2 1 Cor. xvi. 3. 


484 


Jerusalem,' and who boasted of his pure Hebrew descent, and his especia 
St. Paul calls him a false apostle, ; 
minister of Satan disguised as a minister of righteousness, and hints 
he was actuated by corrupt motives. 
Corinth with extreme arrogance, and to have succeeded, by his overbea 
ing conduct, in impressing his partisans with a conviction of his impo: 
tance, and of the truth of his pretensions.* 
bearing with the timidity and self-distrust which had been shown by St 
And they even extolled his personal advantages over those ¢ 
their first teacher ; comparing his rhetoric with Paul’s inartificial speech 
his commanding appearance with the insignificance of Paul’s “ bod 


connection with Christ himself.? 


Paul. 


presence.” ° 


Titus, having delivered to St. Paul this mixed intelligence of the stai 
of Corinth, was immediately directed to return thither (in company wit 
two deputies specially elected to take charge of their contribution by th 
Macedonian Churches),’ in order to continue the business of the colle 
St. Paul made him the bearer of another letter, which is addresse 
(still more distinctly than the First Epistle), not to Corinth only, but 
all the Churches in the whole province of Achaia, including Athens a 
Cenchrea, and perhaps also Sicyon, Argos, Megara, Patre, and oth 
neighboring towns; all of which probably shared more or less in 
agitation which so powerfully affected the Christian community ¢ 
Corinth. The twofold character’ of this Epistle is easily explained b 
the existence of the majority and minority which we have described 
the Corinthian Church. Towards the former the Epistle overflows wi 
love; towards the latter it abounds with warning and menace. 
purpose of the Apostle was to encourage and tranquillize the great be 
of the Church; but, at the same time, he was constrained to mainte 
his authority against those who persisted in despising the commands 
It was needful, also, that he shou 
notice their false accusations; and that (undeterred by the charge of 
vanity which they brought)* he should vindicate his apostolic charact 


tion. 


Christ delivered by his mouth. 


1 See 2 Cor. iii.1. It may safely be assumed 
that Jerusalem was the headquarters of the 
Judaizing party, from whence their emissaries 
were despatched. Compare Gal. ii.12; Acts 
xy. 1, and xxi. 20. 

2 See 2 Cor. xi. 22. 

® See 2 Cor. xi. 18-20, and the note there. 

* 1 Cor. ii. 3. 

5 2 Cor. x. 10, 16. 

5 See notes on 2 Cor. viii. 18, 22. 

7 This twofold character pervades the whole 
Fpistle, it is incorrect to say (as has been 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8T. PAUL. min 















He seems to have behaved ¢ 


They contrasted his confider 


often said) that the portion before chap. 
addressed to the obedient section of the Chure 
and that after chap. x. to the disobedient. 
lemical passages occur throughout the earlier 
portion also; see i. 15-17, ii. 17, iii. 1, y. 1, 
&c. 

8 It is a curious fact, and marks the pe- 
sonal character of this Epistle, that the verb: 
for “boast” and its derivatives occur twen! 
nine times in it, and only twenty-six times ip 
all the other Epistles of St. Paul put tw: 
gether. 


7 


OHAP, XVI. 


SECOND EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. 485 


by a statement of facts, and a threat of punishment to be inflicted on the 
contumacious. With these objects, he wrote as follows : — 


SECOND EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS.! 


Salutation. PAUL, an Apostle of Jesus Christ by the will of God, and 
Timotheus the Brother, TO THE CHURCH OF GOD WHICH IS IN 
CORINTH, AND TO ALL THE SAINTS THROUGHOUT THE 
WHOLE PROVINCE OF ACHATA. 

Grace be unto you and peace, from God our Father, and from our 
Lord Jesus Christ. 


Thanksgiving Thanks be to God the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, the 
crance from. father of compassion, and the God of all comfort, who con- 
Re ecconiu- 


lar Asia, soles me? in all my tribulation, thereby enabling me to com- 
fort those who are in any affliction, with the same comfort wherewith I 
am myself comforted by God. For as the sufferings of Christ* have 
come upon me above measure, so by Christ also my consolation is above 
measure multiplied. But if,on the one hand, I am afflicted, it is for 
your consolation and salvation (which works in you a firm endurance of 
the same sufferings which I also suffer ;* so that my hope is steadfast on 
your behalf) ; and if, on the other hand, I am comforted, it is for your 
consolation,’ because I know that as you partake of my sufferings, so you 


1 St. Paul has given us the following par- 
ticulars to determine the date of this Epis- 
tle: — 

(1.) He had been exposed to great danger 
in Proconsular Asia, é. e. at Ephesus (2 Cor. 
i.8). This had happened Acts xix. 28-41. 

(2.) He had come thence to Troas, and 
(after some stay there) had passed over to 
Macedonia. This was the route he took, Acts 
xx. 1. 

(8.) He was in Macedonia at the time of 
Writing (2 Cor. ix. 2, the verb is in the present 
tense), and intended (2 Cor. xiii. 1) shortly to 
visit Corinth. This was the course of his 
journey, Acts xx. 2. 

(4.) The same collection is going on which 
is mentioned in 1 Cor. (see 2 Cor. viii. 6, and 
2 Cor. ix. 2); and which was completed during 
his three months’ visit to Corinth (Rom. xv. 
26), and taken up to Jerusalem immediately 
after, Acts xxiv. 17. 


(5.) Some of the other topics mentioned in 
1 Cor. are again referred to, especially the 
punishment of the incestuous offender, in such 
a manner as to show that no long interval had 
elapsed since the first Epistle. 

2 For the translation here, see the reasons 
given in the note on 1 Thess. i. 2. It is evi- 
dent here that St. Paul considers himself alone 
the writer, since Timotheus was not with him 
during the danger in Asia; and, moreover, he 
uses “1” frequently, interchangeably with 
“we” (see verse 23); and when he includes 
others in the “we ” he specifies it, as in verse 
19. See, also, other proofs in the note on vi. 
11. 

3 Compare Col. i. 24. 

* This is the order given by the MS. an- 
thorities. 

5 Here we follow Griesbach’s text, on the 
authority of the Alexandrian and other MSS., 
and on grounds of context. 


i. 3 


11 


12 


13 


14 


15 


16 


486 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8ST. PAUL. 











partake also of my comfort. For I would have you know, brethren, con 
cerning the tribulation which befell me in the province of Asia,’ that 
was exceedingly pressed down by it beyond my strength to bear, so as r 
despair even of life. Nay, by my own self I was already doomed to 
death ; that I might rely no more upon myself, but upon God who raises 
tne dead to life; who delivered me from a death so grievous, and do 
yet deliver me; in whom I have hope that He will still deliver me for 
the time to come; you also helping me by your supplications for me, that 
thanksgivings may from many tongues be offered up on my behalf, for 
the blessing gained to me by many prayers.’ 
For this is my boast, the testimony of my conscience, that I 
have dealt with the world, and above all with you, in godly sation of | 
honesty and singleness of mind,’ not in the strength of carnal is: 
wisdom, but in the strength of God’s grace. For I write nothing else 
you but what you read openly,‘ yea, and what you acknowledge inwardly 
and I hope that even to the end you will acknowledge,’ as some of you 
have already acknowledged, that I am your boast, even as you are mine, 


Self-defence 
net J 


in the day of the Lord Jesus.’ 


And in this confidence it was my wish to come first® to 
you, that [afterwards] you might have a second benefit; and 
to go by you into Macedonia, and back again from Macedonia 


1 It has been questioned whether St. Paul 
here refers to the Ephesian tumult of Acts 
xix.; and it is urged that he was not then in 
danger of his life. But had he been found by 
the mob during the period of their excitement, 
there can be little doubt that he would have 
been torn to pieces, or perhaps thrown to wild 
beasts in the Arena; and it seems improbable 
that within so short a period he should again 
have been exposed to peril of his life in the 
same place, and that nothing should have been 
said of it in the Acts. Some commentators 
have held (and the view has been ably advo- 
cated by Dean Alford) that St. Paul refers to 
2 dangerous attack of illness. With this 
opinion we so far agree that we believe St. 
Paul to have been suffering from bodily illness 
when he wrote this Epistle. See the prelimi- 
nary remarks above. St. Paul’s statement here 
that he was “ self-doomed to death” certainly 
looks very like a reference to a very dangerous 
‘iiness, in which he had despaired of recovery. 


2 Literally, that from many persons the gif 
given to me by means of many may have the 
returned for it on my behalf. 

® St. Paul here alludes to his opponen 
who accused him of dishonesty and incons 
tency in his words and deeds. From wh 
follows, it seems that he had been suspected — 
of writing privately to some individuals im 
the church, in a different strain from that of — 
his public letters to them. 

* The word properly means you read- ale 
viz. when the Epistles of St. Paul were pub 
licly read to the congregation. Compare | 
Thess. v. 27. ¥, 

§ There is a play upon the words here 
which it is difficult in English to imitate. ; 

® Compare chap. ii. 5, and Rom. xi. 25. _ 

7t.¢. the day when the Lord Jesus will 
come again. 
- § tLe. before visiting Macedonia. See p. 418 
note. 









SECOND KPISTLE LU THE CORINTHIANS, 487 





to you, and by you to be forwarded on my way to Judea. Am J accused, i. 1% 
then, of forming this purpose in levity and caprice? or is my purpose car- 

nal, to please all, by saying at once both yea and nay?! Yet as God 18 

is faithful, my words to you are? no [deceitful] mixture of yea and nay. 
For when the Son of God, Jesus Christ, was proclaimed among you by 19 
us (by me, I say, and Silvanus, and Timotheus), in Him was found no 
wavering between yea and nay, but in Him was yea alone; for all the 20 
promises of God have in Him the yea [which seals their truth]; where- 
fore also through Him the Amen [which acknowledges their fulfilment] 
is uttered to the praise of God by our voice.? But God is He who keeps 
both us and you steadfast to His anointed, and we also are anointed‘ by 
Him. And He has set His seal upon us, and has given us the Spirit to 22 


23 


21 


dwell in our hearts, as the earnest® of His promises. But for my® own 
part, I call God to witness, as my soul shall answer for it, that I gave up 
my purpose’ of visiting Corinth because I wished to spare you. I speak 
not® as though your faith was enslaved to my authority, but because I 


But I determined ” ii. 4 


desire to help your joy ;° for your faith is steadfast. 
not again" to visit you in grief; for if I cause you grief, who is there to 


cause me joy, but those whom I have grieved ? 


1 This translation (the literal English being, 
do I purpose my purposes carnally, that both yea, 
yea, and nay, nay, may be [ found] with me?) ap- 
pears to give the full force, as much as that of 
Chrysostom : “or must I hold to the purposes 
which I have formed from fleshly fear, lest I be 
accused of changing my yea into nay?” which is 
advocated by Winer, but which does not agree 
with the context. 

2 We follow here Lachmann, Tischendorf, 
and the best MSS. 

® In the present edition we have adopted 
Lachmann’s reading. The Amen was that in 
which the whole congregation joined at the 
close of the thanksgiving, as described in 1 
Cor. xiv. 16. It should also be remembered 
{as Canon Stanley observes), that it is the 
Hebrew of “‘yea.”’ 

* The commentators do not seem to have 
remarked here the verbal connection. [This 
has been noticed by Prof. Stanley, since the 
above was first published.] The anointing 
spoken of as bestowed on the Apostles was that 
grace by which they were qualified for their 
office. The “we” and “us” in verses 20, 


And for this very reason 


21, and 22, include Silvanus and Timotheus, 
as is expressly stated verse 19. 

5 Literally, the earnest money, i. e. asmall sum 
which was paid in advance, as the ratification 
of a bargain ; a custom which still prevails in 
many countries. The gift of the Holy Spirit 
in this life is said by St. Paul to be the earnest 
of their future inheritance ; he repeats the ex- 
pression 2 Cor. y. 5, and Eph. i. 14, and 
expresses the same thing under a different meta- 
phor Rom. viii. 23. 

5 The “1” here is emphatic. 

7 The A. V. “not yet” is a mistake for 
“no longer.” 

8 St. Paul adds this sentence to soften what 
might seem the magisterial tone of the preced- 
ing, in which he had implied his power to 
punish the Corinthians. 

9 7. e. I desire not to cause you sorrow, but 
to promote your joy. 

10 This can scarcely mean for my own sake, 
as Billroth and others propose to translate it. 

ll This alludes to the intermediate visit 
which St. Paul paid to Corinth. See p. 418, 
note. 


Ge be 


4.4 


18 


14 


488 


I wrote’ to you instead of coming, that I might not receive grief ro 
those who ought to give me joy; and I confide in you all that my joy 
For I wrote to you out of much affliction and anguish of hear 
with many tears; not to pain you, but that you might know the abu 


yours. 


dance of my love. - 


As concerns him? who has caused the pain, it is not me that Pardon of 
he has pained, but some of you;* [some, I say,] that I may person, 
not press too harshly upon all. For the offender‘ himself, this punis 
ment, which has been inflicted on him by the sentence of the majo: 
On the contrary, you ought rather 
forgive and comfort him, lest he should be overwhelmed by the excess ¢ 
Wherefore I beseech you fully to restore him to your le 
For the very end which I sought when I wrote before was to test you 
this matter, and learn whether you would be obedient in all things. Bi 
whomsoever you forgive, I forgive also; for whatever® I have forgiven 
I have forgiven on your account in the sight? of Christ, that we*® may nr 
be overreached by Satan ; for we are not ignorant of his devices. 

When I had come to Troas to publish the Glad-tidings of Cause of bi 
Christ, and a door was opened to me in the Lord, I had no rest 
in my spirit because I found not Titus my brother ; so that I pated fro 
them,’ and came from thence into Macedonia. But thanks be to God, w. 
leads me on from place to place in the train of his triumph, to celebra' 
his victory over the enemies of Christ;!° and by me sends ferth 


is sufficient without increasing it. 


his sorrow. 


17. e. the First Ep. Cor. 

2 Literally, “if any man has caused pain ;” 
a milder expression, which would not in Eng- 
lish bear so definite a meaning as it does in 
the Greek. 

® Such is the meaning according to the 
punctuation we adopt. For the sense of one 
phrase, see chap. i. 14, and Rom. xi. 25. 
With regard to the sentiment, St. Paul intends 
to say that not al] the Corinthian Church had 
been included in his former censure, but only 
that part of it which had supported the offend- 
er; and therefore the pain which the offender 
had drawn down on the Church was not 
inflicted on the whole Church, but only on 
that erring part of it. 

* The expression is used elsewhere for a 
definite offending individual. Compare Acts 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. | DHAP 















xxii. 22, and1 Cor. v. 5. It is not sdequate 
represented by the English “such a man.” 
5 Not “many” (A. V.); but the majo 
See, for the punishment, 1 Cor. v. 4. 
6 The best MSS. have the neuter, not t 
masculine. 

7 Compare Proverbs viii. 30 (LXX.} 
expression is used somewhat differently in 
iv. 6. \ 

8 The we of this verse appears to include 
the readers, judging from the change of pet 
son before and after. They would all b 
“overreached by Satan” if he robbed them 
a brother. 

® Namely, from the Christians of Troas. 

10 The verb here used (which is mistrans 
lated in A. V.) means to lead a man as captive 
in a triumphal procession; the fall phrase mean 





SECOND EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. 489 


knowledge of Him, a steam of fragrant incense, throughout the world. 
For Christ’s is the fragrance’ which I offer up to God, whether among 
those in the way of salvation,’ or among those in the way of perdition ; 
but to these it is an odor of death, to those of life.’ 

And [if some among you deny my sufficiency] who, then, 
is sufficient for these things? For I seek not profit (like 
most) ‘* by setting the word of God to sale,’ but I speak from 
a single heart, from the command of God, as in God’s pres- 
ence, and ‘in fellowship with Christ. Will you say that lam 
again beginning to commend myself? Or think you that I 
need letters of commendation (like some other men) either to you, or 
from you? Nay, ye are yourselves my letter of commendation, a letter 
written on® my heart, known and read? by all mer; a letter* coming 
manifestly from Christ, and committed to my charge; written not with 
ink, but with the Spirit of the living God; not upon tablets of stone,* 
but upon the fleshly tablets of the heart. But through Christ have I 
this confidence ” before God; not thinking myself sufficient to gain wis- 
dom by my own reasonings,” as if it came from myself, but drawing my 
sufficiency from God. For He it is who has made me suffice for the 


Defence of 
the manner 
in which he 
discharged 


that of the 
Mosaic dis- 
pensation. 


to lead captive in a triumph over the enemies of 
Christ. The metaphor is taken from the tri- 
umphal procession of a victorious general. 
God is celebrating His triumph over His ene- 
mies; St. Paul (who had been so great an op- 
ponent of the Gospel) is a captive following in 
the train of the triumphal procession, yet (at 
the same time, by a characteristic change of 
metaphor) an incense-bearer, scattering in- 
cense (which was always done on these occa- 
sions) as the procession moves on. Some of 
the conquered enemies were put to death 
when the procession reached*the Capitol; to 
them the smell of the incense was “an odor of 
death unto death;” to the rest who were 
spared, “ an odor of life unto life.” The meta- 
phor appears to have been a favorite one with 
St. Paul; it occurs again Col. ii. 15. 

1 Literally, Christ’s fragrance am I, unto God. 

2 Not “who are saved” (A. V.). See note 
on 1 Cor. i. 18. 

8 Literally, to these it is an odor of death, end- 
tng in death ; to those an edor of life, eading in 
ife. 


* The mistranslation “ many ” (A.V.) ma- 
terially alters the sense. He evidently alludes 
to his antagonists at Corinth; see p. 483, and 
xi. 13. 

5 Literally, to sell by retail, including a notion 
of fraud in the selling. Compare the similar 
imputations against his Judaizing adversaries 
in 1 Thess. ii. 3. 

§ It is possible that in using the plural here 
St. Paul meant to include Timotheus; yet as 
this supposition does not agree well with the 
context, it seems better to suppose it used 
merely to suit the plural form of the pro- 
noun. 

7 The paronomasia cannot well be here imi- 
tated in English. Compare i. 14. 

3 Literally, being manifestly shown to be a letter 
of Christ conveyed by my ministration. 

9 Like the law of Moses. 

10 Viz. of his sufficiency. Compare ii. 16; 
iii. 5, 6. 

ll Literally, to reach any conclusion by my own 
reason 


11.18 


16 
1? 


iti. J 


ii. 7 


496 THE LIVE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 












ministration of a new covenant, a covenant not of letter, but of spi it 
for the letter kills,’ but the spirit makes the dead to live. Yet ifs 
glory was shed upon the ministration of the law of death (a law writte 
in letters, and graven upon stones),? so that the sons of Israel could noi 
fix their eyes on the face of Moses, for the glory of his countenance, 
although its brightness was soon to fade ;* how far more glorious mus 
For if the ministration -of doom hac 
glory, far more must the ministration of righteousness abound in glory. 
Yea, that which then was glorious has no glory now, because of * the sur- 
passing glory wherewith it is compared. Yor if a glory shone upon that 


the ministration of the spirit be ! 


which was doomed to pass away, much more doth glory rest® upon thai 


which remains forever. 


1 For the meaning, compare Rom. vii. 9- 
1l 


ters, graven upon stones, was born in glory. 

8 See note on 1 Cor. ii. 6. 

* The whole of this contrast between the 
glory of the new andthe old dispensations 
appears to confirm the hypothesis that St. 
Paul’s chief antagonists at Corinth were of the 
Judaizing party. 

5 Literally, for that which has been glorified in 
this particular has not been glorified, because of the 
glory which surpasses it. 

6 « Rest ypon — Shine upon.” The preposi- 
tions in the original give this contrast. 

7 See Exod. xxxiv. 35. St. Paul here (as 
usual) blends the allegorical with the historical 
view of the passage referred to in the Old Tes- 
tament. 


Therefore, having this hope, I speak and ae 
without disguise ; and not like Moses, who spread a veil over his fe oe, 
that? the sons of Israel might not see the end of that fading brightness. 
But their minds were blinded ; yea, to this day, when they read in thei 
synagogues ® the ancient covenant, the same veil rests thereon, nor ® can 
they see beyond it that the law is done away in Christ; but even now, 
when Moses is read in their hearing, a veil” lies upon their heart. 
6,17 But when their heart turns to the Lord, the veil is rent away." No 
the Lord is the Spirit; and where the Spirit of the Lord abides, the 
18 bondage gives place to freedom; and we all, while with face unveiled 
we behold in a mirror the glory of the Lord, are ourselves transformed 


2 Literally, of the ministration of death tn let- 
















* In their synagogues is implied in the te: 
used here. Compare Acts xv. 21. 
® We take the phrase absolutely ; literally, 
tt being not unveiled [i. e. not revealed to them] the 
it [the ancient covenant] is done away in Christ. 
“Done away ”’ is predicated, not of the veil, bu 
of the old covenant. Compare the preceding 
verse and verses 7 and 11. 
10 Perhaps there may be here an allusion t 
the Tallith, which (if we may assume this p 
tice to be as old as the apostolic age) was wo’ 
in the synagogue by every worshipper, and wai 
literally a veil hanging down over the breast 
See p. 154, and compare the note on 1 Cor 
xi. 4, 
UU Alluding to Exod. xxxiv. 34, where it is 
said, “ When Moses went in before the Lord, 
he rent away the veil.” The most natural 
subject of the verb “turn” is “heart.” 





: aan avo. SECOND EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. 49} 


‘continually 1 into the same likeness; and the glory which shines upon 
us? is reflected by us, even as it proceeds fram the Lord, the Spirit. 

Therefore having this ministration,’ I discharge it with no faint-hearted 
fears, remembering the mercy which I‘ reeeived. I have renounced the 
secret dealings of shame, I walk not in the paths of cunning, I adulter- 
ate not the word of God; but openly setting forth the truth, as in the 
sight of God, I commend myself to the conscience of all men. But if 
there be still a veil® which hides my Glad-tidings from some who hear 
me, it is among those’ who are in the way of perdition; whose unbeliev- 
‘ing minds the God of this world * has blinded, and shut out the glorious 
light of the Glad-tidings of Christ, who is the image of God. For I pro- 
claim not myself, but Christ Jesus as Lord and Master,® and myself your 
bondsman for the sake of Jesus. For God, who called forth light out of 
darkness, has caused His light to shine in my heart, that [upon others 
also] might shine forth the knowledge of His glory manifested in the face 





of Jesus Christ.” 


In sickness 

and in danger 

his strengt 

is from the 

wer of 

Yhrist, and 

the hope of 

eteraai life, 


But this treasure is lodged in a body of fragile clay," that so 
the surpassing might [which accomplishes the work] should be 
God’s, and not my own. I am hard pressed, yet not crushed ; 
perplexed, yet not despairing ; persecuted, yet not forsaken ; 


struck down, yet not destroyed.” In my body I bear about continually 
the dying of Jesus, that in my body the life also of Jesus might be 


1 The tense is present. 

2 “From glory” indicates the origin of 
this transformation, viz. the glery shining on us ; 
“To glory,” tho effect: viz. the reflection of 
that glory by us. For the metaphor, compare 
1 Cor. xiii. 12, and note. We observe in both 
passages that even the representation of divine 
truth given us by Christianity is only a re- 


Slection of tre reality. 
8 Viz, “the ministration of the Spirit.” 
(ili. 8.) 


* Viz. in his conversion from a state of Jew- 
ish unbelief. 

5 St. Paul plainly intimates here (as he 
openly states xi. 17) that some othe: teachers 
were liable to these charges. See also ii. 17, 
and the note. 

§ In the participle used here, there is a refer- 
ence to the preceding word “ veil.” 

7 Compare ii. 15, 16. 


® See note on 1 Cor. i. 20. 

» “Lord ” is the correlative of “slave” here; 
compare Eph. vi. 5. 

10 For the meaning of “shine forth,” com- 
pare verse 4. 

11 The whole of this passage, from this 
point to chap. v. 10, shows (as we have before 
observed) that St. Paul was suffering from 
bodily illness when he wrote. See also chap. 
xii. 7-9. 

12 Observe the force of the present tense of 
all these participles, implying that the state of 
things described was constantly going on. 

18 “Lord” is not found in the best MSS. 
The word translated “dying” here (as Prof. 
Stanley observes) is properly the deadness of a 
corpse ; a8 though St. Paui would say, “my bedy 
is no better than a corpse; yet @ corpse which 
shares the life-giving power ef Christ's resurrec- 
tion,” 


16 


12 
13 
14 


15 


16 
17 


492 






the sake of Jesus, that in my dying flesh the life whereby Jesus coi 
quered death ' might show forth its power. 

So, then, death working in me works life? in you. Yet having 
same spirit of faith whereof it is written “ 9 belicbed, and there J 
bid J speak,” * I also believe, and therefore speak. For I know tha 
He who raised the Lord Jesus from the dead shall raise me also 
Jesus, and shall call me into His presence together with you; for al 
[my sufferings] are on your behalf, that the mercy which has abounde 
above them all might call forth your thankfulness; that so the fulne; 
of praise might be poured forth to God, not by myself alone, but mu 
plied by many voices.‘ Wherefore I faint not; but though my outwar 
man decays, yet my inward man is renewed from day to day. Fo 
light afflictions, which last but for a moment, work for me a weight o 


glory, immeasurable and eternal. Meanwhile I look not to things see! 
but to things unseen: for the things that are seen pass away; but # 
things that are unseen endure forever. : 


with earnest longings, desiring to cover* my earthly raiment with 
Cif, indeed, I shall be found? still clad i 


robes of my heavenly mansion. 


1 Literally, the life, as well as the death, of 
Jesus. é 
2 Literally, while death works in me, life works 
in you. JI.e. the mortal peril to which St. 
Paul exposed himself was the instrument of 
bringing spiritual life to his converts. 

8 Ps. cxvi. 10 (LXX.). 

* The literal translation would be, that the 
favor which has abounded might, threugh the 
thanksgiving of the greater number, overflow to 
the praise of God. This takes the preposition 
as governing “thanksgiving” and the verb as 
intransitive ; and it must be remembered that 
this verb is used twenty-six times by St. Paul, 
and only three times transitively. If, how- 
ever, we make it transitive here, the sense will 
be, might by means of the greater number cause 
the thanksgiving to overflow, §c.; which does 
not materially alter the sense. Compare the 
similar sentiment at chap. i. 11. 

5 The shifting tent is here opposed to endur- 


Yea, I know that if the 








ing mansion ; the vile body of flesh and blood, 
the spiritual body of the glorified saint. 

6 There is much force in “clothe upon” a 
distinguished from “clothe.” 

7 Literally, “ If indeed I shall be found cla 
and not stripped of my clothing ;” i. e. “Tf, a 
the Lord’s coming, I shall be found still livin 
in the flesh.” We know from other passage 
that it was a matter of uncertainty with S 
Paul whether he should survive to behold the 
second coming of Christ or not. Compare 
1 Thess. iv. 15, and 1 Cor. xy. 51. So, in the 
next verse, he expresses his desire that hi 
fleshly body should be transformed into @ 
spiritual body, without being “unclad” 
death. The metaphor of “nakedness” 
combined with “ tent”? seems suggested by 
oriental practice of striking the tent very ei 
in the morning, often before the travellers art 
dressed. So we read in M‘Cheyne’s account 
of his journey through the desert, ‘“ When 





SECOND EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. 495 


my fleshly garment.) For we who are dwelling in the tent groan and v.4 
are burdened ; not desiring to put off our [earthly] clothing, but to put 
over it [our heavenly] raiment, that this our dying nature might be swal- 
lowed up by life. And He whe has prepared me for this very end is God, 5 
who has given me the Spirit as the earnest of my hope. Therefore, I am 
ever of good courage, knowing that while my home is in the body, I am 

‘in banishment from the Lord ; (for I walk by faith, not by sight). Yea,7, 8 
my heart fails me not, but I would gladly suffer banishment from the 
body, and have my home with Christ.'_ Therefore I strive earnestly that, 9 
whether in banishment or at home, I may be pleasing in His sight. For 16 
we must all be made manifest ? without disguise before the judgment-seat 
of Christ, that each may receive according to that which he has done in 
the body, either good or evil. 


Spe Knowing therefore the fearfulness of the Lord’s judgment, 11 

of ie respon- though I seek to win men,’ yet my uprightness is manifest in 

Christ, whose the sight of God ; and I hope also that it is manifested by the 

basen" witness of your consciences. I write not thus to repeat my 12 
=e 

Bia whole” own commendation,‘ but that I may furnish you with a ground 

cd of boasting on my behalf, that you may have an answer for 


those whose boasting is in the outward matters of sight, not in the inward 
possessions of the heart. For if I be mad,’ it is for God’s cause; if 13 
sober, it is for yours. For the love of Christ constrains me, because I 14 
thus have judged,® that if one died for all, then all died [in Him];* and 15 
that He died for all, that the living might live no longer to themselves, 
but to Him, who, for their sakes, died and rose again.° 


morning began to dawn, our tents were taken 
down. Often we have found ourselves shelter- 
less before being fully dressed.” (Life of 
M‘Chayne, p. 92.) It should be observed that 
the original denotes simply dressed, clad, the an- 
tithesis to naked. Prof. Stanley’s translation, 
“im the hope that after having put on our 
heavenly garment we shall be found not naked, 
but clothed,” involves a paralogism, being tan- 
tamount to saying, “in the hope that after 
having clothed ourselves we shall be found to 
haye clothed ourselves.” 
-} Literally, the Lord. 
2 The translation in the Authorized Ver- 
sion is incorrect. 
5 He was accused by the Judaizers of “ try- 


ing to win men,” and “ trying to please men.” 
See Gal. i. 10, and the note. 

* This alludes to the accusation of vanity 
brought against him by his antagonists; com- 
pare iii. 1. 

® i.e. if I exalt myself (his opponents called 
him beside himself with vanity), wz ts for God’s 
cause; if I humble myself, it is for your sakes. 

® Or perhaps “JZ thus judged, viz. at the 
time of my conversion;” if we suppose the 
aorist used in its strict sense. 

7 The original cannot mean ail were dead 
(A. V.), butall died. The death of all for whom 
He died, was virtually involved in His death. 

5 The best commentary on the 14th and 
15th verses is Gal. ii. 20. 


= 


v.16 


17 


18 


19 


20 


21 


We 


~ 


494 


I* therefore, from henceforth, view no man carnally; yea, the ol 
my view of Christ was carnal, yet now it is no longer carnal. 
ever, then, is in Christ, is a new creation; his old being has passed ay 
and behold, all has become new. But all comes from God, for He i 
who reconciled me to Himself by Jesus Christ, and charged me with 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8T. PAUL. 








+ 


ministry of reconciliation ; for* God was in Christ reconciling the we 


to Himself, reckoning their sins no more against them, and hay 
ordained me to speak the word of reconciliation. Therefore I am 
ambassador for Christ, as though God exhorted you by my voice; 
Christ’s stead I beseech you, be ye reconciled to God. For Himw 
knew no sin God struck with the doom of sin‘ on our behalf; that 
vi 1 might be changed into the righteousness of God in Christ. oreover, 
working * together with Him, I also exhort you, that the grace which ; 
have received from God be not in vain. For He saith: “ J : 
thee in an acceptable time, and in the day of salvation babe J si 
cored thee.”* Behold, now is the acceptable time ; behold; a 


day of salvation. 


For I take heed to give no cause of stumbling, lest blame 
should be cast on the ministration wherein I serve; but in all 














things I commend myself‘ as one who ministers to God’s ser- uty, 
vice; in steadfast endurance, in afflictions, in necessities, in #-cHens 


straitness of distress, in stripes, in imprisonments, in tumults, in | 
in sleepless watchings, in hunger and thirst; in purity, in kno ge, 
long-suffering, in kindness, in [the gifts of] the Holy Spirit, in k 
unfeigned ; speaking the word of truth, working with the power of G 
fighting with the weapons of righteousness, both for attack and for 


1 The pronoun is emphatic. 

2 We agree with Billroth, Neander, and De 
Wette, that this cannot refer to any actual 
knowledge which St. Paul had of our Lord 
when upon earth; it would probably have 
been “ Jesus” had that been meant; moreover, 
the preceding phrase does not refer to personal 
knowledge, but to a carnal estimate. For other 
reasons against such an interpretation, see 
p. 62 St. Paul’s view of Christ was carnal 
when he looked (like other Jews) for a Messiah 


who should be an earthly conqueror. 


® “ To wit that,” “ because that,” pleonastic. 


= 
















* The word “sin ” is used, for the 
paralielism with the “ righteousness ” which 
lows. God made Christ “Sin” that we m 
be made “ Righteousness.” 

-5 See note on 1 Cor.iii.9. J alse 
fen to the resting, hgh Gl 

* Is, xlix. 8 (LX 

v7 Am sllusion appcunnia 
myself” and the “ 
iii. 1; as though he said, J commend 
by word, but by ded, [The stress is 
“myself” here, as in the former case. 
order of the word shows this. — u.] 


saP. XVOL SECOND EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. 495 


efence; through good report and evil, through honor and through % 
ifamy ; counted as a deceiver, yet being true; as unknown [by men], 9% 
et acknowledged! [by God]; as ever dying, yet behold I live; as chas- 
med by suffering, yet not destroyed; as sorrowful, yet ever filled with 10 
oy ; as poor, yet making many rich; as having nothing, yet possessing 

il things. 

Corinthians, my? mouth has opened itself to you freely,—my heart 1; 
_ enlarged towards you. You find no narrowness in my love, but the 12 
arrowness is in your own. I pray you therefore in return for my affec- 12 
on (1 speak as to my children), let your hearts be opened in like 
yanner. 
shortation Cease to yoke yourselves unequally in ill-matched inter- 14 
“yc'the course with unbelievers ; for what fellowship has righteousness 
wn all fel with unrighteousness? what communion has light with dark- 15 
lathen vice. ness? what concord has Christ with Belial? what partnership 
as a believer with an unbeliever? what agreement has the temple of 1¢ 
‘od with idols? For ye are yourselves a temple of the living God, as . 
‘od said: “ J twill divell in them, and toalk in them, and J will be 
itir God, ard they shall be my people.”* Wherefore, “‘ Come 17 
at from among them and be ye separate, saith the Pord, and touch 
ot the unclean thing, and J twill recetbe gou-”* And “3 twill be 18 
nto pou a father, and pou shall be my sons and daughters, saith 
te Zord Almighty.”*° Having therefore these promises, my beloved, yi. 1 
it us cleanse ourselves from every defilement, either of flesh or spirit, 
ad perfect our holiness, in the fear of God 
iaon * Give me a favorable hearing. I have wronged no man,I 92 


cthe 


“tee fom have ruined’ no man,I have defrauded no man; I say not 3g 


1 For the meaning, see 1 Cor. xiii. 12. and Jer. xxxi. 9, and xxxii. 38, contain the sub- 
7 Observe, as a confirmation of previous re- stance of it St. Paul, as usual, quotes from 
arks as to St. Paul’s use of the singularand memory. 

_ gral pronouns, verses 11, 18; also vii. 2, 3,-4. ® It is not impossible that the preceding part 
) 5 Levit. xxvi. 11, 12 (according to LXX., of the Epistle may have been written, as Wiese- 
_ 11th slight varistions). ler supposes, before the coming of Titus. See 
* Isaiah ii. 11 (according to LXX., with al- above, p.483,n.1. But the opening words of 
_ tations); the words “‘I will receive you” not _this section are obviously connected with verses 
_ mg either ia the LEX. or the Hebrew there, 12, 13, of the preceding chapter. The section 
' ugh found in Ezek. xx. 34. from vi. 14 to vii. 1 is entirely unconnected with 
© This passage is not to be found exactlyin what precedes and follows it. 

© Old Testament, although 2 Sam. vii. 14, 7 St. Paul appears frequently te use the 


i 


12 


496 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. CHAP. 



















this to condemn you [as though I had myself been wronged by you], f 
I have said before that I have you in my heart, to live and die with you 
Great is my freedom towards you, great is my boasting of you; I ar 
filled with the comfort which you have caused me; I have more than 2 
overweight of joy for all the affliction which has befallen me. Whe 
first I came into Macedonia my flesh had no rest, but I was troubled ¢ 
every side; without were fightings, within were fears. But God, wh 
comforts them that are cast down, comforted me by the coming of Titus 
and not by his coming only, but by the comfort which he felt on yout 
account, and the tidings which he brought of your longing for my love 
your mourning for my reproof, your zeal for my cause; so that my s 
row has been turned into joy. For though I grieved you in my lette 
I do not regret it; but though I did regret it (for 1 see that grief wa 
caused you by that letter, though but for a season), I now rejoice ; no 
because you were grieved, but because your grief led you to reper 
ance ;? for the grief I caused you was a godly sorrow; so that I might 
nowise harm you [even when I grieved you]. For the work of god 

sorrow is repentance not to be repented of, leading to salvation ; but 
work of worldly sorrow is death. Consider what was wrought amon 
yourselves when you were grieved with a godly sorrow; what earnest 
ness it wrought in you, yea, what eagerness to clear yourselves fi 
blame, what indignation’ what fear,‘ what longing,’ what zeal,° wha 
punishment of wrong. You have cleared yourselves altogether frox 
every stain of guilt in this matter. Know, therefore, that although 


same tense has to serve the purpose both a 


original word in this sense (compare 1 Cor. 
aorist and perfect. See note on Rom. vy. 5 


iii. 17), and not in the ordinary meaning of 


corrupt. We may remark here, that there is no 
need to suppose these aorists used aoristically 
(as they would be in classical Greek), since St. 
Paul constantly used the aorist for the perfect. 
Eyen those commentators who are most anx- 
ious to force upon the Hellenistic of the New 
Testament the nice observance of this classical 
distinction, are obliged sometimes to give up 
their consistency and translate the aorist as per- 
fect. In fact, the aorist is continually joined 
with “now” (e.g. Matt. xxvi. 65; John xiii. 
31; Rom. xi. 31; Eph. iii. 5), which is of course 
decisive. 
be this ambiguity in the Hellenistic use of 
Greek tenses, considering that in Latin the 


It is not wonderful that there should - 


[See note on Gal. ii. 10. This grammatic 
question is discussed in the Cambridge Jow 
of Classical and Sacred Philology. — #.| 

1 Viz. 1 Cor., unless we adopt the hypothesis 
that another letter had been written in the im 
terval, according to the view mentioned p. 7 
n. 2. 

2 The text of the whole passage, ad 
adopted, is the same as that of Prof. Stanley, 
but punctuated differently. ‘ 

3 Indignation against the offender. h 

* Fear of the wrath of God. 

6 Longing for restoration to St. Paul’s 
proval and love. 

8 Zeal on behalf of right, and against wromll 






a 


is 


we 


HAP, XV. SECOND EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. 497 


rrote to [rebuke] you, it was not so much to punish the wrong-doer, nor 
© avenge him! who suffered the wrong, but that my earnest zeal fur you 
n the sight of God might be manifest to yourselves.’ 

This, therefore, is the ground of my comfort; but* besides my conso- 
ation on your account, I was beyond measure rejoiced by the joy of 
Titus, because his spirit has been refreshed by you all. For whatever 
yoast of you I may have made to him, I have not been put to shame. 
But as all I ever said to you was spoken in truth, so also my boasting of 
jou to Titus has been proved a truth. And his heart is more than ever 
lrawn towards you, while he calls to mind the obedience of you all, and 
he fear and trembling ‘* wherewith you received him. I rejoice that in 
ll things you give me ground for courage.° . 


Biatrection: 
directions 
oncerning 
he collection 
or the 2 heed 
Yhristians in 
jerusalem. 8 


of God’s grace, which has been given in * the churches of Mace- 
donia. 


For in the heavy trial which has proved their stead- 
fastness, the fulness of their joy has overflowed, out of the 
jepth of their poverty, in the richness of their liberality.’ 
given C1 bear them witness) not only according to their means, but beyond 
heir means, and that of their own free will; for they besought me with 


They have 


uch entreaty that they might bear their part® in the grace of ministering 
jo the saints. And far beyond my hope, they gave their very selves to the 
rd first, and to me also, by the will of God. So that I have desired 
itus [to revisit you], that as he caused you to begin this work before, so 
le may lead you to finish it, that this grace may not be wanting ° in you; 











1 Viz. the father of the offender. We need 5 The great importance attached by St. Paul 


% be perplexed at his wife’s forming another 
mnection during his lifetime, when we con- 
ider the great laxity of the law of divorce 
ong the Greeks and Romans. 

2 Tf we adopt the other reading (which 
sposes “you” and “us ”), it will give the 
, that your zeal for me might be manifested te 
rselves; which might be perhaps another 
ough an obscure) way of saying, in order te 












ceive how the majority felt for me. 
_* The reading of the best MSS. gives this 


_* For the meaning of this phrase, see 1 Cor. 
3. 
} 32 


to this collection, as manifested in the present 
section of this Epistle, may be explained not 
merely by his desire to fulfil his share of the 
agreement mentioned, Gal. ii. 10, but also by 
his hope that such a practical proof of his love 
would reconcile the Judaizing Christians at 
Jerusalem to himself and his Gentile converts. 
See the conclusion of our preceding chapter. 

® The original here cannot mean “ bestowed 
on” (A. V.). 

7 See note on 2 Cor. ix. 11. 

8 The omission here is required by the best 
MSS. 

® Literally, this grace ae well as ether graces. 


14 


15 


1¢ 


I desire, brethren, to make known to you the manifestation viii.l 


10 


ll 


18 


19 


498 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. “omar. 3 


but.that, as you abound in all gifts, in faith and utterance, and kno 
edge, and earnest zeal, and in the love which joins! your hearts wit 
mine, so you may abound in this grace also. I say not this by way of 
command ; but by the zeal of others I would prove the reality of you 
love. For you know the grace of our Lord Jesus Christ, how, though 













He was rich, yet for our sakes He became poor, that you, by His poverty 
might be made rich. And I give you my advice in this matter ; for i 
becomes you to do thus, inasmuch as you began not only the contribution 
but the purpose of making it, before others,’ in the year which is passe 
Now, therefore, fulfil your purpose by your deeds, that as you the 
showed your readiness of will, so now you may finish the work, accordir 
For if there be a willing mind, the® gift is acceptabl 
when measured by the giver’s power, and needs not to go beyond. No 
[is this collection made] that others may be eased, and you distressed, hb 
to make your burdens equal, that as now your abundance supplies the’ 


to your means. 


need, your own need may [at another time] be relieved in equal measur 
by their abundance, as it is written, —“‘ Be that gathered much be 
nothing ober; and be that gathered little bad no lack.”* 
thanks be to God, by whose gift the heart of Titus has the same zeal 
my own on your behalf; for he not only has consented to my desire, 
is himself very zealous in the matter, and departs’ to you of his ow 
accord. And I have sent as his companion the brother who is with hix 
whose praise in publishing the Glad-tidings ® is spread throughout all th 
churches ; who has moreover been chosen by the churches [of Mace 

nia] to accompany me in my journey (when I bear this gift, which I ha 


1 If we follow the Received Text, this is, lit- 
erally, the love which springs from you and dwells 
in me; if with Lachmann’s text we transpose 
the pronouns, it will be, the love which I have 
awakened in your hearts. [{Lachmann’s second 
edition returns to the Received Text. — x.] 

2 “ Began before ;” viz. before the Macedo- 
nian churches. The meaning is that the Co- 
rinthians had been the first not only to make 
the collection, but to propose it. 

8 Literally, zt ts acceptable according to that 
which it possesses, not that which it possesses not. 

* Exodus xvi. 18, quoted according to LXX. 
The subject is the gathering of the manna. 

5 The tense in the original is past. because 









the act is looked upon, according to the 
cal idiom, from the position of the reader. 
6 The word here cannot refer, as some b 


sixty times in St. Paul’s writings, and sixte 
times in the other books), but never once i 
the supposed sense. Who the deputy hi 
mentioned was we have no means of ascerts 
ing. Probably, however, he was either Lr 
(Acts xx. 6), or one of those, not Macedonia 
(ix. 4), mentioned Acts xx. 4; and possih 
may have been Trophimus. See Acts xxi 2! 
We may notice the coincidence between # 
phrase here and in Acts xix. 29. 


7. SECOND EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. 





499 


Miideriaken to administer) ; that the Lord might be glorified, and that? I 
might undertake the task with more good will. For I guard myself 
against all suspicion which might be cast upon me in my administration 
of this bounty with which I am charged; being “ probident of good 
report” not only “in ihe sight of ihe Bord,” but also ‘‘in the sight 
of men.” The brother* whom I have sent likewise with them is one 
whom I have put to the proof in many trials, and found always zealous 
in the work, but who is now yet more zealous from the full trust which 
he hasin you. Concerning Titus, then (on the one hand), he is partner 
of my lot, and fellow-laborer with me for your good ; concerning our 
brethren (on the other hand), they are ambassadors of the churches — 
a manifestation of the glory of Christ. Show them, therefore, the proof 
of your love, and justify my boasting on your behalf, in the sight of the 


20 


21 


28 


24 


churches.‘ For of your ministration to the saints [at Jerusalem] it is ix.! 


needless that I should write to you; since I know the forwardness of your 
mind, and boast of it to the Macedonians on your behalf, saying that 
Achaia has been ready ever since last year; and the knowledge of your 
zeal has roused the most of them. But I have sent the brethren, lest 
my report of you in this matter should be turned ito an empty boast ; 
that you may be truly ready, as I declared you to be. Lest, perchance, 


| the Macedonians who may come with me to visit you should find you not 
| yet ready, and so shame should fall upon me (for I will not say upon you) 


in this ground of my boasting. Therefore, 1 thought it needful to desire 
these brethren to visit you before my coming, and to arrange beforehand 













1 The reading of the best MSS. gives the 
sense as follows, — to promote my willingness of 
mind, i. e. to render me more willing to undertake 
| the administration of the alms, which St. Paul 
would have been unwilling to do without coad- 
jators elected by the contributors, lest he should 

incur unworthy suspicions. 
|  Thequotation is from Prov. iii. 4 (LXX.), 
tited also Rom. xii. 17. 

® There is even less to guide us in our con- 
seetures as to the person here indicated than 
in the case of the other deputy mentioned 
above. Here, also, the emissary was elected 
by some of the Churches who had contributed to 
| the collection. He may have been either Luke, 
|| Gains, Tychicus, or Trophimus (Acts xx. 4). 


i 


| the completion of this bounty which you before promised to have in 


* “To them” is contrasted with “to the 
saints ” in the following verse ; the connection 
being, Show kindness to the deputies; for as to 
the collection, I need not ask you to show zeal 
Sor that, &c. The “and” in the last clause is 
omitted by all the best MSS. 

5 Viz. Titus and the other two. 

® Literally the word means, the groundwork 
on which some superstructure is founded. His 
appeal to the Macedonians was grounded on 
this readiness of the Corinthians. If (with 
the best MSS.) we omit “of my boasting,” 
the meaning will be unaltered. Compare xi. 
17, and note on Heb. iii. 14. 


2 


16 


11 


12 


13 


14 


15 


x.1 


500 


readiness ; so it be really given by your bounty, not wrung from you 
covetousness. But remember, he! who sows sparingly shall reap spari 
ly; and he who sows bountifully shall reap bountifully. 
according to the free choice of his heart ; not grudgingly, or of necessity 
for “ Gov lobeth a cheerful giber.”? And God is able to give you ar 
overflowing measure of all good gifts, that all your wants of every xin 
may be supplied at all times, and you may give of your abundance te 
every good work. As it is written, — “ The good man bath scatter 

abroad, be bath giben to the poor; bis righteousness remainett 
forever.”* And He who furnisheth “seed to the sofer, and bree 

for the food of man,” * will furnish’ you with plenteous store of seed 
and bless your righteousness with fruits of increase ; being enriched with 
all good things, that you may give ungrudgingly ; * causing thanksgivi 
to God from? those to whom I bear your gifts. For the ministration © 
this service not only fills up the measure of the necessities of the saints 
but also overflows beyond it, in many thanks to God; while they ® prais 
God for the proof thus given of the obedience wherewith you have con 
sented to the Glad-tidings of Christ, and for the single-mindedness of you 
liberality both to them, and to all. Moreover, in their prayers for you 
they express the earnest longings of their love towards you, caused by th 
surpassing grace of God manifested in you. Thanks be to God for 


unspeakable gift ! 


Now I, Paul, myself exhort you by the meekness and 
gentleness of Christ— (1, who am mean, forsooth, and lowly tervices 


1 The same expression occurs Gal. vi. 7. 

2 Prov. xxii. 8 (according to LXX., with 
slight variation). 

8 Ps. exii. 9 (LXX.). The subject of the 
verb “scattered ” in the psalm is “the good 
man” (in the fifth verse), which St. Paul 
leaves to be supplied by the memory of his 
readers. To represent the quotation accurate- 
ly to an English reader, it is necessary to insert 
this word, otherwise it would seem as if 
“God” were the subject of the verb. 

+ These words are an exact quotation from 
Isaiah lv. 10 (LXX.). Ignorance of this fact 
has caused an inaccuracyin A. V. The literal 
translation of the remainder of the verse is, — 
“ Furnish and make plenteous your seed, and 
increase the fruits springing from your righteous- 


ness.” 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. CHAP, x 













Let each d 


He cont 


5 In the best MSS. the verbs in this 
are future, not optative. . 

® The word here properly denoting singl 
ness means, when applied to the mind, a di 
position free from arriéres-pensées, either 0 
duplicity, selfishness, or grudging; thas 
might naturally acquire the meaning of liberal 
ity, which it has in the eighth and ninth ch 
ters in this Epistle, and perhaps in h 
xii. 8. 

7 Literally, that you may give with liberalit 
which works thanksgiving to God by my inst 
mentality. 

8 Literally, they, by the proof of this mints 
tration, praising God, i. e. being caused to prats 
God for the obedience, &e. 








01 


ou 


SEC\ND EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. 


those of the in outward presence,’ while I am among you, yet treat you 
aganim. boldly when I am absent)—TI beseech you (I say), that you 
will not force me to show, when I am present, the bold confidence in my 
power, wherewith I reckon to deal with some who reckon? me by the 
standard of the flesh. For, though living in the flesh, my warfare is 
not waged according to the flesh. For the weapons which I wield are 
not of fleshly weakness, but mighty in the strength of God to overthrow 
the strongholds of the adversaries. Thereby can I overthrow the reason- 
ings of the disputer, and pull down all lofty bulwarks that raise them- 
selves against the knowledge of God, and bring every rebellious thought 
into captivity and subjection to Christ. And when the obedience of 
your® church shall be complete, I am ready to punish all who may be 
disobedient.* 

Do you look at matters of outward advantage? If there be any among 
you who confidently assumes that -he beiongs [above the rest] to Christ* 
let him reckon anew by his own reason,* that if he belong to Christ, so 
do I no less. 
the authority which the Lord has given me (not to cast you down, but to 
build you up), my words would not be shamed by the truth. I say this, 


For although I were to boast somewhat highly concerning 


. 

1 The phraseology is similar here, and in v. 
12 and x. 7. Compare also x. 10. 

2 Literally, who reckon me as walking accord- 
tng to the flesh. The verses which follow ex- 
plain the meaning of the expression. 

8“ Your.” Compare ii.5. He means that 
the disobedient minority would be chastised. 
| [We should notice in verses 3-6 the com- 
| pleteness of the military allegory. The image 
i is that of a campaign against rebels: rock- 
forts (such as those on St. Paul’s own Cilician 
|| coast) must be cast down: and when the gen- 
eral obedience of the country is secured, those 

















who are still rebellious must be summarily 
punished. We should observe too the new 
turn given to one phrase (not casting down, but 
building up) in verse 8, and even in xiii. 10. 
See also xii. 19.—.] 

5 The party who said “I of Christ.” (1 
Cor. i. 12.) See Ch. XIII. As we have 
remarked above, p. 484, this party at Corinth 

Seems to have been formed and ied by an emis- 


lest you should imagine that I am writing empty threats. 
letters,” says one,’ “‘ are weighty and powerful, but his bodily presence is 


“ For his 


sary from the Judaizers of Palestine, who is 
especially referred to in this chapter. 

® In the former edition this phrase was 
translated consider. Dr. Alford has expressed 
#R opinion that this translation is “surely 
inadmissible,” and that it “ entirely omits of 
himself’ Yet it is in fact equivalent to his 
own translation, “let him reckon out of his 
own mind,” (for what is considering but reck- 
oning out of one’s own mind?) Nevertheless it 
must be admitted that the former translation 
did not give sufficient emphasis to “ of himself.”’ 

7 Literally, ‘says he;” but it is occasion- 
ally used impersonally for “they say;” yet 
as, in that sense, the plural would be more 
naturally used, the use of “says he” and of 
“such aman,” in the next verse, seems to point 
to a single individual at the head of St. Panl’s 
opponents. See last note and p. 484, and com- 
pare the use of “such a man” for the single 
incestuous person (2 Cor. ii. 7), and for St. 
Paul himself (2 Cor. xii. 2). 


by 
: 
me 


1@ 


x. ll weak, and his speech contemptible.” 


12 


si.1 Would that ye could bear with me a little in my folly! 


2 


302 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. ouar. x 


Let such a man assure himsel: 
that the words which I write while absent I will bear out by my de 26 
when present.'. For I venture not to number or compare myself wit 
certain of the self-commenders; nay, they, measuring themselves b 
themselves, and comparing themselves with themselves, are guilty of 
folly.2 But I, for my part, will not let my boasting carry me beyond 
measure, but will confine it within that measure given me by God, whe 
For I stretch not myself beyond dui 
bounds (as though I reached you not); for I have already come as fa 
even as Corinth ® to publish the Glad-tidings of Christ. I am not boast 
ing beyond measure, in the labors of others;‘ but I hope that as you 
faith goes on increasing among*® yourselves, I shall be still furthe: 
honored within my appointed limits, by bearing the Glad-tidings to thi 
countries beyond you ; not by boasting of work made ready to my he 
within another man’s limit. Meantime, * Be that boasteth, let bin 
boust in the Hord.”° For a man is proved worthy, not when he com 
mends himself, but when he is commended by the Lord. 














made my line reach even to you. 


Yea, y 
already bear with me. For I love you with a godly jealousy, because , 
betrothed you to one only husband, even to Christ, that I might presen! 
you unto Him in virgin purity ; but I fear lest, as Eve was beguiled by the 
craftiness of the serpent, so your imaginations should be corrupted, a 
you should be seduced from your single-minded faithfulness to Chri 
For if he that comes among you is preaching another Jesus, whom | 
preached not, or if you are receiving [from him] another Spirit, whie 
you received not before, or a new Glad-tidings, which you accepted not 
before, you would do well to bear with me ;7 for I reckon myself no whii 


1 Literally, Let such a man reckon, that such 
as I am in word by letters while absent, such will 


apparently been caused by the difficulty of th 
Hellenistic form. 


I be also in deed when present.”’ 

2 The Greek word here is a Hellenistic 
form of the 3d pl. ind. present, and ocenrs 
Mat. xiii. 13. Hence we need not take it here 
for the dative plural. If the latter view were 
correct, the translation would be, “ but I meas- 
ure myself by my own standard, and compare 
myself with myself alone, unwise as I am.” 
But this translation presents several difficul- 
ties, both in itself, and considered in reference 
to the context. Lachmann’s reading has 


SiS Vole 
* This was the conduct of St Paul’s Jue 
izing antagonists. 
* Instead of “by you” we translate “i 
you,” and connect it with “ increased.” 
& Quoted, according to the sense, from Jer 
ix. 24 (LXX.); “in the Lord” being substi 
tuted for a longer phrase. Quoted also 1 Cor. 
i. 3) 7 
7 Lachmann (with the Vatican Manu- 
script) has the verb in the present, which 







il 


SHAP, XVI. 


SECOND EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. 503 


behind your super-eminent Apostles.’ Yea, though I be unskilled in the 
arts of speech, yet Iam not wanting in the gift of? knowledge; but I 
have manifested * it towards you in all things, and amongst all men. Or 
is it a sin [which must rob me of the name of Apostle],‘ that I proclaimed 
to you, without fee or reward, the Glad-tidings of God, and abased® 
myself that you might be exalted? Other churches I spoiled, and took 
their wages to do you service. And when I was with you, though I was 
in want, I pressed not upon any of you; for the brethren,’ when they 
came from Macedonia, supplied my needs; and I kept and will keep 
myself altogether from casting a burden upon you. As the truth of 
Christ isin me, no deed of mine shall rob me’ of this boasting in the 
region of Achaia. And why? Because I love you not? God knows 
my love. But what I do I will continue to do, that I may cut off all 
ground from those who wish to find some ground of slander; and let 
them show the same cause for their boasting as I for mine.® 
like these are false Apostles, deceitful workmen, clothing themselves in 
the garb of Christ’s Apostles. And no wonder; for even Satan can 
transform himself into an angel of light. It is not strange, then, if his 
servants disguise themselves as servants of righteousness ; but their end 


For men 


shall be according to their works. 


makes the coincidence with v. 1 more exact; 
but if we keep the aorist, it may bear the sense 
here given it, on the same principle on which 
erat is often used for esset, and fuerat for fursset. 
We understand “bear with me” (not “bear 
with him,” with most commentators), because 
this agrees better with the context (the prepo- 
sition “for” following), and with the first verse 
of the chapter. 

1 This phrase (which occurs only in this 
Epistle) is ironical, as is evident from the 
epithet “‘the super-apostolic Apostles.” He 
refers to the Judaizing emissaries from Pales- 
tine who had arrived at Corinth. 

2 The gift of “ Gnosis” was a deep insight 
into spiritual truth. See Ch. XIII. p. 372, 
note. 

’ This is according to the reading, sup- 
ported by the preponderating weight of MS. 
authority. 

* See p. 381. 

5 7. e. by working with his hands for his 
daily bread. See p. 337. In all probability 
(judging from what we know of other manu- 


factories in those times) his fellow-workmen in 
Aquila’s tent-manufactory were slaves. Com- 
pare Phil. iv. 12, “I know how to be abased.” 

6 Probably Timotheus and Silvanus, who 
may have brought the contribution sent by 
the Philippians. The A. V. “which came” 
is incorrect. 

7 According to the true reading here the 
literal English would be, “this boasting shall net 
be stopped for me.” 

8 The literal English of this difficult pas- 
sage is, “that they, in the ground of their boasting, 
may be found even as I.” De Wette refers 
“wherein they glory ”’ to the Apostolic Office. 
We take it more generally. A more obvious 
way would be to take the phrase (with Chrys- 
ostom and the older interpreters) to mean 
their abstaining from receiving maintenance ; 
but we know that the false teachers at Corinth 
did not do this (compare v. 20 below), but, 
on the contrary, boasted of their privilege, 
and alleged that St. Paul, by not claiming it, 
showed his consciousness that he was not 
truly sent by Christ. See 1 Cor. ix. 


@ 


25 


28 
29 


504 


I entreat you all once more! not to count me for a fool; or, if 0% 
think me such, yet bear with me in my folly, that I, too, may boast « 
little of myself. But, in so doing, I speak not in the spirit of the Lord, 
but, as it were, in folly, while we stand upon this ground? of boasting; 
for, since many are boasting in the spirit of the flesh, I will boast like 
And I know that you bear kindly with fools as beseems the wise. 
Nay, you bear with men though they enslave you, though they devour 
you, though they entrap you, though they exalt themselves over you 
though they smite you on the face, to degrade you.‘ 
weak ;° and yet, if any have ground of boldness, I too (1 speak in folly) 
have ground to be as bold as they.. Are they Hebrews? so am I. , 
they sons of Israel? soamI. Are they the seed of Abraham ? so am I. 
Are they servants of Christ? (I speak as though I were beside myself) 
such, far more,am I. In labors more abundant, in stripes above measure, 
in prisons more frequent, in deaths oft. (Five times I received from 
Jews the forty stripes save one; thrice 1 was scourged with the Roman 
rods ; once I was stoned; thrice I suffered shipwreck ;® a night andad 
have I spent in the open’ sea.) In journeyings often; in perils of rivers, 


wise. 


in perils of robbers; in perils from my countrymen, in perils from the 
heathen ; in perils in the city, in perils in the wilderness, in perils in the 
sea ; in perils among false brethren. 
less watchings ; in hunger and thirst, often without bread to eat; in cold 
And besides all the rest,S there is the crowd® which 
presses upon me daily, and the care of all the churches. Who is weak,” 


and nakedness. 


1 Literally, “‘ J say once more, let none count 
me,” &e. 

2 See note on 2 Cor. ix. 4. 

® This is ironical. So “ye are wise” in 
1 Cor. iv. 10. 

* Literally, in the way of degradation. The 
punctuation we adopt gives a simpler and 
more natural sense than that adopted in the 
first edition; and it also better suits the use 
of the pleonastic phrase here and in 2 Cor. y. 
19 and 2 Thess. ii. 2. 

5 This refers to the acknowledgments he 
has previously made of weakness in outward 
advantages, e.g. at xi. 6 and x. l. 

®° The five Jewish scourgings, two of the 
three Roman beatings with rods (one being 
at Philippi), and the three shipwrecks, are all 
anrecorded in the Acts. The stoning was at 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. — cuar.x 


ee . 








I say that I 


In toil and weariness, often in sleep- 


Lystra. What a life of incessant adventure 
and peril is here disclosed to us! And 
we remember that he who endured and 4d 
all this was a man constantly suffering from 
infirm health (see 2 Cor. iv. 7-12, and 2 Cor 
xii. 7-10, and Gal. iv. 13, 14), such hero 
self-devotion seems almost superhuman. 

7 Probably in a small boat (or perhaps ¢ 
a plank), escaping from one of the wrecks. 

8 Not “those things that are without” as ii 
A. V. 

® For this meaning of the word comp 
Acts xxiv. 12. If we adopt another reading 
which has the greater weight of existing MSS 
in its favor, but patristic authority against iw 
the meaning will be nearly the same; see 
Canon Stanley’s note. 

10 For the way in which St. Paul 


SECOND EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS, 505 





but I share his weakness? Who is caused to fall, but I burn with indig- i 


nation? If I must needs boast, I will boast of my weakness. God, who 30... 
is the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, He who is blessed forever, knows 
that I lie not." 

In Damascus, the governor under Aretas,? the king, kept watch over 382 
the city with a garrison, purposing to apprehend me ; and I was let down 33 
by the wall, through a window, in a basket, and thus [not by my strength, 
but by my weakness] I escaped his hands. 

boast.’ 

But I will come also to visions and revelations of the Lord. I know‘ 

'&® man who was caught up fourteen years ago (whether in the body or 2 
| jut of the body I cannot tell; God knoweth), caught up, I say, in the 
power of Christ,’ even to the third heaven. And I knowthatsucha man 8 
‘(whether in the body or out of the body 1 cannot tell ; God knoweth) 
was caught up into Paradise,‘ and heard unspeakable words, which it is 


It is not for me, then, toxii.1 
















‘not lawful for man to utter. 


the weakness of the “weaker brethren,” see 
| p. 390, and the passages there referred to. 

| 1 This solemn oath, affirming his veracity, 
| probably refers to the preceding statements of 
| his labors and dangers. Compare Gal. i. 20. 
If, however, we should suppose that the next 
two verses were originally intended to be the 
beginmnme of a narrative of all his sufferings 
‘from the beginning, then we might refer the 
| asseveration to such intended narrative. 

4¥or the historical questions connected 
‘with this incident, see p. 93. [A note on the 
| word Ethnarch will be found on p. 100. — #.] 
_ 8 We preter the reading of the Textus 
Receptus (~nich is also adopted by Chrysostom 
and by Tischer.dorf) to that of the Vatican 
Manuscript, adopted by Lachmann. On the 
other hand, for what follows we take Lach- 
mann’s reading, on the authority of the Co- 
dex Vaticanus, instead of the Textus Receptus. 
The whole passage is most perplexing, from 
the obscurity of its connection with what pre- 
sedes and what follows. Why did St. Paul 
mention his escape from Damascus in so much 
| i¢cailt Was it merely as an event iguomin- 





he 





I will not boast, save in the tokens of my weakness. 
to boast, I should not be guilty of empty vanity, for I should speak the 
truth ; but I forbear to speak, that.I may not cause any man to think of 


Of such a man I will boast; but of myself 


If I should choose 


ious to himself? This seems the best view, 
but it is far from satisfactory. There is some- 
thing most disappointing in his beginning thus 
to relate in detail the first in that series of 
wonderful escapes of which he had just before 
given a rapid sketch, and then suddenly and 
abruptly breaking off; leaving our curiosity 
roused and yet ungratified. We cannot agree 
with De Wette in considering the Damascene 
escape to be introduced as the climax of all 
the other perils mentioned, nor in referring to 
it the solemn attestation of vy. 31. 

* The mistranslation of the verb in A. V. 
(knew for know) very seriouly affects the sense : 
nor is there any thing in the Greek correspond. 
ing to “ about.” 

5 We take “in Christ” with “caught up,” 
which would have come immediately after the 
date, had it not been intercepted by the paren- 
thetic clause. To translate “a Christian man” 
(as some commentators have done) is hardly 
justified by such analogies as “they that are 
in Christ.” 

§ Compare Luke xxiii. 48, To-day shal 
theu be with me tr Paradise, and Rev. ii. 7. 


cn 


10 


11 


12 


13 


14 


15 


16 
17 


506 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 




















me more highly than when he sees my deeds or hears my teaching 
And lest, through the exceeding greatness of these revelations, I show 
be lifted up with pride, there was given me a thorn in the flesh, a me 
And thrice 
besought the Lord * concerning it, that it might depart from me. B 
He hath said to me, “ My grace is sufficient for thee; for my strength 
mighty ‘ in weakness.”’ Most gladly, therefore, will I boast rather in x 
weakness than in my strength, that the strength of Christ may rest upe 
me, and dwell in me.’ Therefore I rejoice in signs of weakness, in ou 
rage, in necessities, in persecutions, in straitness of distress, endured fc 
Christ ; for when I am weak, then am I strong.® 

I have been guilty of folly, but you forced me to it; for I ought myse! 
to have been commended by you: for I came no whit behind your sup 
eminent’ Apostles, though I be of no account. The marks, at least, ¢ 
an Apostle were seen in the deeds which I wrought among you, in sigr 
and wonders, and miracles, with steadfast endurance of persecutior 
Wherein had you the disadvantage of other churches, unless, indeed, 
I did not burden you with my own maintenance? forgive me this wron 
Behold I am now for the third time * preparing to visit you, and I purpo 


senger of Satan, to buffet me, to keep down my pride. 


to cast no burden upon you; for I seek not your substance, but yourselve 
Since children should not lay up wealth for parents, but parents for chi 
dren. Nay, rather, most gladly will I spend, yea, and myself be spe 

for your souls, though the more abundantly I love you, the less I | 


loved. 
But though it be granted that I did not burden you myself, yet pet 


chance this was my cunning, whereby I entrapped your simplicity. 
I defraud you of your wealth by some of the messengers whom I sent 


1 He alludes to the low opinion expressed 
by his adversaries at Corinth of his personal 
qualifications and teaching; compare x. 10. 

2 The original is perhaps not adequately rep- 
resented by the word thorn, although the thorns 
of the East are far more formidable than those 
of England. Stake is probably a more accu- 
rate translation. See Prof. Stanley’s note on 
the passage. A painful bodily infirmity is 
meant. See Gal. iv. 13, 14, and p. 236. 

® That is, the Lord Jesus, as appears by 
‘Christ ” in the next verse. 

* Has its full development. 


5 The full meaning is, to come to a place 
the purpose of fixing one’s tent there. Comp 
(with the whole verse) iv. 7. 

8 7. e. the more he was depressed by suf 
ing and persecution, the more was he enabl 
to achieve by the aid of Christ. See a 
striking sermon of A. Monod (in his Dise 
sur St. Paul) on this text. 

7 See note on xi. 5. 

8 The word here (in St. Paul’s langu 
means steadfastness under persecution. Se 
of the persecutions referred to are recorded 
Acts xviii. * See note on xiii. 1. 






"mar. XVI. SECOND EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. 507 





fellow-traveller. Did Titus defraud you? Did we not act in the same 
spirit? Did we not walk in the same steps ? 
Do you again imagine that it is before you I defend myself? 


| you? I desired Titus to visit you, and with him I sent the brother, his 


- Hewarns the 
| fmmorat Nay, before God I speak, in Christ ; but all, beloved, for your 
must bese sakes, that you may be built up. For I fear lest perchance 
Fey pera when I come I should find you not such as I could wish, and 
obedience. that you also should find me other than you desire. I fear to 
- find you full of strife, jealousies, passions, intrigues,’ slanderings, back- 
| bitings, vaunting, sedition. I fear lest, when I come, my God will again 
| humble me? by your faults, and I shall mourn over many among those 


who have sinned before,’ and who have not repented of the uncleanness, 


and fornication, and wantonness which they committed. 


* 


“or three toitnesses shall every word be confirmed.”° I have warned 


you formerly, and I now forewarn you, as when‘ I was present the 
| second time, so now, while I am absent, saying to those who had sinned 


| before [my last visit], and to all the rest of the offenders, — “If I come 


i 





1 For the word here, see note on Rom. ii. 8. 
2 Literally, humble me in respect of you. See 
on this verse p. 418, note. 
| 8 Sinned “before:” viz. before my last 
| visit. 
| 4 «This third time I am coming to you.” 
|| This could scarcely mean merely, “I am for 
| the third time preparing to visit you,” although 
| 2 Cor. xii. 14 might imply no more than that. 
See p. 418, note. Prof. Stanley (who ignores 
the intermediate visit) can only get over this 
argument by supposing that St. Paul is here 
| “reckoning his Second Epistle as virtually a 
second visit.” (Stanley’s Corinthians, vol. ii. 
| 265.) 
5 Dent. xix. 15 (from LXX. nearly verba- 
fim), meaning, “I will judge not without ex- 
amination, nor will I abstain from punishing 





i 
nt 
= 


For although He died upon the 


| power of God. And so I, too, share the weakness of His body ;* yet I 
po Wary 


upon due evidence.” Or else (perhaps), “I 
shall now assuredly fulfil my threats.” 

6 This passage, in which the word for “I 
write” is omitted by the best MSS., seems 
conclusive for the intermediate journey. What 
would be the meaning of saying, “I forewarn 
you as if I were present the second time, now 
also while Iam absent”? which is the trans- 
lation that we must adopt if we deny the in- 
termediate visit. Also the “they who had 
sinned before” contrasted with the “all the 
rest ” (v. 2), seems inexplicable except on this 
hypothesis. 

7 The conjunction here (as frequently) is 
equivalent to a mark of quotation. 

8 The word here properly means weakness 
of the body. 

® This is another reference to the dispara- 


xii. 
18 


19 


21 


2 


. I now come to you for the third time “ Out of the mouth of ‘thon xiii.1 


again I will not spare.”’ Thus you shall have the proof you seek of 8 
ths power of Christ, who speaks in me; for He shows no weakness towards 
you, but works mightily among you. 
cross through the weakness of the flesh,* yet now He lives through the 


on 


19 


il 


12 
13 
14 


508 


shall share also the power of God, whereby He lives, when! 1 come 
deal with you. Examine? [not me, but] yourselves, whether you a 
truly in the faith; put yourselves to the proof [concerning Ch 
presence with you which ye seek in me]. Know ye not of your OF 
selves, that Jesus Christ is dwelling in you? unless, perchance, wh 
thus proved, you fail to abide the proof.’ But I hope you will fiz 
that I, for my part, abide the proof.‘ Yet I pray to God that y 
may do no evil;® desiring not that my own power may be clear 
proved, but that you may do right, although I should seem unab 
to abide the proof; for 1 have no power against the truth, but only f 
the truth’s defence. I rejoice, I say, when I am powerless [against you 
and you are strong; yea, the very end of my prayers is your perfe 
Therefore I write this to you while absent, that, whe 
present, I may not deal harshly with you in the strength of that autho i 
which the Lord has given me, not to cast down,® but to build up. 
Finally, brethren, farewell. Reform what is amiss in your- Conclusion 
selves,’ exhort one another, be of one mind, live in peace; so shall # 


reformation. 


God of love and peace be with you. 
All the saints here salute you. 

The grace of the Lord Jesus Christ, and the love of God, Autograph. 
and the communion of the Holy Spirit, be with you all.* 


holiness.® 


ging reflections (see x. 10) cast upon him by 
his Corinthian opponents. He says virtually, 
“You say that I am weak in bodily presence, 
and contemptible in personal accomplishments ; 
so also Christ was weak in the flesh, and suf- 
fered a shameful death upon the cross; yet He 
triumphed over His adversaries, and now shows 
His victorious power; and so shall I do, in the 
same strength.” The sentiment is the same as 
in iv. 10. 

1 “Towards you.” The literal English of 
the above passage is as follows: For if He 
was crucified through weakness, yet He lives 
through the power of God; for I also am weak 
in Him, but I shall live with Him, through the 
power of God towards you. 

2 “Proof” and “prove” would give the 
verbal connection between vy. 8 and v. 5. 

8 The Greek means, to fad! when tested; this 
was the original meaning of the English to be 
reprobate (A. V.). Observe here, again, the 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF Si. PAUL. 





Salute one another with the kiss « 


reference to the context (see preceding not 
A paronomasia on the same words occ 
Rom. i. 28. 

* Viz. the proof that Christ’s power is with m 

5 This may be translated (as it is by Gro 
and Billroth, and was in our former edition 
“that I may not harm you ;” for the verb u 
here sometimes takes a double accusative i 
N. T.; e.g. Matt. xxvii. 22. Yet this ec 
struction so seldom occurs, that it seems b 
to adopt the more obvious meaning, althor 
it does not so clearly suit the context. 

* Compare x. 8. [And see note on x. 
This is the last echo of the military alle 
but with the threatening turned into ened 
agement. — H.] 

7 The substantive corresponding to ti 
verb is found in verse 9; and see I Cor. i. 

5 See note on 1 Thess. v. 25. 

* The “ Amen” is not found in the 
MSS. 






GHAR, XVIL CONTRIBUTIONS FOR THE POOR IN JUDZA. 508 
In this letter we find a considerable space devoted to subjects con- 
nected with a collection now in progress for the poor Christians in 
Judeza.! It is not the first time that we have seen St. Paul actively 
exerting himself in such a project.?_ Nor is it the first time that this par- 
ticular contribution has been brought before our notice. At Ephesus, in 
the First Epistle to the Corinthians, St. Paul gave special directions as to 
| the method in which it should be laid up in store (1 Cor. xvi. 1-4). 
Even before this period similar instructions had been given to the 
Churches of Galatia (ib. 1). And the whole project was in fact the fui- 
filment of a promise made at a still earlier period, that, in the course of 
his preaching among the Gentiles, the poor in Judza should be remem- 
bered (Gal. ii. 10). 
| The collection was going on simultaneously in Macedonia and Achaia; 
| and the same letter gives us information concerning the manner in which 
| it was conducted in both places. The directions given to the Corinthians 
| were doubtless similar to those under which the contribution was made 
| at Thessalonica and Philippi. Moreover, direct information is inciden- 
| tally given of what was actually done in Macedonia; and thus we are 
| furnished with materials for depicting to ourselves a passage in the 
| Apostle’s life which is not described by St. Luke. There is much 
| instruction to be gathered from the method and principles according to 
which these funds were collected by St. Paul and his associates, as well 
as from the conduct of those who contributed for their distant and suf 











| fering brethren. 
| Both from this passage of Scripture and from others we are fully made 
| aware of St. Paul’s motives for urging this benevolent work. Besides 
| his promise made long ago at Jerusalem, that, in his preaching among the 
Gentiles, the poor Jewish Christians should be remembered,’ the poverty 
| of the residents in Judza would be a strong reason for his activity in 
| collecting funds for their relief among the wealthier communities who 
were now united with them in the same faith and hope.* But there was 
_a far higher motive, which lay at the root of the Apostle’s anxious and 
energetic zeal in this cause. It is that which is dwelt on in the closing 
verses of the ninth chapter of the Epistle which has just been read,* and 
| is again alluded to in words less sanguine in the Epistle to the Romans.‘ 
A serious schism existed between the Gentile and Hebrew Christians,’ 





1 The whole of the eighth and ninth chap- ence to the early jealousy between the Chris- 


* Gal. ii. 10, above quoted. Seep. 195. 7 See the remarks on this subject in Ch. 
* See the remarks on this subject, in refer- VII. 


| ters. tians of Aramaic and Hellenistic descent, 
| 2 See the acoount of the mission of Barna- pp. 61. 

| bas and Saul to Jerusalem in the time of the 5 2 Cor. ix. 12-15. 

| famine, Ch. IV. 6 Rom. xv. 30-31. 

; 


% 


Xe & i 


510 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 
which, though partially closed: from time to time, seemed in danger ¢ 
growing continually wider under the mischievous influence of the Juc 
izers. The great labor of St. Paul’s life at this time was directed ¢ 
the healing of this division. He felt that if the Gentiles had been ma 
partakers of the spiritual blessings of the Jews, their duty was to cont: 
ute to them in earthly blessings (Rom. xv. 27), and that nothing wou 
be more likely to allay the prejudices of the Jewish party than charitak 
gifts freely contributed by the Heathen converts.! According as cheerft 
or discouraging thoughts predominated in his mind, —and to such alter 
nations of feeling even an apostle was liable, — he hoped that “ the mini 
tration of that service would not only fill up the measure of the necessiti 
of Christ’s people” in Judza, but would “ overflow” in thanksgivin 
and prayers on their part for those ‘whose hearts had been opened to bles 
them (2 Cor. ix. 12-15), or he feared that this charity might be rejected 
and he entreated the prayers of others, “that he might be delive; 
from the disobedient in Judza, and that the service which he had un¢ ; 
taken for Jerusalem might be favorably received by Christ’s peop 
(Rom. xv. 30, 31). 

Influenced by these motives, he spared no pains in promoting 1 
work ; but every step was conducted with the utmost prudence and deli 
cacy of feeling. He was well aware of the calumnies with which hi 
enemies were ever ready to assail his character; and, therefore, he too 
the most careful precautions against the possibility of being accused o 
mercenary motives. At an early stage of the collection, we find hir 
writing to the Corinthians, to suggest that “‘ whomsoever they she 
judge fitted for the trust should be sent to carry their benevolence t 
Jerusalem” (1 Cor. xvi. 3); and again he alludes to the delegates com 
missioned with Titus, as “ guarding himself against all suspicion whid 
might be cast on him in his administration of the bounty with which | 
was charged,” and as being “ careful to do all things in a seemly mann 
not only in the sight of the Lord, but also in the sight of men” (2 
viii. 20,21). This regard to what was seemly appears most strikingly i ir 
his mode of bringing the subject before those to whom he wrote ant 
spoke. He lays no constraint upon them. They are to give “ not grudg 
ingly or of necessity,’’ but each “according to the free choice of his heart 
for God loveth a cheerful giver” (2 Cor. ix. 7). “If there is a g 
mind, the gift is acceptable when measured by the giver’s power, an¢ 
needs not to go beyond” (2 Cor. viii. 12). He spoke rather as givin; 
“‘advice”’ (viii. 10) than a “ command ;””? and he sought to prove the re 


































2 See p. 120. sake he rather besought him,” v. 9. See tl 
2 Compare his language to Philemon, whom Introduction. 
he “‘ might have commanded,” but “ for love’s 









- xvm. LIBERALITY OF THE MACEDONIANS. 51} 


"ality of his converts’ love by reminding them of the zeal of others (viii. 8). 
In writing to the Corinthians, he delicately contrasts their wealth with 
| the poverty of the Macedonians, In speaking to the Macedonians them- 
selves, such a mode of appeal was jess natural, for they were poorer and 
more generous. Yet them also he endeavored to rouse to a generous 
rivalry, by telling them of the zeal of Achaia (viii. 24, ix. 2). To them 
also he would doubtless say that ‘‘ he who sows sparingly shall reap spar- 
ingly, and he who sows bountifully shall reap bountifully ” (ix. 6), while 
he would gently remind them that God was ever able to give them an 
overflowing measure of all good gifts, supplying all their wants, and en- 
_abling them to be bountiful! to others (ib. 8). And that one overpower. 
ing argument could never be forgotten, —the example of Christ, and 
the debt of love we owe to Him,— “ You know the grace of our Lord 
Jesus Christ, how, though He was rich, yet for our sakes He became poor, 
that you, by His poverty, might be made rich” (viii. 9). Nor ought we, 
when speaking of the instruction to be gathered from this charitable un- 
 dertaking, to leave unnoticed the calmness and deliberation of the method 
‘which he recommends of laying aside, week by week,? what is devoted 
to God (1 Cor. xvi. 2),—a practice equally remote from the excite- 
‘ment of popular appeals, and the mere impulse of instinctive benevo 
lence. 
_ The Macedonian Christians responded nobly to the appeal which was 
made to them by St. Paul. The zeal of their brethren in Achaia “ roused 
the most of them to follow it” (2 Cor. ix. 2). God’s grace was abun- 
-dantly “ manifested in the Churches ”* on the north of the Aigean (ib. 
viii. 1). Their conduct in this matter, as described to us by the Apostle’s 
pen, rises to the point of the highest praise. It was a time, not of pros- 
| perity, but of great affliction, to the Macedonian Churches; nor were they 
wealthy communities like the Church of Corinth; yet, “in their heavy 
trial, the fulness of their joy overflowed out of the depth of their poverty 
in the riches of their liberality” (ib. viii. 2). Their contribution was no 
niggardly gift, wrung from their covetousness (vili. 5); but they gave 
honestly “‘ according to their means” (ib. 3), and not only so, but even 
“beyond their means” (ib.); nor did they give grudgingly, under the 
pressure of the Apostle’s urgency, but “ of their own free will, beseeching 
him with much entreaty that they might bear their part in the grace of 
ministering to Christ’s people” (ib. 3,4). And this liberality arose from 














1 Compare what was said at Miletus, Acts remarks in the Hore Pauline on 2 Cor. The 


xx. 35; also Eph. iv. 28. same plan had been recommended in Galatiy, 
2 From 2 Cor. viii. 10, ix. 2, it would seem and probably in Macedonia. 
that the plan recommended in 1 Cor. xvi. 2 5 See p. 497, n. 0. 


had been carried into effect. See Palevy’s 


a 


512 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


















ouar, x} 


that which is the basis of all true Christian charity. “They gave ther 
selves first to the Lord Jesus Christ, by the will of God” (ib. 5). 

The Macedonian contribution, if not complete, was in a state of mue 
forwardness,! when St. Paul wrote to Corinth. He speaks of liberal func 
as being already pressed upon his acceptance (2 Cor. viii. 4), and 
delegates who were to accompany him to Jerusalem had already bee: 
chosen (2 Cor. viii. 19, 23). We do not know how many of the Churches 
of Macedonia took part in this collection, but we cannot doubt thai 
that.of Philippi held a conspicuous place in so benevolent a work. In th 
case of the Philippian Church, this bounty was only a continuation of the 
benevolence they had begun before, and an earnest of that which glad 
dened the Apostle’s heart in his imprisonment at Rome. “In the begin 
ning of the Gospel” they and they only had sent once and again® té 
relieve his wants, both at Thessalonica and at Corinth (Philip. iv. 14 
16); and “at the last” their care of their friend and teacher “ flourishe 
again’’ (ib. 10), and they sent their gifts to him at Rome, as now the 
sent to their unknown brethren at Jerusalem. The Philippians are 
the Epistles what that poor woman is in the Gospels, who placed tw 
mites in the treasury. They gave much, because they gave of thei 
poverty; and wherever the Gospel is preached throughout the whol 
world, there shall this liberality be told for a memorial of them. 

If the principles enunciated by the Apostle in reference to the collec 
tion command our devout attention, and if the example of the Macedonia 
Christians is held out to the imitation of all future ages of the Chu 
the conduct of those who took an active part in the management of 
business should not be unnoticed. Of two of these the names are 
unknown to us,‘ though their characters are described. One was 
brother, “‘ whose praise in publishing the Gospel was spread throughout 
the Churches,” and who had been chosen by the Church of Macedonia 
accompany St. Paul with the charitable fund to Jerusalem (2 Cor. viii. 
18,19). The other was one “who had been put to the proof in manj 
trials, and always found zealous in the work” (ib. 22). But concerning 
Titus, the third companion of these brethren, “ the partner of St. Panl’s 


1 The aorist in 2 Cor. viii. 2 does not ne- 
cessarily imply that the collection was closed ; 
and the present in ix. 2 rather implies the 
contrary. 

2 In 2 Cor. xi. 9 we find Philippi used as 
equivalent to Macedonia (pp. 480, 481), and so 
it may be here. But it is not absolutely cer- 
tain (ibid.) that the Second Epistle to the 
Corinthians was written at Philippi. The 
Churches in Macedonia were only few, and 





communication among them was 4asy 
the Via Egnatia; as when the first contri 
tions were sent from Philippi to St Peal at 
Thessalonica. See p. 284. 
3 See above, p. 480. For the account <* thie 
relief being sent to St. Paul. see p. 284° 
p. 838, n. 4, in reference to Phit. fy. 10 wd 
2 Cor. xi. 9. 
* See the notes on 2 Cor. viii. 


} 
y 





TITUS. 513 


¢ 
¢ 


« 
{ 


.» XVOL 
lot, and his fellow-laborer for the good of the Church,” we have fuller 
information; and this seems to be the right place to make a more par- 
_ ficular allusion to him, for he was nearly concerned in all the steps of 
_ the collection now in progress. 

Titus does not, like Timothy, appear at intervals through all the pas- 

_ sages of the Apostle’s life. He is not mentioned in the Acts at all, ana 
_ this is the only place where he comes conspicuously forward in the 
| Epistles ;' and all that is said of him is connected with the business of 
the collection. Thus-we have a detached portion of his biography, whicr 
is at once a thread that guides us through the main facts of the contribu- 
tion for the Judean Christians, and a source whence we can draw some 
_ knowledge of the character of that disciple, to whom St. Paul addressed 
one of his pastoral Epistles. At an early stage of the proceedings he 
seems to have been sent, —soon after the First Epistle was despatched 
from Ephesus to Corinth (or perhaps as its bearer),— not simply to 
enforce the Apostle’s general injunctions, but* to labor also in forward- 
ing the collection (2 Cor. xii. 18). Whilst he was at Corinth, we find 
that he took an active and zealous part at the outset of the good work 

(ib. viii. 6). And now that he had come to Macedonia, and brought the 
| Apostle good news from Achaia, he was exhorted to return, that he might 
_ fmish what was so well begun, taking with him (as we have seen) the 
' Second Epistle to the Corinthians, and accompanied by the two deputies 
| who have just been mentioned. It was a task which he was by no meaus 
unwilling to undertake. God “ put into his heart the same zeal” which 
Paul himself had ; he not only consented to the Apostle’s desire, but was 
“himself very zealous in the matter, and went of his own accord” (2 
Cor. viii. 16,17). If we put together these notices, scanty as they are, 
of the conduct of Titus, they set before us a character which seems to 
claim our admiration for a remarkable union of enthusiasm, integrity, 
and discretion. 

After the departure of Titus, St. Paul still continued to prosecute the 
| labors of an evangelist in the regions to the north of Greece. He was 
| unwilling as yet to visit the Corinthian Church, the disaffected members 
| of which still caused him so much anxiety,— and he would’ doubtless 
gladly employ this period of delay to accomplish any plans he might have 


Seg 





1 See p. 187, n. 12. It is observed there 
that the only epistles in which he is mentioned 
are Gal., 2 Cor., and 2 Tim. See also p. 460, 
h. 6. 

2 The prominent appearance of Titus in 
this part of the history has been made an 
argument for placing the Epistle to Titus, as 
Wieseler and others have done, about this part 

33 





“ 


) 


of St. Paul’s life. This question will be dis- 
cussed afterwards. 

3 See above, p. 479. The fact that the mis- 
sion of Titus had something to do with the 
collection, might be inferred from 2 Cor. xii. 
18: “Did Titus defraud you?” We do not 
know who the “ brother” was that was sent 
with him on that occasion from Ephesus. 


514 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 






























formed and left incomplete on his former visit to Macedonia. On tha 
occasion he had been persecuted in Philippi,’ and had been forced te 
make a precipitate retreat from Thessalonica;? and from Bereea his 
course had been similarly urged to Athens and Corinth. Now he was 
able to embrace a wider circumference in his Apostolic progress. Taking 
Jerusalem 4s his centre,‘ he had been perpetually enlarging the circle of 
his travels. in his first missionary journey he had preached in the 
southern parts of Asia Minor and the northern parts of Syria: in his 
second journey, he had visited the Macedonian towns which lay near th 
shores of the Aigean: and now on his third progress he would seem to 
have penetrated into the mountains of the interior, or even beyond then 2 
to the shores of the Adriatic, and “ fully preached the Gospel of 
round about unto Ilyricum ” (Rom. xv. 19). 

We here encounter a subject on which some difference of opinion mus 
unavoidably exist. If we wish to lay down the exact route of 
Apostle, we must first ascertain the meaning of the term “ Ilyricum” 
as used by St. Paul in writing to the Romans: and if we find this i 
possible, we must be content to leave this part of the Apostle’s travels 
some degree of vagueness; more especially as the preposition (‘‘ unto,” 
yp.) employed in the passage is evidently indeterminate. 

The political import of the word “ Illyricum ”’ will be seen by referring 
to what has been written on the province of Macedonia‘ in an earlier 
chapter. It has been there stated that the former province was contigu- 
ous to the north-western frontier of the latter. It must be observed, 
however, that a distinction was anciently drawn between Greek Illyricun ’ 
a district on the south, which was incorporated by the Romans with 
Macedonia, and formed the coast-line of that province where it touched 
the Adriatic,*— and Barbarous, or Roman Illyricwm, which extendet 
towards the head of that gulf, and was under the administration of a 
separate governor. This is “ one of those ill-fated portions of the ea 
_ which, though placed in immediate contact with civilization, have 
remained perpetually barbarian.” 7’ For a time it was in close conne¢ rt 
tion, politically and afterwards ecclesiastically, with the capitals both o 
the Eastern and Western empires: but subsequently it relapsed almost 
into its former rude condition, and “ to this hour it is devoid of illustrious 
names and noble associations.”*® Until the time of Augustus, oF 


1 Pp. 257. 5 P. 272, &. aon cut al oe 
2 Pp. 286. third missionary journey. 4 
8 P. 295. ® For the seaboard of Macedonia on the 


* Notice the phrase, “from Jerusalem, and Adriatic, see pp. 273, 274. 
in a circle,” &. Rom. xv. 19; and see the 7 Arnold’s Rome, vol. i. p. 495. 
Hore Pauline. 5 Ibid. 





ILLYRICUM. 515 





Romans were only in possession of a narrow portion along the coast, 
which had been torn during the wars of the Republic from the piratic 
inhabitants.’ But under the first Emperor a large region, extending far 
inland towards the valleys of the Save and the Drave, was formed into a 
province, and contained some strong links of the chain of military posts, 
which was extended along the frontier of the Danube? At first it was 
placed under the Senate: but it was soon found to require the presence 
of large masses of soldiers: the Emperor took it into his own hands, and 
inscriptions are still extant on which we can read the records of its 
occupation by the seventh and eleventh legions.* Dalmatia, which is 
also mentioned by St. Paul (2 Tim. iv. 10), was a district in the southern 
part of this province; and after the final reduction of the Dalmatian 
_ tribes, the province was more frequently called by this name than by that 
of Illyricum.* The limits of this political jurisdiction (to speak in 
general terms) may be said to have included Bosnia, and the modern‘ 
Dalmatia, with parts of Croatia and Albania. 
_ But the term Illyricum was by no means always, or even generally, 
used in a strictly political sense. The extent of country included in the 
expression was various at various times. The LIllyrians were loosely 
_ spoken of by the earlier Greek writers as the tribes which wandered on 
_ the eastern shore of the Adriatic. The Lllyricum which engaged the 
arms of Rome under the Republic was only a narrow strip of that shore 
with the adjacent islands. But in the Imperial times it came to be used 
| of a vast and vague extent of country lying to the south of the Danube, 
| to the east of Italy, and to the west of Macedonia.6 So it is used by 
_ Strabo in the reign of Augustus, and similarly by Pacis in his account 
: of the civil wars which preceded the fall of Jerusalem ;7 and the same 
| phraseology continues to be applied to this region, till the third century 
of the Christian era. We need not enter into the geographical changes 
| which depended on the new division of the empire under Constantine, or 
into the fresh significance which, in a later age, was given to the ancient 
| names, when the rivalry of ecclesiastical jurisdictions led to the schism 








1 It extended from the river Drilon to me 
| Istrian peninsula. 

' 3 One of the most important of these mili- 
tary posts was Siscia, in the Pannonian coun- 
try, on the Save. The line was continued by 

| Augustus through Masia, though the reduc- 


® Josephus alludes to these legions, War, 


i. 16. His language on geographical subjects is 
_ ways important as an illustration of the Acts. 





* Dalmatia is a name unknown to the 
earlier. Greek writers. 

5 The modern name of Illyria has again 
contracted to a district of no great extent in 
the northern part of the ancient province. 

5 See Gibbon’s first chapter. 

7 Tac. Hist. i. 2,76, &c., where under the 
term Illyricum are included Dalmatia, Panno- 
nia, and Mesia: and this, it must be remem- 
bered, is strictly contemporaneous with the 
apostle. 


516 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. CHAP. 
















of Eastern and Western Christendom.! We have said enough to sho 
that it is not possible to assume that the Illyricum of St. Paul was 
definite district, ruled as a province by a governor from Rome. 

It seems by far the most probable that the terms “ ‘Tllyricum ” 
*“‘ Dalmatia” are both used by St. Paul in a vague and general sense: 
we have before had occasion to remark in reference to Asia Minor, wher 
many geographical expressions, such as ‘“ Mysia,” “ Galatia,” and 
“‘ Phrygia,’ were variously used, popularly and politically? It is indeet 
quite possible that St. Paul, not deeming it right as yet to visit Corinth 
may have pushed on by the Via Egnatia,’ from Philippi and Thessalonica 
across the central mountains which turn the streams eastward and west 
ward, to Dyrrhachium, the landing-place of those who had come by tht 
Appian Road from Rome to Brundusium.‘ Then, though still in thi 
province of Macedonia, he would be in the district called Greek Illym 
cum:° and he would be on a line of easy communication with Nicopolis 
on the south, where, on a later occasion, he proposed to winter (Tit. iii 
12); and he could easily penetrate northwards into Roman or Barbarow 
Illyricum, where was that district of Dalmatia,’ which was afterward 
visited by his companion Titus, whom, in the present instance, he ha 
despatched to Corinth. But we must admit that the expression in th 
Romans might have been legitimately * used, if he never passed beyont 
the limits of Macedonia, and even if his Apostolic labors were entirely t 
the eastward of the mountains, in the country watered by the Strymo 
and the Axius.® } 

Whether he travelled widely and rapidly in the regions to the north o 
Greece, or confined his exertions to the neighborhood of those churche 
which he had previously founded, — the time soon came when he dete: 
mined to revisit that Church, which had caused him so much afflictio 
not unmixed with joy. During the course of his stay at Ephesus, and 
all parts of his subsequent journey in Troas and Macedonia, his hear 
had been continually at Corinth. He had been in frequent communica 


1 A geographical account of Ilyricum in 
its later ecclesiastical sense, and of the dioceses 
which were the subjects of the rival claims of 
Rome and Constantinople, will be found in 
Neale’s History of the Eastern Church. 

2 See pp. 204, 237. 

5 See the account of the Via Egnatia, p. 274. 

* It has been said above (p. 274) that when 
St. Paul was on the Roman way at Philippi 
he was really on the road which led to Rome. 
The ordinary ferry was from Dyrrhachium to 
Brundusium. 

° See above, p. 514. comparing pp. 272, 273. 


§ Nicopolis was in Epirus, which, it will b 
remembered (see above under Macedonia), 
in the province of Achaia. 

7 See above, p. 515. It is indeed possib 
that the word Dalmatia in this Epistle may b 
used for the province (of Ilyricum or Dalma 
tia), and not a subordinate district of 
was called Ilyricum in the wider sense. 

® The preposition need not denote any 
thing more than that St. Paul came to th 
frontier. ; 

* See what has been said of these rivers 
Ch. IX 









OHAP, XVI. JOUBNEY SOUTHWARD TO CORINTH. 517 


tion with his inconsistent and rebellious converts. Three letters’ had 
been written to entreat or to threaten them. Besides his own persona] 
visit? when the troubles were beginning, he had sent several messengers, 
who were authorized to speak in his name. Moreover, there was now a 
special subject in which his interest and affections were engaged, the con- 
tribution for the poor in Judwa, which he wished to “ seal ”’ to those for 
whom it was destined (Rom. xv. 28) before undertaking his journey to 
the West. 

Of the time and the route of this southward journey we can only say 
that the most probable calculation leads us to suppose that he was travel- 
ling with his companions toward Corinth at the approach of winter; 
and this makes it likely that he went by land rather than by sea.* A 
good road to the south had long been formed from the neighborhood of 
Bereea,’ connecting the chief towns of Macedonia with those of Achaia. 
Opportunities would not be wanting for preaching the Gospel at every 
stage in his progress ; and perhaps we may infer from his own expression 
in writing to the Romans (xv. 23), —‘‘I have no more place in those 
parts,” — either that churches were formed in every chief city between 
Thessalonica and Corinth, or that the Glad-tidings had been unsuccess- 
fully proclaimed in Thessaly and Beotia, as on the former journey they 
had found but little credence among the philosophers and triflers of 
Athens. 





1 The question of the lost letter has been 
discussed in Ch. XV. p. 421. 

2 See again, on this intermediate visit, the 
beginning of Ch. XV. 

8 For the project of this westward journey, 
see the end of Ch. XV. above. 

* See Acts xxvii. 9. 

§ The roads through Dium have been al- 
luded to p. 296; and compare p. 292, n. 7. 


* Athens is never mentioned again after 
Acts xviii. 1, 1 Thess. iii. 1. We do not 
know that it was ever revisited by the Apos- 
tle, and in the second century we find that 
Christianity was almost extinct there. See 
p- 331. At the same time, nothing would be 
more easy than to visit Athens, with other 
“Churches of Achaia,” during his residence 
at Corinth. See p. 388, n. 5; and p. 484 





CHAPTER XVIL 


St. Paul’s Return to Corinth. — Contrast with his First Visit.— Bad News from Galatia. — 
He writes the Epistle to the Galatians. 

ih was probably already winter when St. Paul once more beheld ix 
the distance the lofty citadel of Corinth towering above the isthmus 
which it commands. The gloomy season must have harmonized with his 
feelings as he approached. The clouds which, at the close of autum 
so often hang round the summit of the Acro-Corinthus, and cast their 
shadow upon the city below, might have seemed to typify the mists of 
vice and error which darkened the minds even of its Christian citizens 
Their father in the faith knew that, for some of them at least, he had 
labored in vain. He was returning to converts who had cast off the 
morality of the Gospel; to friends who had forgotten his love; to ene- 
mies who disputed his divine commission. It is true, the majority of the 
Corinthian Church had repented of-their worst sins, and submitted to his 
Apostolic commands. Yet what was forgiven could not entirely be for- 
gotten ; even towards the penitent he could not feel all the confidence of 
earlier affection ; and there was still left an obstinate minority, who would 
pot give up their habits of impurity, and who, when he spoke to them of 
righteousness and judgment to come, replied either by openly defending 
their sins, or by denying his authority and impugning his orthodoxy. 
He now came prepared to put down this opposition by the most decisive 








and goodness, by the plenitude of his Apostolic power. Thus he warned 
them a few months before (as he had threatened when present on ar 


He declared his determination to punish the disobedient (2 Cor. x.6). He 
“ poasted” of the authority which Christ had given him (2 Cor. x. 8), _ 


might of God (2 Cor. x. 4). He pledged himself to execute by his — 
deeds, when present, all he had threatened by his words when absent (2 
Cor. x. 11). : 
As we think of him, with these purposes of severity in his mind, ap 
618 ; 





ouaP. XvOI. FEELINGS ON APPROACHING CORINTH. 519 


proaching the walls of Corinth, we are irresistibly reminded of the event- 
ful close of a former journey, when Saul, “breathing out threatenings 
and slaughter against the disciples of the Lord,” drew nigh to Damas- 
cus. How strongly does this accidental resemblance bring out the essen- 
tial contrast between the weapons and the spirit of Saul and Paul! Then 
he wielded the sword of the secular power — he travelled as the proud 
representative of the Sanhedrin—the minister of human cruelty and 
injustice: he was the Jewish Inquisitor, the exterminator of heretics, 
seeking for victims to imprison or to stone. Now he is meek and lowly, 
travelling in the humblest guise of poverty, with no outward marks of 
pre-eminence or power; he has no jailers at his command to bind his 
 gaptives, no executioners to carry out his sentence. All he can do is to 
exclude those who disobey him from a society of poor and ignorant out- 
casts, who are the objects of contempt to all the mighty, and wise, and 
noble, among their countrymen. His adversaries despise his apparent in- 
_ significance ; they know that he has no outward means of enforcing his 
will; they see that his bodily presence is weak ; they think his speech 
contemptible. Yet he is not so powerless as he seems. Though now he 
wields no carnal weapons, his arms are not weaker, but stronger, than 
they were of old. He cannot bind the bodies of men, but he can bind 
their souls. Truth and love are on his side; the Spirit of God bears 
_ witness with the spirits of men on his behalf. His weapons are “ mighty 
| to overthrow the strongholds of the adversaries ;” “thereby” he could 
“overthrow the reasonings of the disputer, and pull down the lofty bul- 
| warks which raise themselves against the knowledge of God, and bring 
| every. rebellious thought into captivity and subjection to Christ.” ? 
| Nor is there less difference in the spirit of his warfare than in the 
‘character of his weapons. Then he “breathed out threatenings and 
slaughter ;” he “‘ made havoc of the Church ;” he “ haled men and women 
‘into prison ;” he “‘ compelled them to blaspheme.” When their sentence 
was doubtful, he gave his vote for their destruction ;* he was “ exceedingly 
‘mad against them.”’ Then his heart was filled with pride and hate, un- 
charitableness and self-will. But now his proud and passionate nature is 
transformed by the Spirit of God; he is crucified with Christ; the fervid 
impetuosity of his character is tempered by meekness and gentleness ; his 
very denunciations and threats of punishment are full of love; he grieves 
over his contumacious opponents; the thought of their pain fills him with 
ane “For if I cause you grief, who is there to cause me joy?” 












He implores them, even at the eleventh hour, to save him from the neces: 


: 
) 1 See 2 Cor. x. 1. ® Acts xxvi. 10. 
\ 3 2 Cor. x. 4, 5. £ 2 Cor. ii 2. 





















520 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAULI THAP. 


sity of dealing harshly with them; he had rather leave his authorit 
doubtful, and still remain liable to the sneers of his adversaries, that 
establish it by their punishment (2 Cor. xiii. 7-9). He will condescen¢ 
to the weakest prejudices rather than cast a stumbling-block in a brother’ 
path ; he is ready to become “all things to all men,” that he may “b 
all means save some.” 

Yet all that was good and noble in the character of Saul remains’ 
Paul, purified from its old alloy. The same zeal for God burns in hi 
heart, though it is no longer misguided by ignorance or warped by part 
spirit. The same firm resolve is seen in carrying out his principles 
their consequences, though he shows it not in persecuting, but in suffering 
The same restless energy, which carried him from Jerusalem to Dama 
cus that he might extirpate heresy, now urges him from one end of 
world to the other,! that he may bear the tidings of salvation. 

The painful anticipations which saddened his return to Corinth we 
not, however, altogether unrelieved by happier thoughts. As he a} 
proached the well-known gates, in the midst of that band of faithf 
friends who accompanied him from Macedonia, his memory could not k 
revert to the time when first he entered the same city, a friendless 4 
lonely? stranger. He could not but recall the feelings of extreme depre 
sion with which he first began his missionary work at Corinth, after h 
unsuccessful visit to Athens. The very firmness and bold confidene 
which now animated him — the assurance which he felt of victory ov 
the opponents of truth — must have reminded him by contrast of # 
anxiety and self-distrust* which weighed him down at his first intercour 
with the Corinthians, and which needed a miraculous vision‘ for ii 
removal. How could he allow discouragement to overcome his spiri 
when he remembered the fruits borne by labors which had begun in § 
much sadness and timidity? It was surely something that hundreds 0 
believers now called on the name of the Lord Jesus, who, when he fir 
came among them, had worshipped nothing but the deification of the 
own lusts. Painful no doubt it was to find that their conversion h 
been so incomplete; that the pollutions of heathenism still defiled those wh 
had once washed away the stains ® of sin: yet the majority of the Chu 
had repented of their offences ; the number who obstinately persisted in & 
was but small; and if many of the adult converts were so tied and bout 


1 He was at this very time intending to go 2 He was left at Athens alone (1 Thess. 
first to Jerusalem, thence to Rome, and thence 1), and so remained till Timotheus and Si 
to Spain; that is, to travel from the Eastern rejoined him at Corinth. 
to the Western extremities of the civilized 3 See 1 Cor. ii. 1-3. 
world. See Rom. xy. 28. Compare the con- * Acts xviii. 9. 
elusion of Ch. XVII. © 1 Cor. vi. 11. 





—— “etl str ESS 
LT ES I CT  , 





z 7 a 
CE OT LL IE 


of 
f h 

>" 

J 


' OBAP. XVIq. BAD NEWS FROM GALATIA. 52] 


by the chains of habit, that their complete deliverance could scarce be 
‘hoped for, yet at least their children might be brought up in the nurture 
and admonition of the Lord. Moreover, there were some, even in ihis 


erring church, on whom St. Paul could think with unmingled satisfaction; 


some who walked in the Spirit, and did not fulfil the lust of the fiesh; 
who were created anew in Christ Jesus; with whom old things had 
passed away, and all things had become new; who dwelt in Christ, and 
Christin them. Such were Erastus the treasurer, and Stephanas, the 
first-fruits of Achaia; such were Fortunatus and Achaicus, who had lately 
travelled to Ephesus on the errand of their brethren; such was Gaius,! 
who was even now preparing to welcome beneath his hospitable roof the 
Apostle who had thrown open to himself the door of entrance into the 
Church of Christ. When St. Paul thought of “them that were such,” 
and of the many others “ who worked with them and labored,”? as he 
threaded the crowded streets on his way to the house of Gaius, doubtless 
he “ thanked God and took courage.” 

But a painful surprise awaited him on his arrival. He found that intel- 
ligence had reached Corinth from Ephesus, by the direct route, of a more 
recent date than any which he had lately received; and the tidings 


brought by this channel concerning the state of the Galatian churche 


excited both his astonishment and his indignation.* His converts there, 
whom he seems to have regarded with peculiar affection, and whose love 
and zeal for himself had formerly been so conspicuous, were rapidly for- 
saking his teaching, and falling an easy prey to the arts of Judaizing 
missionaries from Palestine. We have seen the vigor and success with 
which the Judaizing party at Jerusalem were at this period pursuing their 
new tactics, by carrying the war into the territory of their great opponent, 
and endeavoring to counterwork him in the very centre of his influence, 
in the bosom of those Gentile Churches which he had so lately founded. 
We know how great was the difficulty with which he had defeated (if 
indeed they were yet defeated) the agents of this restless party at Cor- 
inth ; and now, on his reaching that city to crush the last remains of 
their opposition, he heard that they had been working the same mischief 
in Galatia, where he had least expected it. There, as in most of the 
early Christian communities, a portion of the Church had been Jews by 
birth ; and this body would afford a natural fulcrum for the efforts of the 


1 Jt would be more correct to write this 8 This is on the assumption thas the Epistle 
tame Caius; but as the name under its Greek to the Galatians was written soon after St. 
form of Gaius has become naturalized in the Paul’s arrival at Corinth on the present occa- 
Englisn language as a synonyme of Christian sion. For the reasons in favor of this hypothe- 
hospitalitv. it seems undesirable to alter it. sis, see the note upon the date of the Epistle 

4 UOF. XVi. 16. below. 


> 


§22 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. CHAP. XvIZ 























Judaizing teachers; yet we cannot suppose that the number of Jews resi« 
dent in this inland district could have been very large.t And St. Paul 
in addressing the Galatians, although he assumes that there were some 
among them familiar with the Mosaic Law, yet evidently implies that the 
majority were converts from heathenism.? It is remarkable, therefore, 
that the Judaizing emissaries should so soon have gained so great a hold 
over a church consisting mainly of Gentile Christians; and the fact that 
they did so proves not only their indefatigable activity, but also their 
skill in the arts of conciliation and persuasion. It must be remembered, 
however, that they were by no means scrupulous as to the means which 
they employed to effect their objects. At any cost of falsehood and 


detraction, they resolved to loosen the hold of St. Paul upon the affection 
and respect of his converts. Thus to the Galatians they accused him of 


a want of uprightness in observing the Law himself whilst among th 
Jews, yet persuading the Gentiles to renounce it ;* they argued that hi 
motive was to keep his converts in a subordinate state, excluded from 
privileges of a full covenant with God, which was enjoyed by the circum: 
cised alone ;* they declared that he was an interested flatterer,® “ becom: 
ing all things to all men,” that he might make a party for himself; an¢ 
above all, they insisted that he falsely represented himself as an apostle of 
Christ, for that he had not, like the Twelve, been a follower of Jesus 
when He was on earth, and had not received His commission ; that, on th 
contrary, he was only a tescher sent out by the authority of the Tweive 
whose teaching was only to be received so far as it agreed with theirs, ant 
was sanctioned by them ; whereas his doctrine (they alleged) was now 
opposition to that of Peter and James, and the other “ Pillars” of # 
Church. By such representations they succeeded, to a great extent, i 
alienating the Galatian Christians from their father in the faith; alres 
many of the recent converts submitted to circumcision,’ and embracet 
the party of their new teachers with the same zeal which they had for 
merly shown for the Apostle of the Gentiles ;* and the rest of the Ch 
was thrown into a state of agitation and division. 

On receiving the first intelligence of these occurrences, St. Paw 
hastened to check the evil before it should have become irremediab 
He wrote to the Galatians an Epistle which begins with an abruptness 2 
severity showing his sense of the urgency of the occasion and the t 
ness of the danger. It is also frequently characterized by a tone of sa¢ 


1 On the probable character of the Jewish § Thid. i. 10. 

population of Galatia, see p. 212. © See the whole of the first two chapters ¢ 
2 See Gal. iv. 8. the Epistle. 
® Gal v.11. 7 Gal. vi. 13. 


* Gal. iv. 16, compared with ii. 17. ® Gal. iv. 14, 15. 


EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS 623 





‘ness, such as would naturally be felt by a man of such warm affections 
when he heard that those whom he loved were forsaking his cause, and 
: believing the calumnies of his enemies. In this letter his principal 
‘object is to show that the doctrine of the Judaizers did in fact destroy the 
yery essence of Christianity, and reduced it from an inward and spiritual 
life to an outward and ceremonial system ; but in order to remove the seeds 
of alienation and distrust which had been designedly planted in the minds 
of his converts, he begins by fully contradicting the falsehoods which had 
been propagated against himself by his opponents, and especially by vin- 
dicating his title to the Apostolic office as received directly from Christ, 
and exercised independently of the other Apostles. Such were the cir- 
eumstances and such the objects which led him to write the following 


Epistle :- 


EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS! 


Defence of PAUL, an Apostle, sent not from men nor by man, but by i. 1 
en Jesus Christ, and God the Father, who raised Him from the 


ba 


1 The date of this Epistle cannot be so 
ty demonstrated as that of most of the 
thers; but we conclude that it was written at 
time assumed in the text on the following 
ds :— 
| 1st. It-was not written till after St. Paul’s 
visit to the Galatians. This is proved 
(A) by his speaking of their conversion as 

ing occurred at his jirst visit (iv. 13); im- 

ying that he had paid them a second visit. 

) (iv. 16): “ Am TI now become your enemy 

| by speaking truth among you?” implies that 
had been a second visit in which he had 
ded them, contrasted with the first when 

@ was so welcome. 

Qdly. It is maintained by many eminent 
rities that it was written soon after his 
dyisit. This St. Paul (they argue) ex- 

oressly says; he marvels that the Galatians 
so soon (i. 6) forsaking his teaching. The 
sstion is (according to these writers), within 
hat interval of time would it have been pos- 
sible for him to use this word ‘‘ soon”? Now 
this depends on the length of their previous 
istian life; for instance, had St. Paul 
them as Christians for twenty years, 
d then after an absence of four years heard 
their perversion, he might have said their 
bandonment of the truth was marvellously 
| oon after their possession of it; but if they 





















had been only converted to Christianity for 
three years before his second visit (as was 
really the case), and he had heard of their per- 
version not till four years after his second 
visit, he could scarcely, in that case, speak of 
their perversion as having occurred soon after 
they had been in the right path, in reference 
to the whole time they had been Christians. 
He says virtually, “ You are wrong now: you 
were right a short time ago.” The natural im- 
pression conveyed by this language (consider- 
ing that the time of their previous steadfast- 
ness in the true faith was only three years 
altogether) would certainly be, that St. Faul 
must have heard of their perversion within 
about a year from the time of his visit. At 
that time he was resident at Ephesus, where 
he would most naturally and easily receive 
tidings from Galatia. Hence they consider 
the Epistle to have been written at Ephesus 
during the first year of St. Paul’s residence 
there. But in answer to these arguments it 
may be replied, that St. Paul does not say 
the Galatians were perverted soon after his own 
last visit to them. His words are, in fact, “I 
wonder that you are so quickly shifting your 
ground.” The same word is used in 2 Thess. 
ii. 2, where he exhorts the Thessalonians “ not 
rashly to let themselves be shaken;” where 
the adverb refers not so much to the time as 


12 


524 


dead ;—-with all the brethren’ in my company: To THE peuinet " 


CHURCHES OF GALATIA. 


Grace be to you and peace from God our Father, and our Bie eon : 


Lord Jesus Christ ; 


ages. Amen. 


I marvel that you are so soon shifting? your ground, and forsa 


to the manner in which they were affected, like 
the English hastily. But even supposing it, in 
Gal. i. 6, to refer simply to time, and to be 
translated quickly or soon, we still (if we would 
fix the date from it) must ask, “quickly after 
what event?” —“soon after what event?” 
And it is more natural (especially as the verb 
is in the present tense) to understand “ soon 
after the entrance of the Judaizing teachers,” 
than to understand “ soon after my last visit.” 

Hence there seems nothing in this adverb 
to fix the date of the Epistle; nor is there 
any other external evidence of a decisive na- 
ture supplied by the Epistle. Bui, 

3dly. The internal evidence that the Epistle 
was written nearly at the same time with that 
to the Romans is exceedingly strong. Exam- 
ples of this are Rom. viii. 15 compared with 
Gal. iv. 6, Rom. vii. 14-25 compared with Gal. 
y. 17, Rom. i. 17 compared with Gal. iii. 11, 
and the argument about Abraham’s faith in 
Rom. iv. compared with Gal. iii. But the com- 
parison of single passages does not so forcibly 
impress on the mind the parallelism of the 
two Epistles, as the study of each Epistle as a 
whole. The more we examine them, the 
more we are struck by the resemblance; and 
it is exactly that resemblance which would 
exist between two Epistles written nearly at 
the same time, while the same line of argu- 
ment was occupying the writer’s mind, and 
the same phrases and illustrations were on his 
tongue. This resemblance, too, becomes more 
striking when we remember the very different 
circumstances which called forth the two Epis- 
tles; that to the Romans being a deliberate 
exposition of St. Paul’s theology, addressed 
to a Church with which he was personally un- 
acquainted; that to the Galatians being an 
indignant rebuke, written on the urgency of 
the occasion, to check the perversion of his 
children in the faith. 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


who gave himself for our sins, that He deve f 
might deliver us from this present evil world, according to the *?*"* 
will of our God and Father; to whom be glory, even unto the ages ¢ 



































toenail 
histo 


sion was nt 


This internal evidence, therefore, le 
to suppose that the Epistle to the G 
was written within a few months of tha 
the Romans; and most probably, therefo 
from Corinth during the present visit ( 
though there is nothing to show which of f 
two was written the first). The news of t 
arrival of the Judaizers in Galatia 
reach St. Paul from Ephesus; and (cons 
ing the commercial relations between the 
cities) there is no place where he would be 
likely to hear tidings from Ephesus as 
Corinth. And since. on his arrival at 
latter city, he would probably find some ii 
ligence from Ephesus waiting for him, 
have supposed, in the text, that the tidings 
the perversion of Galatia met him thus on 
arrival at Corinth. 

1 Some of these “brethren in St. P 
company” are enumerated in Acts xx. 
Sopater of Bercea ; Aristarchus and Secuné 
of Thessalonica; Gaius of Derbe; Timofl 
us; and Tychicus and Trophimus from P 
consular Asia. The junction of their nam 
with that of Paul in the salutation of #l 
Epistle, throws light on the junction of 
names of Timotheus, Sosthenes, Silvanus, & 
with Paul’s in the salutation at the head 
some other Epistles ; showing us more 
that these names were not joined with th 
St. Paul as if they were joint authors of 
several Epistles referred to. This clause a 
confirms the date we have assigned to 
Epistle, since it suits a period when he hed an 
unusual number of travelling companions, ii 
consequence of the collection which they end 
he were jointly to bear to Jerusalem. See! 
last chapter. 

2 For the translation of this, see the m 
on the date of this Epistle, above. 





EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. 525 


| Hm? who called you? in the grace of Christ, for a new Glad-tidings ; 
_ which is nothing else * but the device of certain men who are troubling 
| you, and who desire to pervert the Glad-tidings of Christ. But even 
; though I myself, or an angel from heaven, should declare to you any 
. other Glad-tidings than that which I declared, let him be accursed. As 
' [have said before, so now I say again, if any man is come to you with a 
| Glad-tidings different from that which you received before, let him be 
accursed. Think ye that man’s‘ assent, or God’s, is now my object? or 
\ is it that I seek favor with men? Nay, if I still sought favor with men, 
should not be the bondsman of Christ. 
| For I certify you, brethren, that the Glad-tidings which I brought you 
jis not of man’s devising. For I myself received it not from man, nor 
was it taught me by man’s teaching, but by the revelation of Jesus 
Christ. For you have heard of my former behavior in the days of my 
| Judaism, how I persecuted beyond measure the Church of God, and 
istrove® to root it out, and outran in Judaism many of my own age and 
\nation, being more exceedingly zealous ® for the traditions of my fathers. 
|But when it pleased Him who set me apart? from my mother’s womb, and 
\ealled me by His grace, to reveal His Son in me, that I might proclaim 
His Glad-tidings among the Gentiles, I did not take counsel with flesh 
and blood, nor yet did I go up to Jerusalem to those who were Apostles 
before me, but I departed immediately into Arabia,’ and from thence 
returned to Damascus. Afterwards, when three years had passed, I went 
ap to Jerusalem, that I might know Cephas® and with him I remained 













_ 1“ Him who called you.” St. Paul proba- 
bly means God. Compare Rom. ix. 24. 

2 “Tn the grace of Christ.” The preposi- 
here cannot mean into; Christians are 
to salvation in the grace of Christ. 

® The Authorized Version, “which is not 
, does not correctly represent the origi- 
3 the word translated “‘ another” being 
the same in the two verses. 

* This alludes to the accusations brought 
inst him. See above, pp. 521, 522; also 
Cor. y. 11; and for the words, compare Col. 
ii. 22. His answer is, that, had popularity 
power been his object, he "vonld have 
ined a member of the Sanhedrin The 
verbs of time mark the reference +o this 












eontrast between his position before and since 
his conversion. Compare chap. v. 11. 

5 The verb is in the imperfect. 

6 This term (“Zealot”) was, perhaps, 
already adopted (as it was not long after, 
Joseph. War, iv. 6) by the Ultra-Pharisaical 
party. Cf. Acis xxi. 20. 

7 Compare Rom. i. 1. 

5 The immediately belongs to departed, as if 
it were printed immediately (I conferred not .. . 
but) departed. On the events mentioned in this 
verse, see pp. 90, 91. 

® Cephas, not Peter, is the reading of the 
best MSS. throughout this Epistle, as well as 
in the Epistles to Corinth ; except in one pas- 
sage, Gu. ti. 7, 8. St. Deter was ordinarily 


i7 
8 


9 


10 


17 


18 


526 


fifteen days;! but other of the Apostles saw I none, save only Jame 
the brother of the Lord. (Now in this which I write to you, behold 
testify before God that I lie not.) After this I came into the regions 
Syria and Cilicia ;* but I was still unknown by face to the Churches 
Christ in Judwa: tidings only were brought them from time to time 
saying, ‘“‘ He who was once our persecutor now bears the Glad-tiding 
of that Faith, which formerly he labored to root out.” 


glorified God in me. 


Then fourteen *® years after, I went up again to Jerusalem 
with Barnabas, and took Titus with me also. 
went up in obedience to a revelation, and I communicated to the breth ; 
in Jerusalem * the Glad-tidings.which I proclaim among the Gentile 
but to the chief brethren I communicated it privately,’ lest perchance m 
labors, either past or present, might be fruitless.* Yet not even Titu 
my own companion (being a Greek), was compelled to be circumcised 
But this communication *® [with the Apostles in Judwa] I undertook oj 
account of the false brethren who gained entrance by fraud, for the 
crept in among us to spy out our freedom ® (which we possess in Chris 
Jesus) that they might enslave us under their own yoke. 
yielded not the submission they demanded ;" no, not for an hour; thé 
the truth of the Glad-tidings might stand unaltered for your benefit. 

But from those who were held in chief reputation —it matters not f 
me of what account they were, — God is no respecter of persons — thos 
(I say) who were the chief in reputation gave me no new instruction 


known up to this period by the Syro-Chaldaic 
form of his name (the name actually given by 
our Lord), and not by its Greek equivalent. 
It is remarkable that he himself, in his Epis- 
tles, uses the Greek form, perhaps as a mark 
of his antagonism to the Judaizers, who natu- 
rally would cling to the Hebraic form. 

1 See pp. 94-96. 

2 See note on 1 Cor. ix. 5. 

3 See p. 97. 

* Lit. “‘ They continued to hear.” 

5 See the discussion of this passage, Ap- 


pendix I. 
Compare the preceding 


§ «To them.” 
verse. 
7 On these private conferences preceding 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


Mise. 


















And the 


The coun a 
At that time I % 7" 


To whom 


the public assembly of the Church, see p 
190. = 
5 Literally, lest perchance I should be running 
or had run, in vain. 
® Something must be supplied here to ec 
plete the sense; we understand “communi 
cated” from vy. 2; others supply “was not 
circumcised,” “ but I refused to circumcise him 
(which otherwise I would have done) 7 
account of the false brethren, that I nie 
seem to yield to them.” Others again supply 
“was circumcised,” which gives an oppo : 
sense. The interpretation here adopted agrees 
best with the narrative in Acts xv. e 
10 Viz. from the ordinances of the Mosaic 
law. 1 The article implies this meaning. — 





‘guar. xv. EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. 527 


it, on the contrary, when they saw that I had’ been charged to preachii ? 


the Glad-tidings to the uncircumcised, as Peter to the circumcised (for 
He who wrought in Peter for the Apostleship of the circumcision 
wrought also in me for the Gentiles), and when they had learned the 
graze which had been given me,— James, Cephas, and John, who were 
accounted chief pillars, gave to me and Barnabas the right hand of fellow- 
ship purposing that we should go to the Gentiles, and they to the Jews; 
provided only, that we should remember the poor,’ which I have accord- 
ingly ‘ endeavored to do with diligence. 

But when Cephas came to Antioch, I withstood him to the 
face, because he had incurred‘ reproach; for before the com- 
ing of certain [brethren] from James, he was in the habit of eating with 
the Gentiles; but when they came, he began to draw hack, and to 
separate himself from the Gentiles, for fear of the Jewish brethren. And 
he was joined in his dissimulation by the rest of the Jews [in the Church 
of Antioch], so that even Barnabas was drawn away with them to dis- 


St. Peter at 
Antioch, 


semble in like manner. But when I saw that they were walking in a 
crooked path,’ and forsaking the truth of the Glad-tidings, I said to 
\gheJewish  Cephas before them all, “‘If thou, being born a Jew, art wont 
senpanced the to live according to the customs of the Gentiles, and not of the 
thelaw. Jews, how is it that thou constrainest the Gentiles to keep the 
ordinances of the Jews? We are Jews by birth, and not unhallowed 
Gentiles ; ; yet, knowing that a man is not justified by the works of the 
‘Law, but by the faith of Jesus Christ, we ourselves also have put our 
faith in Christ Jesus. that we might be justified by the faith of Christ, and 








_ 1 The perfect is used because the charge 


still continued. 
| * Namely, the poor Christians in Judea. 
pay St. Paul had carried out this part of his 
‘cement. 
y aorist here seems to be used for the per- 
#, a8 it often is in N. T. [Mr. Ellicott, in 
isputes this, and even calls the above asser- 
on “an oversight.” He expresses his opin- 
N.T. Yet Mr. Ellicott himself repeatedly 
ansiates the aorist as perfect, for example in 













We bave seen in the preceding chapters how 
8 The A. V. here is probably incorrect. 

is very valuable commentary on Galatians, 
that the aorist is never used for the perfect 


Gal. i. 18, iii. 3, iii. 27, and many other pas- 
sages. For the proofs of this use of the aorist, 
see notes on 2 Cor. vii. 2, and Rom. v. 5.} 
For the phrase translated accordingly (to which 
it is nearly equivalent), compare 2 Cor. ii. 8, 
and Phil. i. 6. 

* The remarkable expression here is not 
equivalent to the Authorized translation, “ he 
was to be blamed.” For the history, see Ch. 
Vil. 

& The Greek verb, found only here, means 
te walk in a straight path. 

® We follow Tischendorf and the best 
MSS. 


& 


10 


11 


12 


13 


14 


16 


ii 17 


3 
4 
5 


528 


not by the works of the Law; for by the works of the Law ‘ shal 


flesh be justified.’”’ 


But what if,? while seeking to be justified in Christ, we have indeg 
reduced * ourselves also to the sinful state of unhallowed ‘ Gentiles? 
God forbid ! 

For if I again build up that [structure of the Law] which I have ove 
thrown, then I represent myself as a transgressor. 
the operation’ of the Law, became dead to the Law, that I might live 1 
God. I am crucified with Christ; it is no more I that live, but Chri 
is living in me;* and my outward life which still remains, I live in 
faith of the Son of God, who loved me and gave himself for me. 
trate not God’s gift of grace [like those who seek righteousness in # 
Law]; for if the Law can make men righteous, then Christ died in ve 

O foolish Galatians, who has bewitched you ?®— you, be- Appesl tot 
fore whose eyes was held up the picture” of Jesus Christ upon the Gal 
the cross. One question I would ask you. When you received the Sp 
was it from the works of the Law, or the preaching™ of Faith? Are ye 
Having begun in the Spirit, would you now end in t 
Flesh? Have you received so many benefits” in vain — if indeed it hi 


Christ then a minister of sin? 


so senseless ? 


been in vain? Whence, I say, are 

1 Ps. cxliii. 2 (LXX.); quoted also more 
fully, Rom. iii. 20. 

2 The construction is like that in Rom. 
ix. 22. 

8 Literally, been found sinners ourselves, as 
well as other men. 

* “ Unhallowed.” Compare “ unhallowed 
Gentiles ” above. 

5 Neander thinks that the 17th verse also 
ought to be included in the speech of St. Paul, 
and much might be said in favor of his view. 
Still, on the whole, we think the speech more 
naturally terminates with v.16. See p. 201, 
n. 2. The hypothesis in v. 17 is that of the 
Judaizers, refuted (after St. Paul’s manner) 
by an abrupt reductio ad absurdum. The 
Judaizer objects, “ You say you seek righteous- 
ness in Christ, but in fact you reduce yourself to 
the state of a Gentile ; you are farther from God, 
and therefore farther from righteousness, than you 
were before.’ To which St. Paul only replies, 
“On your hypothesis, then, we must conclude Christ 
to be the minister of sin! God forbid.” This 


THE LIFE AND EPISTILES OF ST. PAUL. 



















Whereas ® I, throug 


I fre 


the gifts of Him who furnishes 


passage is illustrated by the similar 2 
which he answers the objections of the s: 
party, Rom. iii. 3-8. See note on the ph 
rendered “ God forbid ” below, chap. iii. 21 
* In this “for” (A. V.) is virtually 
tained the suppressed clause “but the abolit 
of the law does not make me a transgressor, 
7 This thought is fully expanded in the 
of Romans. 
® It is with great regret that we dep 
from the A. V. here, not only because of it 
extreme beauty, but because it must be so d 
to the devotional feelings of all good 
Yet the words cannot be translated neve: 
Z live, yet not I.” 
® The words “ that ye should not obey th 
truth” are not found in the best MSS., an 
“among you ” is also omitted. 
10 This is the literal sense. 
1 Compare Rom. x. 17, and 1 Thess. ii. 
12 Literally, have you experienced so 
things [or such great things}* The con 
against the translation of the verb by su 


EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. 529 





bi with the fulness of the Spirit, and works in you the power of miracles ?! 
m the deeds of the Law, or from the preaching of Faith? 

ik, So likewise “Abraham bath faith in God, and it foas 
Be P=: of eeechoned unto bim for righteousness.”* Know, therefore, 
’ that they only are the sons of Abraham who are children of 
Faith. And the Scripture, foreseeing that God through Faith justifies 
[not the Jews only, but] the Gentiles, declared beforehand to Abraham 
the Glad-tidings, saying, “‘ All the nations of the Gentiles shall be 
blessed in thee.” * So, then, they who are children of Faith [whether 
they be Jews or Gentiles] are blessed with faithful Abraham. 

For all they who rest upon‘ the works of the Law are under a curse; 
for it is written, “‘ Zursed is ebery one that continucth not in all 
things tobich ure toritten im the book of the Lato to do them.”® 
And it is manifest that no man is counted righteous in God’s judgment 
under the conditions of the Law ; for it is written, ‘‘ #n faith shall the 
righteous libe.”* But the Law rests not on Faith, but declares, “ Che 
man ibat bath done these things shall live theretn.”’ Christ has 
redeemed us from the curse of the Law, having become accursed for our 
sakes® (for it is written, “ @ursed is eberp one that bangeth on a 
| tree”’),° to the end that in Christ Jesus the blessing of Abraham might 
/ come unto the Gentiles; that through Faith we might receive the prom- 
ise of the Spirit. 
Brethren —I speak in man’s language  — nevertheless, —a 

e man’s covenant, when ratified, cannot by its giver be annulled, 

Babraham. or set aside by a later addition. Now God’s promises were 
| made to Abraham and to his seed ; the Scripture says not “‘ and to iby 


1 The phrase is exactly similar in 1 Cor. 
xii. 10. 

| #2 Gen. xv. 6 (LXX.); quoted also Rom. 
iv. 8. 

8 Gen. xii. 3, from the LXX., but not ver- 
basim. Compare the similar quotation, Rom. 
iv. 17. 

* Literally, who have their root in the works 

; of the Law, or, according to the Hebrew image, 
the children of the works of the Law. 

5 Deut. xxvii. 26. Nearly verbatim from 








5 Hab. ii. 4 (L.XX.); quoted also Rom. i. 
|; 17, and Heb. x. 38. 
34 


1% 


7 Levit. xviii, 5 (LXX.); quoted aiso 
Rom. x. 5. 

8 “A curse for us.” The sentiment and 
expression strongly resembles “sin for us,” 
2 Cor. vy. 21; which epistle was very nearly 
contemporaneous with this, if the date of the 
Galatians above adopted is correct. 

* Deut. xxi. 23. Nearly verbatim from 
LxXXx. 

10 This parenthetical phrase here, in St. 
Paul’s style, seems always to mean, J use a 
comparison or tllustratien drawn from human 
affairs or humen language. Compare Rom. iii. 
5, and 1 Cor. xy. 32. 


14 


19 


20 


21 


530 


seeds,” as if it spoke of many, but as of one, “and to thy seed;” 
and this seed is Christ. But this I say; a covenant which had been rat 
fied before by God, to be fulfilled in Christ, the Law which was give 
four hundred and thirty? years afterwards cannot make void, to the ¢ 
For if the inheritance comes from the Law, i 
comes no longer from promise; whereas God has given it to Abrahar 


nulling of the promise. 


freely by promise. 


To what end, then, was the Law? it was* added because of the tran 
gressions ‘ of men, till the Seed should come, to whom belongs the prox 
ise; and it was enacted by the ministration of angels® through the 
of [Moses,* who was] a mediator [between God and the people]. 
where’ a mediator is, there must be two parties. But God is one [an 
there is no second party to His promise]. 

Do I say, then, that the Law contradicts the promises of God? Relation of 
that be far from me!* For had a Law been given which could Christan 
raise men from death to life, then would righteousness be truly fro 
But® the Scripture (on the other hand) has shut up the who 
world together under sin, that from Faith in Jesus Christ the promi 


Law. 
might be given to the faithful. 


1 Gen. xiii. 15 (LXX.). The meaning of 
the argument is, that the recipients of God’s 
promises are not to be looked on as an aggre- 
gate of different individuals, or of different 
races, but are all one body, whereof Christ is 
the head. Compare “‘you are the seed,” v. 29. 

2 With regard to the chronology, see p. 
157, n. 2. 

8 This is according to the reading of the 
best MSS. 

* Compare Rom. v. 20: “The Law was 
added that sin might abound,” which must be 
taken with Rom. v. 18, and Rom. vii. 13. 

5 Compare Acts vii. 53. 

§ Moses is called ‘the Mediator” by the 
Rabbinical writers. See several passages 
quoted by Schoettgen on this passage. 

7 St. Paul’s argument here is left by him 
exceedingly elliptical, and therefore very ob- 
scure ; as is evident from the fact that more 
than two hundred and fifty different explana- 
tions of the passage have been advocated by 
different commentators. The most natural 
meaning appears to be as follows: “It is bet- 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 












ter to depend upon an unconditional promi 
of God than upon a covenant made betwe 
God and man ; for in the latter case the cc 
ditions of the covenant might be broken b 
man (as they had been), and so the blessix 
forfeited ; whereas in the former case, G 
being immutable, the blessings derived fi 
His promise remain steadfast forever.” 

passage is parallel with Rom. iv. 13-16. 

8 The expression occurs fourteen times i 
St. Paul; viz. three times in Galatians, te 
times in Romans (another example of the simi 
larity between these Epistles), and once in 
Corinthians. In one of these cases (Gal. i 
14) it is not interjectional; in another (1 Co 
vi. 15), it repels a direct hypothesis, “ Shall I 
do (so and so)? God forbid.” But in all the 
other instances it is interjectional, and rebut? 
an inference deduced from St. Paul’s doctrine 
by an opponent. So that the question which 
precedes the phrase is equivalent to Do /. 
then, infer that?” ¥ 

§ The connection of the argument is, that 
if the Law could give men spirimal life, an 


| vn 
ih,’ » 
Be) 

. yu 


EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS, 538l 


: But before Faith came we were shut up in prison, in ward under the 23 


Law, in preparation for the Faith which should afterwards be revealed. 
‘Thus, even as the slave! who leads a child to the house of the schoolmas- 24 
ter, so the Law has led us to [our teacher] Christ, that by Faith we might 

be justified ; but now that Faith is come, we are under the slave’s care no 25 
longer. For you are all the sons of God, by your faith in Christ Jesus; 26 
yea, whosoever among you have been baptized unto Christ have clothed 27 
yourselves with Christ.2 In Him there is neither Jew nor Gentile, 28 
neither slave nor freeman, neither male nor female ; for you all are one 

in Christ Jesus. And if you are Christ’s, then you are Abraham’s seed, 29 
and heirs of the blessing by promise. 

Now I say, that the heir, so long as he is a child, has no more freedom iv. } 
than a slave, though he is owner of the whole inheritance ; butheisunder 2 
overseers and stewards until the time appointed by his father. And so 3 
we also [who are Israelites] when we were children were in bondage, 
‘ander our childhood’s lessons of outward ordinances.’ But when the 4 
appointed time was fully come, God sent forth His Son, who was born of 
a woman, and born subject to the Law ; that He might redeem from their 5 

very the subjects of the Law, that we‘ might be adopted as the sons of 

And because you are the sons of God, He has sent forth the Spirit ¢€ 
f His Son into your hearts, crying unto Him “ ffuther.”° Wherefore 7 
| [who canst so pray] art no more a slave, but a son; and if a son, 
then an heir of God through Christ. 





ive them righteousness: but it does not pre- 
end to do this; on the contrary, it shows the 
ce of their nature by the contrast of 
‘ts requirements with their performance. This 
is parallel with Rom. xi. 32. 
_ 1 The inadequate translation here in the 
uthorized Version has led to a misconcep- 
ion of the metaphor. See note on 1 Cor. iv. 
5. Compare also Hor. Sat. i. 6 (81). 

2 The only other place where this expres- 
ion occurs is Rom. xiii. 14; another instance 
between the two Epistles. 


sree them to fulfil its precepts, it would 







% The phrase literally means the elementary 
essons of outward things. Compare Col. ii. 8 
id 20. 
L * We, namely, all Christians, whether Jews 
Gentiles. In other words, the Son of God 


{ 
| . 


was born of a woman, that all the sons ef wo- 
men might by union with Him become the 
sons of God. 

5 “ Abba” is the Syro-Chaldaic word for 
Father, and it is the actual word with which 
the Lord’s prayer began, as it was uttered by 
our Lord himself. The “ Father” which fol- 
lows is only a translation of “‘ Abba,” inserted 
as translations of Aramaic words often are by 
the writers of the New Testament, but not 
used along with “ Abba.” This is rendered 
evident by Mark xiv. 86, when we remember 
that our Lord spoke in Syro-Chaldaic. More- 
over, had it been used vocatively (as in A. V.) 
along with Abba, the Greek would have been 
different. Rom. viii. 15 is exactly parallel with 


the present passage. 


532 


But formerly, when you knew not God, you were in bondage 


% to gods that have no real being.} 


10 


11 


12 


13 


14 


15 


knowledged you,’ — how is it that you are turning backwards to the 
childish lessons, weak and beggarly as they are 
once more in bondage under their dominion? Are yeu observing day 
and months,’ and seasons,’ and years?’ I am fearful for you, lest J ha 
I beseech you, brethren, to become as 
am [and seek no more a place among the circumcised]; for I too ha 
become as you * are [and have cast away the pride of my circumcision 
“You have never wronged me: ® on the contrary, although it was sickne 
(as you know) which caused " me to preach the Glad-tidings to you at 
first visit, yet you neither scorned nor loathed the bedily infirmity whi 
was my trial;" but you welcomed me as an angel of God, yea, even 
Christ Jesus. Why,then, did you think yourselves so happy? (for I be 
you witness that, if it had been possible, you would have torn out yo 


spent my labor on you in vain. 


1 This is of course addressed to Heathen 
converts. 

2 Compare 1 Cor. viii. 38. 

5 Literally, the weak and beggarly rudiment- 


ary lessons. 


* The Sabbath days. Compare Col. ii. 16. 
[Also Rom. xiv. 6. See notes on those pas- 
gages. — H.| 

5 The seventh months. 

§ The seasons of the great Jewish feasts. 

7 The Sabbatical and Jubilee years. From 
this it has been supposed that this Epistle must 
have been written in a Sabbatical year. But 
this does not necessarily follow, because the 
word may be merely inserted to complete the 
sentence ; and of course those who observed 
the Sabbaths, festivals, &c., would intend to 
observe also the Sabbatical years when they 
came. The plural “ years” favors this view. 

8 This is addressed (as above) to the Gen- 
tile converts. 

® The aorist used as perf. (cf. notes on 2 
Cor. vii. 2, and Rom. y. 5). It might, how- 
ever, perhaps be here rendered, Ye did me no 
wrong [when I first came to you]. 

i. « by keeping him in their country 
against his previous intention. See p. 235. 
The literal English of this is, You have in- 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


Yet now, when you have 
gained the knowledge of God, —or rather, when God has ac formal 





















CHAP, 
Appeal to. 
Heataen cx 
verts not to 
return to a 
outward an 


ship. 


;* eager to place yoursely 


jured me in nothing ; but you know that be 
of bodily sickness I preached the Glad-tidi 
te you on the first occasion, and you <a 
We are glad to find that Dean Elli 
his recent valuable and accurate comments 
expresses his opinion that “the only gre 
matically correct translation is propter co 
infirmitatem.” The contrary view of Pro 
Jowett, who translates “amid infirmity, 
defended only by a mistaken parallel ff 
Phil. i. 15. See Quarterly Review for De 
ber, 1855, p. 153, note 2. 

il This was probably the same disease m 
tioned 2 Cor. xii. 7. It is very unfortut 
that the word temptation has so 
meaning in the last two hundred and 
years, as to make the Authorized Version 
this verse a great source of misapprehe 
to ignorant readers. Some have even bee 
to imagine that St. Paul spoke of a 
habit in which he indulged, and to the 
minion of which he was encouraged (2 
xii. 9) contentedly to resign himself! 
should add, that if, with some of the best M 
we read “your,” it makes no very m 
difference in the sense; St. Paul’s 
would then be called the trial of the Galati 

{ 


. 






‘quar. xvm. #PISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. 533 


- own eyes ‘and given them to me.) Am I then become your enemy * because 
IT tell you the truth? They [who call me so] show zeal fur you with no 
good intent; they would shut you out from others, that your zeal may 
be for them alone. But it is good to be zealous * in a good cause, and 
that at all times, and not when zeal lasts only [like yours] while I am 
present with you. My beloved children, I am again bearing the pangs of 
travail for you, till Christ be fully formed within you. I would that I 
were present with you now, that I might change my tone ; for you fill me 
with perplexity. 
eanegory Tell me, ye that desire to be under the Law, will you not 
Sarah caches hear the Law? For therein it is written that Abraham had 
sontotheJew. two sons;‘ one by the bond-woman, the other by the free. 
But the son of the bond-woman was born to him after the flesh; whereas 
the son of the free-woman was born by virtue of the promise. Now, all 
this is allegorical; for these two women are the two covenants; the first 
given from Mount Sinai, whose children are born into bondage, which is 
_ Hagar (for the word Hagar® in Arabia signifies Mount Sinai) ; and she 
answers to the earthly Jerusalem, for ® she is in bondage with her children. 
But [Sarah’ is the second covenant in Christ, and answers to the heav- 
tenly Jerusalem; for] the heavenly Jerusalem is free; which is the 
| mother of us all.* And so it is written “ Dejoice, thou barren that 











_ 4 This certainly seems to confirm the view 
“ those who suppose St. Paul’s malady te 
have been some disease in the eyes. The 
|| “ your” appears emphatic, as if he would say, 
}| you would have torn out your own eyes to supply 
the lack of mine. 

2 The Judaizers accused St. Paul of desir- 
ing to keep the Gentile converts in an inferior 
|| position, excluded (by want of circumcision) 
from full covenant with God; and called him, 
therefore, their enemy. 

® The expression would more naturally 
mean, “to be the object of zeal,” as many in- 
terpreters take it ; but, on the whole, the other 
interpretation (which is that of the older in- 
|\terpreters and of Olshausen) seems to suit the 
|\context better. Perhaps, also, there may be 
an allusion here to the peculiar use of the 
word “Zealot.” Compare Gal. i. 14. 
| * With this passage compare Rom. ix. 
7-9. 


§ The word Hagar in Arabic means “a 
rock,” and some authorities tell us that Mount 
Sinai is so called by the Arabs. The lesson 
to be drawn from this whole passage, as re- 
gards the Christian use of the Old Testament, 
is of an importance which can scarcely be 
over-rated. 

§ All the best MSS. read “ for” Hagar be- 
ing, both herself and her children, in bondage, 
corresponds to the earthly Jerusalem: by which 
latter expression is denoted the whole system 
of the Mosaic law, represented by its local cen- 
tre, the Holy City. To this latter is opposed 
the “city to come” (Heb. xii. 22), where 
Christians have their “citizenship in heaven ” 
(Phil. iii. 20). 

7 This clause in brackets is implied, though 
not expressed, by St. Paul, being necessary for 
the completion of the parallel. 

® The weight of MS. authority is rather 
against the “all” of the received text; yet it 


iv. 


17 


25 


26 


27 


81 
v.1 


534 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


bearest not; break forth into shouting, thou that trabailest 





for the desolate hath many more children than she twbich bath thi 


busband.”* Now, we, brethren, like Isaac, are children [born not 
Yet, as then the spiritual seed of Abrs 
ham was persecuted by his natural seed, so it is also now. 


urally, but] of God’s promise. 


what says the Scripture? “ Gast out the bond-foman and ber sox 
for the son of the bond-oman shall not be heir with the son of 
Wherefore, brethren, we are not children of th 
Stand fast, then, in the freedom whicl 
Christ has given us, and turn not back again to entangle yourselves 


992 


the free-toman. 
bond-woman, but of the free. 


the yoke of bondage. 


Lo, I Paul declare unto you, that, if you cause yourselves to be circum 
cised, Christ will profit you nothing. I testify again to every man wh 
submits to circumcision, that he thereby lays himself under obligatio 
If you rest your righteousness on the Law, yo 
are cut off from Christ,’ you are fallen from His gift of grace. For 
through the Spirit ‘ [not through the Flesh], from Faith [not works], loa 
eagerly for the hope® of righteousness. 
cumcision avails any thing, nor uncircumcision ; but Faith, whose work i 


to fulfil the whole Law. 


Love. 


You were running the race well: who has cast a stumbling- hei 
block in your way? who has turned you aside from your obedi- 
ence to thetruth? The counsel which you have obeyed * came not aiid 
from Him who called’ you. “ A little leaven leavens the whole lump. 


bears an emphatic sense if retained, viz. “us 
all, whether Jews or Gentiles, who belong to the 
Israel of God.” Compare Gal. vi. 16. 

1 Tsaiah liv. 1 (LXX.). Quoted as a pro- 
phetic testimony to the fact that the spiritual 
seed of Abraham should be more numerous 
than his natural seed. 

2 Gen. xxi. 10 from LXX., but not quite ver- 
batim. 

* This phrase (meaning literally to be can- 
celled from a thing, i. @. to have utterly lost all con- 
nection with it) is only found in this passage, 
and in Rom. vii. 2 and 6. Another instance 
of resemblance between the two Epistles. 

* In the words “ spirit” and “faith,” a tacit 
reference is made to their antitheses (constantly 




















Nevertheles: 


For in Christ Jesus neither ci 


Judaizi ; 
toacheretl : 


present to St. Panl’s mind) “flesh” or “let 
ter,” and “law” or “works,” respectively. 

§ i. e. the hope of eternal happiness promised 
righteousness. Compare Rom. viii. 24, 25, wh 
the same verb is used. 

* There is a paronomasia here, expressed by 
‘‘ obedience ” and “‘ obeyed.” 

7 The participle used substantively. 
pare i. 6, and note. 

8 This proverb is quoted also 1 Cor. y. é 
Its application here may be, “ Your seducerm 
are few, but yet enough to corrupt you all;’ 
or it may be “circumcision is a small part of 
the law, but yet its observance is sufficient @ 
place you altogether under the legai yoke.” 


: 4 
4 r 
: 


A 
| oHAP, XVI. EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. 535 


As for me, i rely upon you, in the Lord, that you will not be led astray ; y. 1¢ 
but he that is troubling you, whosoever he be, shall bear the blame. 
‘But if I myself also [as they say] still preach circumcision,! why amI 11 
still persecuted ? for if I preach circumcision, then the cross, the stone at 
which they stumble? is done away. 

I could wish that these agitators who disturb your quiet would execute 
upon themselves not only circumcision, but excision also.’ 
| For you, brethren, have been called to freedom ;* only make 
not your freedom a vantage-ground for the Flesh, but rather 


enslave yourselves one to another by the bondage of love. For 
-all the Law is fulfilled in this one saying, “ @bou shalt lobe thy neigh- 
bor RS thyse .’* Butif you bite and devour one another, take heed 
lest you be utterly destroyed by one another’s means. 

(Yariance ===» But: this I say, walk in the Spirit, and you shall not fulfil 
Hen the desire of the Flesh; for the desire of the Flesh fights 
against the Spirit, and the desire of the Spirit fights against the Flesh ; 
and this variance tends to hinder *® you from doing what you wish to do. 


16 
17 


But, if you be led by the Spirit, you are not under the Law.’ Now theis, 
works of the Flesh are manifest, which are such as these; fornication, 


: 


| 


1 This accusation might naturally be made 
| by St. Paul’s opponents, on the ground of his 
| cireumcising Timothy, and himself still con- 
‘nuing several Jewish observances. See Acts 

xx. 6, and Acts xxi. 24. The first “still” in 
‘this yerse is omitted by some MSS., but re- 
\tained by the best. 
| 2 Literally, the stumbling-stone of the cross ; 
‘ie. the cross which is their stumbling-stone. Com- 
‘pare 1 Cor. i. 23. The doctrine of a crucified 
‘Messiah was a stumbling-block to the national 
\pride of the Jews; but if St. Paul would have 
‘consented to make Christianity a sect of Juda- 
ism (as he would by “preaching cireumcis- 
ion”), their pride would have been satisfied. 

jut then, if salvation were made to depend on 
utward ordinances, the death of Christ would 

‘be rendered unmeaning. 

® Observe the force of the “also” and of 

the middle veice here; the A.V. is a mistrans- 
‘ation 
* Literally, on terms of freedom, 

§ Leyit. xix. 18 (LXX.). 








® Not “so that you cannot do” (A. V.), but 
“‘ tending to prevent you frem doing.” 

7 To be “under the yoke of the Law,” and 
‘under the yoke of the Flesh,” is in St. Paul’s 
language the same ; because, for those who are 
under the Spirit’s guidance, the Law is dead 
(vy. 23); they do right, not from fear of the 
Law’s penalties, but through the influence of 
the Spirit who dwells within them. This, at 
least, is the ideal state of Christians. Com- 
pare Rom. viii. 1-14. St. Paul here, and else- 
where in his Epistles, alludes thus briefly to im- 
portant truths, because his readers were already 
familiar with them from his personal teaching. 
By the “ flesh ” St. Paul denotes not merely the 
sensual tendency, but generally that which is 
earthly in man as opposed to what is spiritual. 
It should be observed, that the 17th verse is 
a summary of the description of the struggle 
between flesh and spirit in Rom. vii. 7-25; 
and verse 18th is a summary of the description 
of the Christian’s deliverance from this struggle. 
Rom. viii. 1-14. 


v. 20 impurity, lasciviousness ; idolatry, witchcraft ;' enmities, strife, jea 
passionate anger ; intrigues,’ divisions, sectarian parties ; envy, mv 
drunkenness, revellings, and such like. Of which I forewarn you (as I tol 
you also in times past), that they who do such things shall not inherit t 
kingdom of God. But the fruit of the Spirit is love, joy, peace, long-s 
fering, kindness, goodness, trustfulness,’ gentleness, self-denial. 


21 
22 


23 


25 
26 


536 


such there is no Law. 


But they who are Christ’s have crucified * the Flesh, with its Warming 
If we live by the Spirit, let our steps rag ed 


passions and its lusts. 
be guided by the Spirit. 


voking one another to strife, regarding one another with envy. Brethre 
—TI speak to you who call yourselves the Spiritual,® — even if any , 
be overtaken in a fault, do you correct such a man in a spirit of meeknes 
and take thou heed to thyself, lest thou also be tempted. Bear ye ¢ 
another’s burdens, and so fulfil the law of Christ. 2: 
exalts himself, thinking to be something when he is nothing, he deceis 
Rather let every man examine his 0} 


himself with vain imaginations. 


work, and then his boasting will concern himself alone, and not his neig 
bor ; for each will bear the load [of sin] which is his own,’ [instead 
magnifying the load which is his brother’s]. 

Moreover, let him who is receiving instruction in the Word? Provision 
give to his instructor a share in all the good things which he te 
Do not deceive yourselves— God cannot be de- 
frauded.* Every man shall reap as he has sown. The man whor 


possesses. 


1 The profession of magical arts. The his- 
tory of the times in which St. Paul lived is 
full of the crimes committed by those who pro- 
fessed such arts. We have seen him brought 
into contact with such persons at Ephesus 
already. They dealt in poisons also, which 
accounts for the use of the term etymologi- 
cally. 

4 For this word, compare Rom. ii. 8, and 
note. Also 2 Cor. xii. 20. 

%’ The word seems to have this meaning 
here; for faith (in its larger sense) could not 
be classed as one among a number of the con- 
stituent parts of Jove. See 1 Cor. xiii. 

* Some translate this aorist “crucified the 
flesh [at the time of their baptism or their con- 
version.|” Butitis more natural to take it 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


Let us not become vainglorious, pro- pride. 



























For, if any 


nua 


nance of 
presbyters 
structors), 


as used for the perfect. See notes on 2 C 
vii. 2, and Rom. v. 5. 

& « Ye that are spiritual.” See p. 391. 

6 The allusion here is apparently to Also 
well-known fable. It is unfortunate, th 
the Authorized Version, two words (v. 2) 
translated by the same term burden, whi 
seems to make St. Paul contradict him 
His meaning is, that self-examination will pi 
vent us from comparing ourselves boast 
with our neighbor: we shall have enough to 
with our own sins, withont serutinizirg hi 

7 By the Word one ee 
tianity. 

8 Literally, “ God is not mocked,” t.¢ G 
is not really deceived by hypocrites, who thi 
to reap where they have not sewn 





4 


‘gHaP, XVOL 


EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. 537 


sows for his own Flesh shall reap therefrom a harvest doomed ' to perish ; 
but he who sows for the Spirit shall from the Spirit reap the harvest of life 
eternal. But let us continue in well-doing, and not be weary:? for in 


due season we shall reap, if we faint not. 


Therefore, as we have oppor- 


tunity,’ let us do good to all men, but especially to our brethren in the 


household of Faith. 


Autograph 
sonelusion, _ with my own hand. 


Observe the size‘ of the characters in which I write® to you 


I tell you that they who wish to have a good repute in things pertain- 
ing to the Flesh, they, and they alone,’ are forcing circumcision upon 
you; and that only to save themselves from the persecution which’ 


Christ bore upon the cross. 


For even they who circumcise themselves do 


not keep the Law; but they wish to have you circumcised, that your 
obedience ® to the fleshly ordinance may give them a ground of boasting. 


Lord Jesus Christ ; whereby the world is crucified unto me, and I unto 


But as for me, far be it from me to boast, save only in the cross® of our 


the world. For in Christ Jesus neither circumcision is any thing, nor 


: 


. 
| 1 See Rom. viii. 21. 

| 2 Compare 2 Thess. iii. 18, where the ex- 
pression is almost exactly the same. 

8 This opportunity (time) is suggested by the 
preceding season (time) ; but the verbal identity 
cannot with advantage be retained here in 
English. 

* Thus we must understand the phrase, 
elias we suppose (with Tholuck) that “how 
\large” is used for ‘‘what kind of,” as in the 
later Greek of the Byzantine writers. To take 
“ characters ” as equivalent to “letter ” appears 
inadmissible. St. Paul does not here say that 
he wrote the whole Epistle with his own hand ; 
but this is the beginning of his usual autograph 
postscript, and equivalent to the “‘so I write” 
in 2 Thess. iii. 17. We may observe as a fur- 
ther confirmation of this view, that scarcely any 
pistle bears more evident marks than this 
f baying been written from dictation. The 
iter of this note received a letter from the 
merable Neander a few months before his 
eath, which illustrated this point in a manner 
the more interesting, because he (Neander) 
es a different view of this passage. His let- 
is written in the fair and flowing hand of 
amanuensis, but it ends with a few irregular 














i 


lines in large and rugged characters, written 
by himself, and explaining the cause of his 
needing the services of an amanuensis, namely, 
the weakness of his eyes (probably the very 
malady of St. Paul). It was impossible to 
read this autograph without thinking of the 
present passage, and observing that he might 
have expressed himself in the very words of 
St. Paul: “‘ Behold! in what large characters 
I have written to thee with my own hand.” 
[The words are given in uncial characters on 
the next page. — H.] 

& The past tense, used, according to the 
classical epistolary style, from the position of 
the readers. 

8 The “they ” is emphatic. 

7 Literally, that they may not be persecuted 
with the cross of Christ. Cf. 2 Cor. i. 5 (the 
sufferings of Christ). 

8 Literally, that they may boast in your flesh. 

® To understand the full force of such ex- 
pressions as “to boast in the cross,” we must 
remember that the cross (the instrument of 
punishment of the vilest malefactors) was asso- 
ciated with all that was most odious, contempti- 
ble, and horrible in the minds of that genere 
tion, just as the word gibbet would be now. 


(Ts te 


538 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. a 


vi. 


16 uncircumcision ; but a new creation. 
rule, peace and mercy be upon them, and upon all the Israel of God.? 





And whosoever shall walk fl ! 


17 Henceforth, let no man vex me; for I bear in my body the sez rs! 


which mark my bondage to the Lord Jesus. 
18 Brethren, the grace of our Lord Jesus Christ be with your sp 


Amen. 


IAETE IIHAIKOIZ YMIN TPAMMAZIN ErPAYA TH EMH XEIPI4 


1Cf. 2 Cor. v. 17. 

?Compare ch. iii. v. 9. 

’ Literally, the scars of the wounds 
made upon the body of a slave by the 
branding-iron, by which he was marked 
as belonging to his master. Observe the 
emphatic “I:” whatever others may do, 
I at least bear in my body the true 
marks which show that I belong to 


Christ; the scars, not of aumcisic 
but of wounds suffered for His sz 
Therefore let no man vex me by denyii 
that I am Christ’s servant, and bear h 
commission. Cf. 2 Cor. xi. 23. 7 
*[The words used by St. Paul (Gal. v 
11), as they appear in the Uncial MSS 
e. g. the Codex Ephremi Rescreptus (C 
—Hl. 5 








CHAPTER XIx 


St. Paul at Corinth. — Punishment of Contumacious Offenders. — Subsequent Character of the 
Corinthian Church. — Completion of the Collection. — Phebe’s Journey to Rome. — She 
bears the Epistle to the Romans. 


was probably about the same time when St. Paul despatched to 
Ephesus the messengers who bore his energetic remonstrance to the 
Galatians, that he was called upon to inflict the punishment which he had 
threatened upon those obstinate offenders who still defied his censures at 
Corinth. We have already seen that these were divided into two classes: 
the larger consisted of those who justified their immoral practice by 
Antinomian! doctrine, and, styling themselves “the Spiritual,” considered 
the outward restrictions of morality as mere carnal ordinances, from 
which they were emancipated ; the other and smaller (but more obstinate 
_and violent) class, who had been more recently formed into a party by 
emissaries from Palestine, were the extreme Judaizers,? who were taught 
to look on Paul as a heretic, and to deny his apostleship. Although the 
"principles of these two parties differed so widely, yet they both agreed in 
‘repudiating the authority of St. Paul ; and, apparently, the former party 
| gladly availed themselves of the calumnies of the Judaizing propagan- 
dists, and readily listened to their denial of Paul’s divine commission ; 
‘while the Judaizers, on their part, would foster any opposition to the 
Apostle of the Gentiles, from whatever quarter it might arise. 

But now the time was come when the peace and purity of the Co- 
rinthian Church was to be no longer destroyed (at least openly) by either 
‘of these parties. St. Paul’s first duty was to silence and shame his lead- 
‘mg opponents by proving the reality of his Apostleship, which they 
L aes This he could only do by exhibiting “ the signs of an Apostle,” 
which consisted, as he himself informs us, mainly in the display of 
miraculous powers (2 Cor. xii. 12). The present was a crisis which 
required such an appeal to the direct judgment of God, who could alone 











1 In applying this term Antinomian to the their characteristic (which was a belief that the 
“all things lawful” party at Corinth, we do restraints of outward law were abolished for 
ot of course mean that all their opinions Christians) seems more accurately expressed 
were the same with those which have been by the term Antinomian than by any other. 
thal by modern (so-called) Antinomians. But 2 See above, Ch. XVII. 

589 
























540 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. CRAP. 1 


decide between conflicting claimants to a Divine commission. It was 
contest like that between Elijah and the prophets of Baal. St. Paul hag 
already in his absence professed his readiness to stake the truth of hi 
claims on this issue (2 Cor. x. 8, and xiii. 3-6); and we may be sur 
that now, when he was present, he did not shrink from the trial. And 
doubtless, God, who had sent him forth, wrought such miracles by hi 
agency as sufficed to convince or to silence the gainsayers. Perhaps th 
Judaizing emissaries from Palestine had already left Corinth after fulfi 
ling their mission by founding an anti-Pauline party there. If they ha 
remained, they must now have been driven to retreat in shame and con 
fusion. All other opposition was quelled likewise, and the whole Churel 
of Corinth were constrained to confess that God was on the side of Paul 
Now, therefore, that “their obedience was complete,” the painful tas 
remained of “ punishing all the disobedient” (2 Cor. x. 6). It was no 
enough that those who had so often offended and so often been pardon 
before should now merely profess once more a repentance which was on 
the offspring of fear or of hypocrisy, unless they were willing to giv 
proof of their sincerity by renouncing their guilty indulgences. ne} 
had long infected the Church by their immorality ; they were not mere 
evil themselves, but they were doing harm to others, and causing th 
name of Christ to be blasphemed among the heathen. It was necessar 
that the salt which had lost its savor should be cast out, lest its putre 
cence should spread to that which still retained its purity (2 Cor. xii 
21). St. Paul no longer hesitated to stand between the living and th 
dead, that the plague might be stayed. We know, from his own deseri 
tion (1 Cor. v. 3-5), the very form and manner of the punishmen 
inflicted. A solemn assembly of the Church was convened; the presen 
and power of the Lord Jesus Christ was especially invoked ; the cases ¢ 
the worst offenders were separately considered, and those whose si 
required so heavy a punishment were publicly cast out of the Chure 
and (in the awful phraseology of Scripture) delivered over to Sata 
Yet we must not suppose that even in such extreme cases the object of # 
sentence was to consign the criminal to final reprobation. On the co 
trary, the purpose of this excommunication was so to work on th 
offender’s mind as to bring him to sincere repentance, “ that his spir 
might be saved in the day of the Lord Jesus.”? If it had this happy 
effect, and if he manifested true contrition, he was restored (as we h 
already seen in the case of the incestuous person)* to the love of th 
brethren and the communion of the Church. 


4 


1 We here assume that some of the Corin- 2 1 Cor. v. 5. 
thian Church remained obstinate in their of- 5 2 Cor. ii. 6-8. 
fences, as. St. Paul expected that they would. 





CHARACTER OF THE CORINTHIAN CHURCH. 541 


We should naturally be glad to know whether the pacification and 
purification of the Corinthian Church thus effected was permanent; or 
_ whether the evils which were so deeply rooted sprang up again after St. 
_ Paul’s departure. On this point Scripture gives us no further informa- 
tion, nor can we find any mention of this Church (which has hitherto 
occupied so large a space in our narrative) after the date of the present 
chapter, either in the Acts or the Hpistles. Such silence seems, so far 
as it goes, of favorable augury. And the subsequent testimony of 


Clement (the “‘ fellow-laborer”’ of Paul, mentioned Phil. iv. 3) confirms 
this interpretation of it. He speaks (evidently from his own personal 
experience) of the impression produced upon every stranger who visited 

the Church of Corinth, by their exemplary conduct ; and specifies particu- 
larly their possession of the virtues most opposite to their former faults. 

_ Thus, he says that they were distinguished for the ripeness and sound- 

ness of their knowledge in contrast to the unsound and false pretence of 

knowledge for which they were rebuked by St. Paul. Again, he praises 
the pure and blameless lives of their women; which must therefore have 
been greatly changed since the time when fornication, wantonness, and 
| impurity (2 Cor. xii. 21) were the characteristics of their society. But 
| especially he commends them for their entire freedom from faction and 
| party-spirit, which had formerly been so conspicuous among their faults. 
Perhaps the picture which he draws of this golden age of Corinth may 
be too favorably colored, as a contrast to the state of things which he 
| deplored when he wrote. Yet we may believe it substantially true, and 
| may therefore hope that some of the worst evils were permanently cor- 
rected; more particularly the impurity and licentiousness which had 
hitherto been the most flagrant of their vices. Their tendency to party- 
spirit, however (so characteristic of the Greek temper), was not cured; 
on the contrary, it blazed forth again with greater fury than ever, some 
years after the death of St. Paul. Their dissensions were the occasion 
| of the letter of Clement already mentioned; he wrote in the hope of 
appeasing a violent and long-continued schism which had arisen (like 
their earlier divisions) from their being “ puffed up in the cause of one 
against another.”! He rebukes them for their envy, strife, and party- 
spirit ; accuses then: of being devoted to the cause of their party-leaders 
rather than to the cause of God; and declares that their divisions were 
|| rending asunder the body of Christ, and casting a stumbling-block in the way 
of many.” This is the last account which we have of the Corinthian 
Church in the Apostolic age; so that the curtain falls upon a scene of 








1 1 Cor. iv. 6. from Clement’s first epistle. ch. i., ii., iii., xiv., 
" The passages in Italics are quotations  xlvi., liv. 


542 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF §sT. PAUL. 

























unchristian strife, too much like that upon which it rose. Yet, though 
this besetting sin was still unsubdued, the character of the Church, as 
whole, was much improved since the days when some of them denied 
the resurrection, and others maintained their right to practise unchastity 
St. Paul continued three months’ resident at Corinth; or, at least, he 
made that city his headquarters during this period. Probably he ma¢ 
excursions thence to Athens and other neighboring Churches, which (a 
we know)” he had established at his first visit throughout all the regio 
of Achaia, and which, perhaps, needed his presence, his exhortations, 
and his correction, no less than the metropolitan Church. Meanwhile, 
he was employed in completing that great collection for the Christians of 
Palestine, upon which we have seen him so long engaged. The Ch 
tians of Achaia, from whose comparative wealth much seems to hay 
been expected, had already prepared their contributions, by laying asid 
something for the fund on the first day of every week ;* and, as this b 
been going on for more than a year,‘ the sum laid by must have heel 
considerable. This was now collected from the individual contributor 
and intrusted to certain treasurers elected by the whole Church,’ wh 
were to carry it to Jerusalem in company with St. Paul. 
While the Apostle was preparing for this journey, destined to be 
eventful, one of his converts was also departing from Corinth, in al 
opposite direction, charged with a commission which has immortalize 
her name. This was Phebe, a Christian matron resident at Cenchrea 
the eastern port of Corinth. She was a widow® of consideration ant 
wealth, who acted as one of the deaconesses’ of the Church, and wai 
now about to sail to Rome, upon some private business, apparently cc 
nected with a lawsuit in which she was engaged.® St. Paul availed hi 
self of this opportunity to send a letter by her hands to the Rom 
Church. His reason for writing to them at this time was his intentio 
of speedily visiting them on his way from Jerusalem to Spain. H 
desired, before his personal intercourse with them should begin, to giv 
them a proof of the affectionate interest which he felt for them, althoug 
they “ had not seen his face in the flesh.” We must not suppose, ho — 
ever, that they were hitherto altogether unknown to him; for we 5 — 
from the very numerous salutations at the close of the Epistle, that 


1 Acts xx. 8. 

2 See 2 Cor. i. 1, and 2 Cor. xi. 10 (“ The 
regions of Achaia”). Compare, however, the 
remarks at the end of Ch. X. and Ch. XVI. 

8 1 Cor. xvi. 2. 

* 2 Cor. viii. 10, and 2 Cor. ix. 2. 

& « Whomeoever ye shall approve.” 1 Cor. 
xvi. 8. (See the translation of the verse.) 






6 She could not (according to Greek m ¢ 
ners) have been mentioned as acting in the 
dependent manner described (Rom. xvi. 1 
either if her husband had been living or it : 
had been unmarried. 

7 On this appellation, however, see p. 
n. 7; also p. 381, n. 1. 

® See note on Rom. xvi. 1. 





har, XIX. THE ROMAN CHURCH. 544 


was already well acquainted with many individual Christians at Rome. 
From the personal acquaintance he had thus formed, and the intelligence 
he had received, he had reason to entertain avery high opinion of ihe 
character of the Church;! and accordingly he tells them (Rom. xv. 
14-16) that, in entering so fully in his letter upon the doctrines and 
rules of Christianity, he had done it not so much to teach as to remind 
them; and that he was justified in assuming the authority so to exhort 
them, by the special commission which Christ had given him to the 
Gentiles. 
The latter expression shows us that a considerable proportion, if not 
the majority, of the Roman Christians were of Gentile origin, which is 
also evident from several other passages in the Epistle. At the same 
time, we cannot doubt that the original nucleus of the Church there, as 
well as in all the other great cities of the Empire, was formed by converts 
‘including more Gentile proselytes than Jews) who had separated them- 
selves from the Jewish synagogue.* The name of the original founder 
‘of the Roman Church has not been preserved to us by history, nor even 
\eelebrated by tradition. This is a remarkable fact, when we consider 
‘how soon the Church of Rome attained great eminence in the Christian 
jworld, both from its numbers, and from the influence of its metropolitan 
rank. Had any of the Apostles laid its first foundation, the fact could 
isearcely fail to have been recorded. It is therefore probable that it was 
\formed, in the first instance, of private Christians converted in Palestine, 
‘who had come from the eastern‘ parts of the Empire to reside at Rome, 
r who had brought back Christianity with them, from some of their 
riodical visits to Jerusalem, as the “Strangers of Rome,” from the 
at Pentecost. Indeed, among the immense multitudes whom political 
and commercial reasons constantly attracted to the metropolis of the 








. 
| 1 Rom. i. 8: “Your faith is spoken of did not understand that language, interpreters 


throughout the whole world.” 

| 2 See also Rom. i. 13. 

| 4 This is evident from the familiarity with 
the Old Testament which St. Paul assumes in 
the readers of the Epistle to the Romans; 
so from the manifest reference to Jewish 
‘eaders in the whole argument of chapters iii. 


= , and again of chapters ix., x., and xi. 





moreover, the note on Rom. iv. 18 below. 

| * We cannot, perhaps, infer any thing as to 
composition of the Church at Rome, from 

he fact that St. Paul writes to them in Greek 
of Latin; because Hellenistic Greek 

a8 (as we have seen, p. 36) his own native 

ngue. in which he seems always to have 

pases; and if any of the Roman Christians 


were not wanting in their own body who 
could explain it to them. Unquestionably, 
however, he assumes that his readers are fa- 
miliar with the Septuagint (Rom. iv. 18). It 
is rather remarkable that Tertius, who acted 
as St. Paul’s amanuensis, was apparently (to 
judge from his name) a Roman Christian of 
the Latin section of the Church. It canno:, 
of course, be supposed that al] the Roman 
Christians were of Oriental origin and Grecian 
speech. Yetitis certain (as Dean Milman, 
in his “ Zatin Christianity,” has lately ob- 
served) that Greek remained the prevailing 
language in the Church of Rome for several 
centuries. 


-_ 


LS) 


544 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. “omar 


world, there could not fail to be representatives of every religion wei 
had established itself in any of the provinces. 

On this hypothesis, the earliest of the Roman Christians were Jews 
birth, who resided in Rome, from some of the causes above alluded 
By their efforts, others of their friends and fellow countrymen (who wi 
very numerous at Rome)! would have been led to embrace the Gosps 
But the Church so founded, though Jewish in its origin, was remarkab 
free from the predominance of Judaizing tendencies. This is evident fre 
the fact that so large a proportion of it at this early period were alrea 
of Gentile blood; and it appears still more plainly from tho tone assux 
by St. Paul throughout the Epistle, so different from that in which 
addresses the Galatians, although the subject-matter is often” ned 
identical. Yet, at the same time, the Judaizing element, taough not p 
ponderating, was net entirely absent. We find that there were op 
nents of the Gospel at Rome, who argued against it on the ground of © 
immoral consequences which followed (as they thought) from the d 
trine of Justification by Faith; and even charged St. Paul himself w 
maintaining that the greater man’s sin, the greater was God’s glo 
(See Rom. iii. 8.) Moreover, not all the Jewish members of the Chu 
could bring themselves to acknowledge their uncircumcised Ger 
brethren. as their equals in the privileges of Christ’s kingdom (Rom. 
9 and 29, xv. 7-11); and, on the other hand, the more enlighter 
Gentile converts were inclined to treat the lingering Jewish prejudi 
of weak consciences with scornful contempt (Rom. xiv. 3). It was 
aim of St. Paul to win the former of these parties to Christian truth, 
the latter to Christian love; and to remove the stumbling-blocks out 
the way of both, by setting before them that grand summary of | 
doctrine and practice of Christianity which is contained in the follow! 
Epistle : — 





















EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. 


PAUL, a bondsman of Jesus Christ, a called Apostle, set apart Ssluts 
to publish the Glad-tidings of God —— which he promised of old 


1 With regard to the Jews in Rome, see months’ residence at Corinth. See Acts xi 
the beginning of Ch. XXIV. 21. 
2 The date of this Epistle is very precisely (3.) He was going to bear a collectiono 
fixed by the following statements contained in alms from Macedonia and Achaia to Jerusale 


it:— (xv. 26 and 31). This he did carry from Cor 
(1.) St. Paul had never yet been to Rome  inth to Jerusalem at the close of this # 

(1. 11, 18, 15). months’ visit. See Acts xxiv. 17. ” 
(2.) He was intending to go to Rome, (4.) When he wrote the Epistle, Ti 


after first visiting Jerusalem (xv. 28-28). Sosipater, Gaius, and Erastus were with in 
This was exactly his purpose during his three- (xvi. 21, 23) ; of these, the first three 





EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. 545 


. 


: His Provhets in the Holy Scriptures, concerning His Son (who was born i. 8 


of the seed of David according to the flesh, but was marked out! as the 
: Son of God with mighty power, according to the spirit of holiness, by 
| resurrection from the dead),? even Jesus Christ, our Lord and Master.’ 
: By whom I received grace and apostleship, that I might declare His name 


among all the Gentiles, and bring them to the obedience of faith. Among 


whom ye also are numbered, being called by Jesus Christ 


TO ALL 





| Gop’s BELOVED, CALLED TO BE SAINTS,‘ WHO DWELL IN RomE.® 
' Grace be to you, and peace from God our Father, and from our Lord 


Jesus Christ. 


| Intention of 
visiting 
Rome to 
declare 


First I thank my God through Jesus Christ for you all, 
because the tidings of your faith are told throughout the whole 


Glad-tidings. world. For God is my witness (whom I serve with the wor- 


ship* of my spirit, in proclaiming the Glad-tidings of His Son) how 


unceasingly I make mention of you at all times in my prayers, beseech- 
ing Him that, if it be possible, I might now at length have a way open to 
| me, according to the will of God, to come and visit you. ForI long to 
| see you, that I may impart to you some spiritual gift, for the establish- 
| ment of your steadfastness; that I may share with you (1 would say) in 





one with another. But I would not 


| pressly mentioned in the Acts as having been 
with him at Corinth during the three-months’ 
| visit (see Acts xx. 4); and the last, Erastus, 
| was himself a Corinthian, and had been sent 
shortly before from Ephesus {Acts xix. 22) 
with Timotheus on the way to Corinth. Com- 
| pare 1 Cor. xvi. 10, 11. 

|  (5.) Phebe, a deaconess of the Corinthian 
|port of Cenchrea, was the bearer of the 
Epistle (xvi. 1) to Rome. 

1 “Defined,” here equivalent, as Chrysos- 
tom says, to “marked out.” ‘“- ‘aay observe 
that the notes which marked j.ous as the Son 
of God are here declared to be power and 
holiness. Neither would have been sufficient 
without the other. 

2 “Resurrection of the dead” had already 
‘become a technical expression, used as we use 
|“ Resurrection:” it cannot here mean the 
resurrection of the dead (as Prof. 
| Jowett supposes), because that event not hay- 
35 




















| mutual encouragement, through the faith both of you and me together, 


have you ignorant, brethren, that I 


ing taken place could not “ define ” our Lord 
to be the Son of God. 

3 “Tord” seems to require this translation 
here, especially in connection with “ bonds- 
man,” y. 1. * See note on 1 Cor. i. 2. 

5 If this introductory salutation appears 
involved and parenthetical, it the more forcibly 
recalls to our mind the manner in which it 
was written; namely, by dictation from the 
mouth of St. Paul. Of course an extempo- 
rary spoken composition will always be more 
full of parentheses, abrupt transitions, and 
broken sentences, than a treatise composed in 
writing by its author. 

® The addition of “with my spirit ” quali- 
fies the verb, which was generally applied to 
acts of outward worship. As much as to say, 
“« My worship of God is not the outward ser- 
vice of the temple, but the inward homage of 
the spirit.” See the corresponding substan- 
tive similarly qualified, chap. xii. 1. 


4 


16 


1] 


13 


i. 14 
15 


46 


17 


18 


19 


23 









546 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. omar. x 


have often purposed to come to you (though hitherto I have bee 
hindered), that I might have some fruit among you also, as I ha 
among the other Gentiles. I am a debtor both to Greeks and Barbari 

both to wise and foolish; therefore, as far as in me lies, I am ready ¢ 
declare the Glad-tidings to you that are in Rome, as well as to other 
For [even in the chief city of the world] I am not ashamed of the Glz 
tidings of Christ, seeing it is the mighty power whereby God brings saly 
tion to every man that has faith therein, to the Jew first, and This Glad. ) 


also to the Gentile.! 


cous litbe.’”* 


For the wrath of God is revealed from heaven against all re 
ungodliness and unrighteousness of men, who keep* down the 
truth [which they know] by the wickedness wherein they live.® ton 
Because that which can be known of God is manifested in 7 
their hearts, God himself having shown it to them; for His 
eternal power and Godhead, though they be invisible, yet are an 
seen ever since the world was made, being understood by His 
works, that they [who despised Him] might have no excuse ; e 
because, although they knew God, they glorified Him not as 


For therein God’s righteousness? is re- a 
vealed, a righteousness which springs from Faith, and which * 


Faith receives ; as it is written, “ By faith shall the right- 















God, nor gave Him thanks, but in their reasonings they went astray aft 
vanity, and their senseless heart was darkened. Calling themselves wi 


they were turned into fools, and forsook the glory’ of the imperishak 


1 St. Paul uses the word for “ Greek” as 
the singular of the word for “ Gentiles,” be- 
cause the singular of the latter is not used in the 
sense of a Gentile. Also the plural “ Greeks ” 
is used when individual Gentiles are meant ; 
“Gentiles” when Gentiles collectively are 
spoken of. 

2 God’s righteousness. Not an attribute of 
Ged, but the righteousness which God con- 
siders such; and which must, therefore, be the 
perfection of man’s moral nature, This right- 
eousness may be looked on under two aspects: 
1. in ttself, a8 a moral condition of man; 2. 
tn its consequences, as involving a freedom from 
guilt in the sight of God. Under the first 
aspect, it is the possession of a certain disposi- 


past offences. 


’ men, without special supernatural comme 









tion of mind called faith. Under the scco 


aspect, it is regarded as something reckoned by 
God to the account of man —an acquittal of 


3 Habakkuk ii. 4 (LXX.). Quoted 
Gal. iii. 11, and Heb. x. 38. 

* For this meaning of the verb, cony 
2 Thess. ii. 6. 

5 By living in wickedness. 

6 That which can be known by men a 


tion. 

7 This is nearly a quotation from Ps. o¥i 
20 (LXX.). The phrase used there and here 
mesning to forsake one thing for another; 1 
change one thing against another. 


Gir. rx, - EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. 547 





God for idols graven in the likeness of perishable men, or of birds - 
and beasts, and creeping things. Therefore God also gave them up 24 
to work uncleanness according to their hearts’ lust, to dishonor their 
bodies one with another; seeing they had bartered the truth of God 25 
for lies, and reverenced and worshipped the things made instead of the 
Maker, who is blessed forever, Amen. For this cause God gave them 2 
up to shameful passions; for on the one hand their women changed 
the natural use into that which is against nature ; and on the other hand 27 
their men, in like manner, leaving the natural use of the woman, burned 
in their lust one toward another, men with men working abomination, 
and receiving in themselves the due recompense of their transgression. 
And as they thought fit to cast out the acknowledgment of God, God 28 
gaye them over to an outcast’ mind, to do the things that are unseemly. 
They are filled with all unrighteousness, fornication, depravity, covetous- 28 
“ness, maliciousness. They overflow with envy, murder, strife, deceit, 
malignity. They are whisperers, backbiters, God-haters;* outrageous, 36 
overweening, false boasters; inventors of wickedness; undutiful to par- 
“ents ; bereft of wisdom ; breakers of covenanted faith ; devoid of natural 31 
‘affection ; ruthless, merciless. "Who knowing the decree of God,‘ where- 32 
\by all that do such things are worthy of death, not only commit the 
‘sins, but delight in their fellowship with the sinners. 

Wherefore, thou, O man, whosoever thou art that judgest ii. 1 
others, art thyself without excuse ;*° for in judging thy neigh- 
bor thou condemnest thyself, since thy deeds are the same 
‘pln ay which in him thou dost condemn. And we know that God @ 
ledgmest judges them who do such wickedness, not® by their words, but 





1 There is a play upon the words here 
\(cast out — outcast). A translation should, if 


* How did they know this? By the law 
of conscience (see ii. 14), confirmed by the 


le, retain such marked characteristics of 

ise. Paul’s style. A paronomasia upon the 
words is found 2 Cor. xiii. 6, 7. 

2 Perhaps this may be here used for lust, as 

is at Eph. y. 3 and elsewhere ; see the notes 

and also see Hammond, and Jowett, in 


| ® We venture to consider this adjective 
against the opinion of Winer, Meyer, 
De Wette ; relying first, on the authority 

| of Suidas; and secondly, on the context 


' 
: 





ie 


laws of nature (i. 20). 

5 Tnexcusable in doing evil (not in judging) 
is evidently meant, just as it is before (i. 20) 
by the same word. St. Paul does not here 
mean that “censoriousness is inexcusable; ” 
but he says “thy power to judge the immo- 
ralities of others involves thy own guilt; for 
thon also violatest the laws of thy con- 
science.” 

® This appears to be the meaning of “ae: 
cording to truth.” 


i. 3 by their deeds. 


10 


11 


12 


13 


14 


548 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


But reckonest thou, O thou that condemnest 
such evil-doers, and doest the like thyself, that thou shalt 
escape the judgment of God? or does the rich abundance of or 
His kindness and forbearance and long-suffering cause unee to 





despise’ Him? and art thou ignorant that God, by His kind- ther oat 


ness [in withholding punishment], strives to lead thee to ® 
But thou, in the hardness and impenitence of th 


repentance ? 


thy heart, art treasuring up against thyself a store of wrath, which w 
be manifested in? the day of wrath, even the day when God will reve 
to the sight of men the righteousness of His judgment. 







then). 


Vor He will ps 


to all their due, according to their deeds; to those who with ste 


endurance in well-doing seek glory and honor‘ incorruptible, He 





give life eternal ; but for men of guile,° who are obedient to unrighteot 


ness, and disobedient to the truth, indignation and wrath, tribulation ai 
anguish, shall fall upon them; yea, upon every soul of man that da 
the work of evil, upon the Jew first, and also upon the Gentile. B 
glory and honor and peace shall be given to every man who does # 
work of good, to the Jew first, and also to the Gentile; for there is 


respect of persons with God. 


For they who have sinned without [the knowledge of ] the Law sh 
perish without [the punishment of] the Law; and they who have si 
under the Law shall be judged by the Law.’ 
the Law® are righteous in God’s sight, but the doers of the Law shall 
For when the Gentiles, having not the Law, do! 
nature the works of the Law, they, though they have not the Law, a 


counted righteous. 


1 Literally, “is it the rich abundance of His 
kindness, &c., which thou despisest ?” 

2 Not against, but manifested in. 

® This means to disclose to sight what has 
been hidden; the word reveal does not by itself 
represent the full force of the original term, 
although etymologically it corresponds with it. 

* “ Glory and honor and immortality,” an 
hendiadys for “ immortal glory and honor.” 

5 This noun seems to mean selfish party in- 
trique, conducted in a mercenary spirit, and more 
generally, selfish cunning; being derived from 
a verb denoting to undertake a work for hire. 
Tt oceurs also 2 Cor. xii. 20; Phil. i. 16, Phil. 
ii. $; Gal. vy. 20. The participle is used for 
tntriguing partisans by Aristotle (Polit. v. 3). 




















For not the hearers 


The history of this word seems to be 
strong analogy to that of our term job. 

® Observe the change of construction he 
The nouns in the latter clause are in the ne 
inative. ; 

7 We have iemarked elsewhere (but 
remark may be repeated with adyants 
that the attempts which were formerly made 
to prove that duoc, when used with and 
out the article by St. Paul, meant in the 
mer case a moral law in general, and im 
latter only the Mosaic Law, haye now been 
abandoned by the best interpreters. See note 
on iii. 20. 

8 The Jews were “hearers of the Law 
their synagogues, every Sabbath. 





EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS, 549 


Law to themselves; since they manifest the work of the Law written in 
their hearts; while their conscience also bears its witness, and their 
inward thoughts, answering one to the other, accuse, or else defend them ; 
[as will be seen]’ in that day when God shall judge the secret coun- 
sels of men by Jesus Christ, according to the Glad-tidings which I 
preach. 

Nor would the Behold? thou callest thyself a Jew, and restest in the Law, 


shielded by and boastest of God’s favor, and knowest the will of God, and 


they broke he givest > judgment upon good or evil, being instructed by the 


thelr outward teaching of the Law. Thou deemest thyself a guide of the 


flGog, sae blind, a light to those who are in darkness, an instructor of 
a the simple, a teacher of babes, possessing in the Law the per- 
fect pattern of knowledge and of truth. Thou therefore that teachest thy 
seighbor, dost thou not teach thyself? thou that preachest a man should 
not steal, dost thou steal? thou that sayest a man should not commit 
adultery, dost thou commit adultery? thou that abhorrest idols, dost thou 
rob‘ temples? thou that makest thy boast in the Law, by breaking the 
Law dost thou dishonor God? Yea, as it is written, ‘‘ Chrough pou is 
‘the name of God blasphemed among the Gentiles.” ” 


For circumcision avails if thou keep the Law; but if thou be a break- 




















er of the Law, thy circumcision is turned into uncircumcision. If, then, 
the uncircumcised Gentile keep the decrees of the Law, shall not his 
| uncircumcision be counted for circumcision? And shall not he, though 
\naturally uncircumcised, by fulfilling the Law, condemn thee, who with 
Scripture and circumcision dost break the Law? For he is not a Jew who 
\is one outwardly ; nor is that circumcision which is outward in the flesh ; 





\* 


1 The clause in brackets (or some equiva- callest thyself,” &c.; the apodosis beginning 
ent) must be interpolated, to render the con- with verse 21. 

ion clear to an English reader. The verbs 8 The verb means Zo test (as a metal by fire). 

in the present, because the conscientious See Peteri.7. Hence to give judgment upon 
a described takes place in the present (here). ‘‘ Things that are excellent,” or 
@; yet they are connected with in the Day rather “things that differ,” mean (as ex- 
as if they had been in the future), because plained by Theophylact), “what we ought to 
© manifestation and confirmation of that do and what we ought not todo.” The same 
judgment belongs to “the Day of the phrase occurs Phil. i. 10. See also Nom. 
rd.” xii. 2. 
2 If we follow some of the best MSS., the * Compare Acts xix. 37. [See above, p 
ation must run thus: “But what,ifthou 475.—4n.] ® Isaiah lil. 5 ‘LXX.}. 


16 


28 


550 


but he is a Jew who is one inwardly, and circumcision is that of th 
heart, in the spirit, not in the letter; whose praise comes not from ma 


but from God. 


*“‘ But if this be so, what advantage has the Jew, and what oo ci 
has been the profit of circumcision?” 
First, because to their keeping were intrusted the oracles of 5 
God. For what, though some of them were faithless* to the lst 
trust? shall we say* that their faithlessness destroys the faith- 
That be far from us. 
God is true, though all mankind be liars, as it is written: 


fulness‘ of God? 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8T. PAUL, 






Much every way. 


Yea, be sure that esta re 


“Ghat thou mightest be justified in thy sayings, and i di 


mightest obercome foben thou art judged.”® 
righteousness of God is established by our unrighteousness 
[His faithfulness being more clearly seen by our faithless- 
ness], must we not say that God is unjust” (1 speak as men e 
do) * “in sending the punishment?” 
for [if this punishment be unjust] how shall God judge the world? since 
[of that judgment also it might be said], “If God’s truth has by 
oceasion of my falsehood more fully shown itself, to the greater manife 
tation of His glory, why am I still condemned as a sinner? and wh 
should we not say” (as I myself am slanderously charged with sayi : 
“let us do evil that good may come?” 


1 The Pharisees and Pharisaic Judaizers 
sought to gain the praise of men by their out- 
ward show of sanctity ; which is here contrasted 
with the inward holiness which seeks no praise 
but that of God. The same contrast occurs 
in the Sermon on the Mount. 

2 « Feithless to the trust” refers to the pre- 
ceding “intrusted.” For the meaning of the 
word, compare 2 Tim. ii. 18. 

5 See note on Gal. iii. 21. 

* That is, shall we imagine that God will 
break His covenant with the true Israel, be- 
cause of the unfaithfulness of the false Israel * 
Compare Rom. xi. 1-5. 

5 Ps. li. 4 (LXX.). The whole context is 
as follows: “‘Z acknowledge my transgression, 
and my sin is ever before me; against Thee only 
have I sinned, and done this evil in Thy sight ; 
that Thou mightest be justified in Thy say- 


“ But if the % 
















That be far from us; 


Of such men ® the doom is just 


8 For this phrase, see note on Gal. iii. I 
And compare also 1 Cor. xv. 32, and Re 
vi. 19. 

7 In this most difficult passage we n 
bear in mind that St. Paul is constantly re 
ring to the arguraents of his opponents, which 
were familiar to his readers at Rome, but are 
not so to ourselves. Hence the apparently 
abrupt and elliptical character of the arg 
ment, and the necessity of supplying some 
thing to make the connection intelligible. 

® The ellipsis is supplied by understandi 
“why ” from the preceding clause, and “ 
from the following; the complete expressio} 
wouid have been, “ why should we not say?” 

* Viz., men who deduce immoral ons 
quences from sopbistical arguments. 


‘quar. xIx. , EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. 551 
The privileges What shall we say then [having gifts above the Gentiles]? 9 


snipe have we the pre-eminence over them? No, in no wise; for 


iiehesinen; we have already charged all, both Jews and Gentiles, with the 
thenofein, guiltofsin. And soitis written, “ Ohere is none righteous, 10 
no, not one; there is none that understandeth, there is none that 1 
seeheth after God, they are all gone ont of the toap, they are alto- 12 
gether become unprofitable, there is none that doeth good, no, not 
one. Oheir throat is an open sepulebre, with their tongue then 13 
habe used Deceit, the poison of usps is under their lips. Their 14 
mouth is full of cursing and bitterness. @beir feet are stwift to 15 
shed blood. Destruction and misery are in their paths, and the 16,17 
| foay of peace babe they not knoton. Ohere is no fear of God 18 
before their eyes.” Now we know that all the sayings of the Law are 19 
spoken to those under the Law [these things therefore are spoken to 
the Jews], that every mouth might be stopped, and the whole world 
| might be subjected to the judgment of God. For? through the works 2¢ 
_ of the Law “‘sball no flesh be justified in Bis sight,”* because by 
the Law is wrought [not the doing of righteousness, but] the acknowl- 
, edgment of sin. 
| Hence all But now, not by the Law, but by another way,‘ God’s 21 
| eondemned by righteousness is brought to light, whereto the Law and the 
which they prophets bear witness; God righteousness (I say) which 22 
| Bonteasie’ comes by faith in Jesus Christ, for all and upon all, who have 
awaydifer- faith ;° for there is no difference [between Jew and Gentile], 
oftheLaw; since all have sinned, and none have attained the giorious like- 
foe Serco ness* of God. But they are justified freely oy His grace 


gS 


_ 1This whole passage is quoted (and all for in Thy sight shall no man be justified.” 
) but verses 10 and 11 verbatim) from Ps. xiv. No doubt the preceding words were in St. 

1, 2, 8 (LXX.). Portions of it also occur Paul’s recollection, and are tacitly referred to, 
im Ps. liii. 3, Ps. v. 9, Ps. cxl 3, Ps. x. 7; being very suitable to his argument. 


Isaiah lix. 7; Ps. xxxvi. 1. * Not by the Law, but by something else. See 
2 See note on ii. 12. That the absence of iii. 28, and iv. 6. 
the article makes no difference is shown by 5 In order to render more clear the con- 


verses 28 and 29. At the same time, it must nection between the words for “ faith” and 

be observed that the Law is spoken of as a “believe,” it is desirable to translate the latter 
| moral, not as a ceremonial law. have faith (instezd of believe) wherever it is 
§ Ps. exliii. 2, almost verbatim from LXX. possible. 

*Enter not into judgment with Thy servant ; ® Literally, ali fall short of the glory of God. 





Pe 


27 


28 


29 


30 


gi 


552 


hath God set forth, in His blood to be a propitiatory sacrifice by 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 





means of Faith, thereby to manifest the righteousness of God ; gratuito 


because in His forbearance God had passed over the former 
sins of men'in the times that are gone by. [Him (i say) sho 
hath God set forth] in this present time to manifest His 
righteousness, that he might be just, and [yet] might justify ? a 
the children’ of Faith. Where, then, is the * boasting [of the Jew] ? 
By what law? by the law of works? no, but b 
the law of Faith. For we reckon ® that by Faith a man is justified, ai 
not by’ the works of the Law; else God must be the God of the Jew 
alone; but is He not likewise the God of the Gentiles? Yea, He is 
For God is one [for all men], and He wi 
justify through Faith the circumcision of the Jews, and by their Faitl 
will He justify also the uncircumcision of the Gentiles. 

Do we, then, by Faith bring to nought the Law? That be far 
Yea, we establish the Law. 


has been® shut out. 


God of the Gentiles also. 


from us! 


We have “God’s glory” as analogous to 
“ Christ’s glory” (2 Cor. viii. 28, or 2 Cor. iii. 
18). It may also mean God’s heavenly glory 
(Rom. v. 2, and 2 Thess. ii. 14). Meyer and 
others render it “the praise which comes from 
God,” which is contrary to St. Paul’s use of 
the phrase. Indeed St. John is the only 
writer in the New Testament who furnishes 
any analogy for this rendering (John xii. 
43). 

1 The A. V. here is a mistranslation. Cf. 
Acts xvii. 30, and the note on St. Paul’s 
speech at Lystra, p. 172, n. 2. 

2 The first wish of a translator of St. 
Paul’s Epistles would be to retain the same 
English root in all the words employed 
as translations of the various derivatives 
of dixaoc, viz. dixavoctvn, dixatodv, dixaiwpua, 
Oixaiwow, dtxaiws, and ducatoxpicia. But this is 
impossible, because no English root of the 
same meaning has these derivatives ; for exam- 
ple, taking righteous to represent dikaioc, we 
have righteousness for dixavoovvn, but no verb 
from the same root equivalent to dcxawvy. 
Again, taking just for dixavoc, we have justify 
for duxaovyv, but no term for dixacoovvn, which 
is by nO means equivalent to justice, nor even 




















Jewish objec 
tions met b 


ee 


ment and the 


to justness, in many passages where it occu 
The only course which can be adopted, 
fore, is to take that root in each case whit 
seems best to suit the context, and bring 
the connection of the argument. 
8 The original is not fully represented b 
the A. V. It means “him whose essenti 
characteristic is faith,” “the child of faith 
Compare Gal. iii. 7, and Gal. iii. 9. The w 
“Jesus” is omitted by some of the best MS§ 
and is introduced in others with variati 
which looks as if it had been originally an ii 
terpolation. It is omitted by Tischendorf. 
* The Greek has the article before 
word for “‘ boasting.” 
5 The aorist seems used here (as often) ' 
a perfect sense. See note on 2 Cor. vii. | 
and on Rom. v. 5. ; 
8 We have adopted the reading “for 
instead of ‘‘ therefore,” because the at 
of MSS. and Fathers is pretty equally divic 
between the two readings, and it suits the co 
text better to make this clause a propositis 
supporting the preceding, and defended 6 
the following, than to make it the conclus 
from the preceding arguments. 
7 See note on verse 21. 


EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. 558 





»xarn| a of 
br: 
ho was Eajanti- 
ed, not by 
ircumcision, 
ut before 
| ircumcision. 
4 braham’s 
deliefin God’s 
promizes fore- 


What, then,! can we say that our father Abraham gained by? 
the fleshly ordinance? For if Abraham was justified by works, 
he has a ground of boasting. But he has no ground of boast- 

ing with God; for what says the Scripture? “ Abraham bad 
hhadowe 


uadow® cain, LUD inv God, and it boas reckoned unto him for righteous- 


pear be- y é P Sako 

ng, by virtue qyegg,° Now, if a man earn his pay by his work, it is not 
Me therr faith, 

hhespiritual 4¢ 


shildren of 




















reckoned to bin ” as a favor, but it is paid him as a debt; 
but if he earns nothing by his work, but puts faith in Him who 
“reckoned to bim for righteous- 
In like manner David also tells the blessedness of the man to 


ses the ungodly, then his faith is 
1088.” 
vyhom God reckoneth righteousness, not by works, but by another way,° 
aying, “ leased are they tohose iniquities are forgiven, and tohose 
sins are cobered. Dlessed is the man against tohom the Lord shall 
rechon sin,” ° 
loes it not belong also to the uncircumcised ? for we say, 


pas rechoned to Abraham for righteousness.”” 
eckoned to him? when he was circumcised, or uncircumcised ? 


Is this blessing, then, for the circumcised alone? or 
“bis faith 
How, then, was it 
Not in 
ircumcision, but in uncircumcision. And he received circumcision as an 
utward sign® of inward things, a seal to attest the righteousness which 
lelonged to his Faith while he was yet uncircumcised. That so he might 
}e father of all the faithful who are uncircumcised, that the righteousness 
lof Faith] might be reckoned to them also ;— and father of circumcision 
0 those® who are not circumcised only in the flesh, but who also tread in 
he steps of that Faith which our father Abraham had while yet uncir- 
umcised. 

For the promise ” to Abraham and his seed that he should inherit the 


® Gen. xv. 6 (LXX.). 

* See note on iii. 26. 

& See again note on iii. 21. 

6 Ps. xxxii. 1, 2 (LXX.). 

7 Gen. xv. 6 (LXX.), repeated. 

® The full meaning of sign is an outward 


1 The “ therefore” here is very perplexing, 
the argument seems to require “for.” Nor 
| the difficulty removed by saying dogmati- 
illy that this passage is “not a proof but a 
pusequence” of the preceding. For it is un- 
aestionably given by St. Paul as a proof that 


ie law is consistent with his doctrine of faith. 
lhe “therefore” is probably repeated from 
je preceding ‘‘therefore,” just as “for” is 






— 


sign of things unseen. 

® Viz., the faithful of Jewish birth. 

10 « The land which thou seest, to thee will I 
give it, and to thy seed for ever,” Gen. xiii. 15. 
St. Paul (according to his frequent practice iz 
dealing with the Old Testament) allegorizes 
this promise. So that,as Abraham is (al. 


on 


12 


18 


iv. 


15 


17 


18 


554 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 








world came not by the Law, but by the righteousness of Faith. For, if # 
inheritance belong to the children of the Law, Faith is made of no acco 
and the promise is brought to nought; because the Law brings [ 
blessings but] punishment! (for where there is no law, there can be 
law-breaking). Therefore the inheritance belongs to Faith, that it mig 
be a free gift; that so the promise? [not being capable of forfeitu 
might stand firm to all the seed of Abraham, not to his children of 
Law alone, but to the children of his Faith; for he is the Father of us 


[both Jews and Gentiles] (as it is written, 


father of many nations”)* in the sight of God, who saw his fai 
even God who makes the dead to live, and calls the things that are not 
For Abraham had faith in hope beyond hope, that 
might become the father of many nations ; 
“Look toward heaven, and tell the stars if thou be able to now 


though they were. 


them ; eben so shall thy seed be. 


faith, he regarded not his own body which was already dead (being ab 
a hundred years old), nor the deadness of Sarah’s womb; at 
promise of God (I say) he doubted not faithlessly, but* was filled y 
the strength of Faith, and gave glory to God; being fully persuaded f 
what He has promised, He is able also to perform. Therefore 
faith toas reckoned to bim for righteousness.” 
not written for his sake only, but for our sakes likewise ; for it will 


“rechoned for righteousness” to us also, who have faith in Him t 


legorically viewed) the type of Christian faith, 
he is also the heir of the world, whereof the 
sovereignty belongs to his spiritual children, 
by virtue of their union with their Divine 
Head. 

1 Literally, wrath; 7. e. the wrath of God 
punishing the transgressions of the Law. 


2 This passage throws light on Gal. iii. 18 - 


and 20. It should be observed that St. Paul 
restricts “the seed of Abraham” to the inherit- 
ors of his faith ; and to all this seed (he declares) 
the promise must stand firm. 

8 Gen. xvii. 5 (LXX.). It is impossible 
to represent in the English the full force of 
the Greek, when the same word means nations 
and Gentiles. 

« Gen. xvii. 5. See the previous note. 


















“9 babe made thee 


* as it was said unto k 


And having no feebleness in 


447 


But these words ¥ 


5 Gen. xv. 5 (LXX.). In such quotatii 
a few words were sufficient to recall the wi 
passage to Jewish readers; therefore, to m 
them intelligible to modern readers, it is so} 
times necessary to give the context. It sh 
be observed that this ‘quotation alone is 
cient to prove that the majority of those 
whom St. Paul was writing were familiar } 
the Septuagint version; for to none 0 
could such a curtailed citation be intelligibl 
The hypothesis that the Roman Christians 
originally been Jewish proselytes, of Ge 
birth, satisfies this condition. See the ix 
ductory remarks to this epistle. 

6 Literally, he was in-strengthened { 
strengthened inwardly) by faith. 


HAY, XIX. EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. 555 


raised from the dead our Lord Jesus ; who was given up to death for our 
transgressions, and raised again to life for our justification. 


Through (th Therefore, being justified by Faith, we have peace with 
Chita are God, through our Lord Jesus Christ, through whom also we 
juste: an 
they rejoieeia ave received entrance into this grace? wherein we stand ; 
suferngs, and we exult in hope of the glory of God. And not only so, 
us) er : . 
sith the con: but we exult also in our sufferings ; for we know that by suf- 
the secre. fering is wrought steadfastness, and steadfastness is the proof 
oe of soundness, and proof gives rise to hope; and our hope 
Bie ic ieath of cannot shame us in the day of trial; because the love of God 
act is shed forth in our hearts by the Holy Spirit, who has been? 
ay 
: a given unto us. For while we were yet helpless [in our sins], 
saved. 


Christ at the appointed time died for sinners. Now hardly 
i a righteous man will any be found to die (although some, perchance, 
would even endure death for the good), but God gives proof of His own 
He to us, because, while we were yet sinners, Christ died for us. Much 
more, now that we have been justified in His blood,‘ shall we be saved 
through Him from the wrath® to come. For if, when we were His 
nemies, we were reconciled to God by the death of His Son, much more, 
veing already reconciled, shall we be saved by sharing in® His life. 
Nor is this our hope only for the time to come; but also [in our present 
sufferings] we exult in God, through Jesus Christ our Lord, by whom we 


‘or Christ in 
is own per- 





| 17, e. that we might have an ever-living 
have as the object of our faith, and might 
mgh that faith be united with Him, and 
jartuke of His life, and thus be justified, or ac- 
nied righteous, and (for St. Paul does not, 
lke later theologians, separate these ideas) 
we the seed of all true moral life implanted 
aus. Compare v. 10. 
2 « By faith” is omitted in the best MSS. 
8 Olshausen translates “was given unto 
8,” viz. on the day of Pentecost. But we 
ve elsewhere shown the mistake of those who 
ili neyer allow St. Paul to use the aorist in a 
lerfect sense. See noteon 2 Cor. vii. 2. Dr. 
rd, who objects to translate one aorist par- 
iple (in the 5th verse) “having been given,” is 
oliged himself inconsistently to translate an- 







ave now received reconciliation with God. 
This, therefore, is like 


the case’ when, through one man 


other (in the 9th verse) ‘‘ having been justified,” 
and an aorist verb (11th verse) “we have re- 
ceived,” and to consent to the junction of both 
these avrists with “ now,” a junction which is 
conclusive as to its perfect use. 

* Justified in His blood, i. e. by participation 
in His blooa' ; that is, being made partakers of His 
death. Compare Rom. vi. 3-8; also Gal. ii. 
20. 

5 The origina! has the article before “wrath.” 

6 This “in” should be distinguished from 
the nearaes nibyer 

7 Much difficulty has been caused to inter- 
preters here by the “as~’ (which introduces the 
first member of the parallel) having no answer- 
ing “so” (nor any thing equivalent to it) to 
introduce the second. The best view of the 


ll 


12 


15 


16 


17 


19 justification, the source® of life. 


20 


556 


[Adam], sin entered into the world, and by sin death; and so 
death spread to all mankind, because all committed sin. For of 
before the Law was given [by Moses], there was sin in the 
world; but sin is not reckoned against the sinner, when there 
is no law [forbidding it]; nevertheless death reigned from 
Adam till Moses, even over those whose sin [not being the 
breach of law] did not resemble the sin of Adam. Now, 
Adam is an image of Him that was to come. 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 





But far greater t 


is the gift than was the transgression ; for if by the sin of the life 


one man [Adam] death came upon the many,’ much more in 
the grace of the one man Jesus Christ has the freeness of 
God’s? bounty overflowed unto the many. Moreover, the boon 
[of God] exceeds the fruit* of Adam’s sin; for the doom 
came, out of one offence, a sentence of condemnation; but the 
comes, out of many offences, a sentence of acquittal. For if the re 
of death was established by the one man [Adam], through the sin 
him alone ; far more shall the reign of life be established in those 
receive the overflowing fulness of the free gift of righteousness by 
Therefore, as the fruit of one offence reache¢ 
all men, and brought upon them condemnation [the source of death 
so likewise the fruit of one acquittal shall reach ‘ to all, and shall b 
For as, by the disobedience of the 
the many were made sinners ; so by the obedience of the one, the ms 
And the Law was added, that sin 
abound ;* but where sin abounded, the gift of grace has overflo 


one man Jesus Christ. 


shall be made righteous. 


passage is to consider “as” as used elliptically 
for [the case is] as what follows ; in which sense 
it is used Matt. xxv. 14, where it is similarly 
without any answering “so.” Another view 
is to suppose the regular construction lost sight 
of in the rapidity of dictation: the second 
member of the parallel being virtually supplied 
in verses 15 to 20. 

1 Not “many” (A.V.), but the many, nearly 
equivalent to all. 

2 We take grace and gift together. Com- 
pare the same expression below, in verse 17 ; 
literally, the free gift and the boon of Ged, an 
hendiadys for the freeness of (God’s bounty. 

5 Literally, the boon is not as [that which was} 
wreught by one man who sinned. 



















* We take dixas@ua here in the same & 
as in verse 16, because, first, it is difticull 
suppose the same word used in the very s! 
passage in two such different meanings as Z 
Jactum, and Decretum absolutorium (which ¥V 
and most of the commentators suppose | 
be). And, secondly, because otherwise — 
necessary to take “one” differently in two j 
allel phrases (masculine in the one, and 1 
in the other), which is unnatural. 

& Literally, appertaining to life. 

S A light is thrown on this very diffi 
expression by vii. 18; see note on that vert 





'. BLK. 
: 


EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. 


557 


beyond [the outbreak of sin]; that as sin has reigned in death, so grace 





esus Christ our Lord. 


[tis aself-con- 


conclude from 
t that we 
hould persist 


n sin in order 


His death? 







ewness of life. 


1 This was probably an objection made by 
udaizing disputants (as it has been made by 
ir successors in other ages of the Church) 

en St. Paul’s doctrine. They argued that 

(as he said) the sin of man called forth so 
lorious an exhibition of the pardoning grace 
f God, the necessary conclusion must be, that 

he more men sinned the more God was glori- 
ed. Compare iii. 7-8, and verse 15 below. 
e Know, also, that this inference was actually 
educed by the Antinomian party at Corinth 
ee p. 392), and therefore it was the more 
ecessary for St. Paul to refute it. 
2 The A. V. “are dead” does not preserve 
reference in the original to a past transac- 
on. We might here keep the aorist to its 
assical use, by translating (as in our former 
ition) who died to sin [when we became follow- 
s of Christ]; put this rendering is less simple 
d natural than the other. 
| & This clause, which is here left elliptical, 





Fm reign through righteousness unto life eternal, by the work of 


What shall we say then? shall we! persist in sin that the 
gift of grace may be more abundant ? 
have died? to sin, how can we any longer live in sin? or have 
you forgotten that all of us, when we were baptized into fel- 
- lowship with Christ Jesus, were baptized into fellowship with 
; With Him, therefore, we were buried by the 
baptism wherein we shared His death [when we sank beneath 
the waters] ;* that even as Christ was raised up from the 
dead by the glory of the Father, so we likewise might walk in 
For if we have been grafted‘ into the likeness of His 
eath, so shall we also share His resurrection. 
ld man was crucified® with Christ, that the sinful body [of the old 
]* might be destroyed, that we might no longer be the slaves of sin ; 
‘for he that is dead is justified’ from sin). Now, if we have shared the 
eath of Christ, we believe that we shall also share His life; knowing 
at Christ, being raised from the dead, can die no more; death has no 

ore dominion over Him. For He died ‘once, and once only, unto sin ; 
but He lives [forever] unto God. Likewise reckon ye also yourselves to 
¢ dead indeed unto sin, but living unto God in Christ Jesus.’ 


God forbid! We who 


For we know that our 


Let not 


is fully expressed in Col. ii. 12. This passage 
cannot be understood unless it be borne in 
mind that the primitive baptism was by im- 
mersion. See p. 384. 

* Literally, have become partakers of a vital 
union [as that of a graft with the tree into 
which it is grafted] of the representation of his 
death [in baptism]. The meaning appears to 
to be, if we have shared the reality of his death, 
whereof we have undergone the likeness. 

5 Observe the mis-translation in the A.V. 
“ts crucified.” 

§ With “body of sin ” compare “body of 
flesh,” Cel. ii. 11. 

1 Is justified, meaning that if a criminal 
charge is brought against a man who died be- 
fore the perpetration of the crime, he must be 
acquitted, since he could not have committed 
the act charged against him. 

8 The best MSS. omit “ our Lord.” 


or) 


11 
12 


14 


15 
16 


17 


18 


19 


21 


23 


\Oe 


558 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


’ 
ale 












sin therefore reign in your dying body, causing you to obey its lt 
nor give up your members to sin, as instruments of unrighteousness ; 
give yourselves to God, as being restored to life from the dead, and j 
members to His service as instruments of righteousness ; for sin § 
not have the mastery over you, since you are not under the Law,! f 
under grace. 

What then? shall we sin? because we are not under the 
God forbid! Know ye not that He co: 
to whose service you give yourselves is your real master, moral 
whether sin, whose end is death, or obedience, whose end is 
righteousness? But God be thanked that you, who were once 
the slaves of sin, obeyed from your hearts the teaching 
whereby you were moulded anew ;* and when you were freed } 
from the slavery of sin, you became the bondsmen of righteous- ° 
ness. (1 speak the language of common life, to show the 
weakness of your fleshly nature* [which must be in bondage sut 
either to the one, or to the other].) For as once you gave up Yhicha 
the members of your body for slaves of uncleanness and licen- results 
tiousness, to work the deeds of license ; so now must you give them 
For when 


= 


Law, but under grace ? 


for slaves of righteousness to work the deeds of holiness. 
were the slaves of sin, you were free from the service of righteous 
What fruit, then, had you* in those times, from the deeds whereof 
are now ashamed? yea, the end of them is death. But now, being fi 
from the bondage of sin, and enslaved to the service of God, your fr u 
growth in holiness,’ and its end is life eternal. For the wage of § 
death ; but the gift of God is eternal life in Christ Jesus our La ds 


Master.’ q 


1 To be “ under the law,” in St. Paul’s Jan- 
guage, means to avoid sin from fear of penal- 
ties attached to sin by thelaw. This principle 
of fear is not strong enough to keep men in 
the path of duty. Union with Christ can alone 
give man the mastery over sin. 

2 See note on first verse of this chapter. 

% Literally, the mould of teaching into which 
you were transmitted. ‘The metaphor is from the 
easting of metals. 

* There is a striking resemblance between 
this passage and the words of Socrates recorded 
by Xenophon Mem. I.5. For the apologetic 
phrase here, compare Rom. iii. 5 and Gal. iii. 15. 


} 
5 It has been alleged that “fruit” (in N 
always means “ actions ; the fruit of a man 
sidered as a tree ;” and that it never means 
fruit of his actions.” Butin fact the me 
is used both ways: sometimes a man is co! 
ered as producing fruit; sometimes as gath 
or storing fruit. In the former case ' 
fruit,” in the latter “have fruit,” is appt 
ately used. Compare Rom. i. 18, and 
Rom. xv. 28; Phil. i. 22; 2 Tim. ii. 6. 
8 Literally, the frutt which you possess % 
to produce holiness. In other words, the re 
of serving God is growth in holiness. 
7 We must give “Lord” its full 














EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. 559 





nabore si [I say that you are not under the Law]; or’ are you igno- 

Chri are 

not under the rant, brethren (for I speak to those who know the Law), that 

Law; for the 

Lay being, the dominion of the Law over men lasts only during their life ? 

cone i thus the married woman is bound by the Law to her husband 

haye 

prttPecean, While he lives, but if her husband be dead, the law which 

amie to bound her to him has lost its hold upon her; so that while her 

better s 

va service by husband is living, if she be joined to another man, she will be 
Nien the counted an adulteress ; but if her husband be dead, she is free 

h 
a eas from the Law, so as to be no adulteress, although joined to 
formerly the 


Decasion over- 
ome them no 
ore, 


another man. Wherefore you also, my brethren, were made 
dead to the Law by [union with] the body of Christ; that 
you might be married to another, even to Him who was raised from the 
lJead ; that we might bring forth fruit unto God. For when we were in 

e flesh, the sinful passions occasioned by the Law wrought in our mem- 
ders, leading us to bring forth fruit unto death. But now that we have 
lied [with Christ]? the Law wherein we were formerly held fast has lost 


ts hold upon us: 





, e 
faeno of from us! 


hen its pre- 
pis awaken 
e conscience 
asense of 


ty, the sins 
mhich before 
rere done in 


| 


ere. Sim was our master (verses 16, 17): 
bhrist i is now our master. 
| 2 Or are you ignorant ? the or (which is omit- 
d in A.V.) referring to what has gone be- 
re, and implying, if you deny what I have said, 
must be ignorant of, &. ; or, in other words, 
mu must acknowledge what I say, or be ignorant 
F &e. The reference here is to the assertion 
verses 14 and 15 of the preceding chapter, 
t Christians “‘are not under the law.” For 
e argument of the present passage, see the 
arginal summary. St. Paul’s view of the 
istian life, throughout the sixth, seventh, 
d eighth chapters, is that it consists of a 
ath and a resurrection; the new-made Chris- 
dies to sin, to the world, to the flesh, and 
the Law; this death he undergoes at his 
st entrance intocommunion vith Christ, and 


cobet.* 












so that we are no longer in the old bondage of the 
etter, but in the new service of the spirit. 

What shall we say then ? that the Law is Sin? 
But tnen I should not have known what sin was, 
except through the Law; thus I should not have known the 
sin of coveting, unless the Law had said @how sbult not 


That be far 


But when sin had gained by the commandment a 


it is both typified and realized when he is 
buried beneath the baptismal waters. But no 
sooner is he thus dead with Christ than he 
rises with Him ; he is made partaker of Christ’s 
resurrection ; heis united to Christ’s body ; he 
lives in Christ, and to Christ; he is no longer 
‘in the flesh,” but “in the spirit.” 

2 The best MSS. have the participle in the 
nom. plural. It is opposed to “ when we were 
in the flesh,” of the preceding verse. Te 
make it clear, this verse should haye a comma 
after the Greek participle. As to the sense ip 
which Christians are ‘“‘ dead,” see the preced- 
ing note. 

8 Exod. xx. 17 (LXX.). This illustration 
appears conclusive against the view of EHras- 
mus and others who understood the following 
statement (“without the Law, sin te dead”) te 


10 


12 
13 


‘4 


560 


vantage-ground [against me], it wrought in me all manner of ignor 
coveting (for where there is no law, sin is dead). And I spiteof 
felt! that I was alive before, when I knew no law; but when 
the commandment came, sin rose to life, and I died; and the 
very commandment whose end is life was found to me the 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


} 7 iB , 





re 


conscien 
For the 


cause of death ; for sin, when it had gained a vantage-ground demt . 


by the commandment, deceived me to my fall, and slew me 


by ? the sentence of the Law. 


Wherefore the Law indeed is hoiy, and its commandments over 
are holy and just and good. Do I say, then, that Good became 
Far oe that from me! 
wrought this; that so it might be made manifest as sin, in 
working Death to me through [the knowledge of] Good ; that 
sin might become beyond measure‘ sinful, by the command- * 


to me Death? 


ment. 


For we know that the Law is spiritual ;* but for me, I am ca 


mean that the Law irritates and provokes sin 
into action, on the principle of “nitimur in 
vetitum.” For the lust of concupiscence is 
quite as active in an ignorant Heathen as in 
an instructed Pharisee. 

1 For this meaning of “live” see 1 Thess. 
iii. 8. 

2 Literally, by the commandment ; which de- 
nounced death against its violators. See note 
on 1 Cor. xy. 56. 

8 Literally, zs at become? equivalent to do I 
say that it became? If with several good MSS. 
we replace the perfect by the aorist, the difii- 
culty is removed. We oe supply “ become 
death ” again after “ sin.’ 

* This explains Rom. y. 20. In both pas- 
sages, St. Paul states the object of the law 
to be to lay down, as it were, a boundary line 
which should mark the limits of right and 
wrong; so that sin, by transgressing this line, 
might manifest its real nature, and be distinctly 
recognized for what it is. The Law was not 
given to provoke man to sin (as some have 
understood, Rom. vy. 20), but to stimulate 
the conscience into activity. 

5 It may be asked, how this is consistent 
with many passages where St. Paul speaks of 
the Law as a carnal ordinance, and opposes it 
as letter wo sprit? The answer is, that here he 


But I say that sin 




















speaks of the Law under its moral aspé 
is plain from the whole context. 
® Scarcely any thing in this Epis 
caused more controversy than the qu 
whether St. Paul, in the following deser 
of the struggle between the flesh an 
spirit, wherein the flesh gains the vi 
meant to describe his own actual state. 
best answer to this question is a com 
between vi. 17 and 20 (where he tells th 
man Christians that they are no longer the 
of sin), vii. 14 (where he says J am Cami 
slave sold into the captivity of sin), and 1 
(where he includes himself among the 
live not the life of the flesh, but the life 
spirit, i. e. who are NOT CARNAL). It is: 
clear that these descriptions cannot De 
to belong to the same person at the 
The best commentary on the whole f 
7 to viii. 13) is to be found in the ¢ 
expression of the same truths contained i 
vy. 16-18: Walk in the spirit, and YE 
NOT FULFIL THE DESIRE OF THE 3H 
the desire of the flesh fights against # e 
and the desire of the spirit fights o 
Jlesh ; and this variance between the fad 
spirit would hinder you from doing that 
will prefers ; but if you be led by the spin 
are not under the Law 





EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. 561 


slave sold into the captivity of sin. What I do, I acknowledge not; for I 
do not what I would, but what I hate. But if my will is against my 
deeds, I thereby acknowledge the goodness of the Law. And now it is 
no more I myself who do the evil, but it is the sin which dwells in me. 
For I know that in me, that is, in my flesh, good abides not; for to will 
is present with me, but to do the right is absent ; the good that I would, 
[do not; but the evil which I would not, thatI do. Now if my own! 
will is against my deeds, it is no more I myself who do them, but the sin 
which dwells in me. I find, then, this law, that though my will is to do 
good, yet evil is present with me; for I consent gladly to the law of God 
in my inner man; but I behold another law in my members, warring 
| against the law of my mind, and making me captive to the law of sin 
which is in my members. O wretched man that Iam! who shall deliver 


I thank God [that He has now delivered me] through Jesus Christ our 


| me from this body of death ? 
. 


‘Lord. 


So, then, in myself, though Iam subject in my mind to the law of God, 


I 
1 The “1” in I will is emphatic. 
2 Abrdc yo, I in myself, i. e. without the 
help of God. This expression is the key to 
\the whole passage. St. Paul, from verse 14 
to verse 24, has been speaking of himself as 
he was in himself, i.e. in his natural state of 
‘helplessness, with a conscience enlightened, 
but a will enslaved ; the better self struggling 
vainly against the worse. Every man must 
continue in this state, unless he be redeemed 
from it by the Spirit of God. Christians are 
\(so far as God is concerned) redeemed already 
‘from this state; but in themselves, and so far as 
\they live to themselves, they are still in bond- 
‘age. The redemption which they (potentially, 
not actually) possess is the subject of the 
th chapter. Leighton (though his view of 
@ whole passage wouid not have entirely 
incided with that given above) most beauti- 
ly expresses the contrast between these two 
States (of bondage and deliverance) in his ser- 
on on Rom. viii. 35: “Is this he that so 
ately cried out, O wretched man that I am! 
ho shall deliver me? that now triumphs, O 
ppy man! who shall separate us from the love 
of Christ? Yes, it isthe same. Pained then 
36 





‘yet in my flesh I am subject to the law of sin. 


with the thoughts of that miserable conjune- 
tion with a body of death, and so erying out, 
who will deliver? Now he hath found a de- 
liverer to do that for him, to whom he is for- 
ever united. So vast a difference is there be- 
twixt a Christian taken in himself and in 
Christ.” Against the above view of verse 25, 
it may be said that the more natural and ob- 
vious meaning of atrdc éyw is “ZL Paul my- 
self,” “I myself who write this ;” as has lately 
been urged with much force by Dean Alford. 
He advocates the distinction between this verse 
and viii. 4, which is maintained by Olshausen 
and others, who think the spiritual man is 
described as “serving the flesh by the law of 
sin,” but yet as “ not walking after the flesh.” 
According to this interpretation, St. Paul here 
declares that he himself is in bondage to the law 
of sin, in his flesh; but means only that “the 
flesh is still, even in the spiritual man, subject 
(essentially, not practically) to the law of sin.” 
(Alford). We would not venture dogmati- 
cally to pronounce this view untenable: yet 
its advocates must acknowledge that it is ex- 
tremely difficult to reconcile it with the slavery 
of vi. 17-20 


21 


23 


25 


oto mB 


562 


Now, therefore, there is no condemnation to those who are 
in Christ Jesus ;! tor the law of the Spirit of life in Christ 
Jesus” has freed me from the law of sin and death. For God 
(which was impossible to the Law, because by the flesh it had to 
no power), by sending His own Son in the likeness of sinful 
flesh, and on behalf of sin, overcame ® sin in the flesh; * to the thes 
end that the decrees of the Law might be fulfilled in us, who t 
walk not after the flesh, but after the Spirit.* 
live after the flesh mind fleshly things; but they who live after 
the Spirit mind spiritual things: and ® the fleshly mind is death ; 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 





For they who 


6,7 but the spiritual mind is life and peace. Because the fleshly ~ 


10 


u 


mind is enmity against God ; for it is not subject to the law of God, 
8,9 can be ; and they whose life is in the flesh cannot please God. But your 
is not in the flesh, but in the Spirit, if indeed the Spirit of God be dw 
and if any man has not the Spirit of Christ, he is 1 
But if Christ be in you, though your body be dead, becaus 7 


ing in you; 
Christ’s. 


sin [to which its nature tends], yet your spirit is life,’ because of 
eousness [which dwells within it]; yea, if the Spirit of Him who 
Jesus from the dead be dwelling in you, He who raised Christ from 
dead shall endow with life also your dying bodies, by His*® Spirit w 


1 The clause which follows, from ‘“ who 
walk” to “Spirit,” is omitted in the best 
MSS.., having (it would seem) been introduced 
by a clerical error from verse 4. 

2 Winer wishes to join in “‘ Christ Jesus ” 
with the verb “‘ freed,” not with the preceding 
words; but there are so many examples of a 
similar construction in St. Paul’s style, that 
we think his reasons insufficient to justify a 
departure from the more obvious view. 

8 Literally, condemned, i. e. put tt to rebuke, 
worsted it. Compare Heb. xi. 7. 

* “ Tn the flesh,” that is to say, in the very 
seat of its power. 

5 The contrast between the victory thus 
obtained by the spirit, with the previous sub- 
jection of the soul to the flesh, is thus beauti- 
fully described by Tertullian: —‘“ When the 
Soul is wedded to the Spirit, the Flesh fol- 
lows —like the handmaid who follows her 
wedded mistress to the husband’s home —be- 
ing thenceforward no longer the servantof the 
Soul, but of the Spirit.” The whole passage 
















forms an excellent commentary on this pai 
the Epistle. See a fuller extract in the | 
editions. 

6 Winer sneers at Tholuck’s 
(which the latter has since modified), th 
conjunction (for, A. V.) is a mere éra: 
particle here ; but yet what else is it, whe 
does not introduce a reason for a preceding 
proposition? In these cases of successit 
clauses each connected thus with the preced 
they all appear to refer back to the first pr 
ceding clause, and therefore all bué the f 
conjunction might be represented by an 
Just in the same way as but is used in Englis 
as, for example, “But ye are washed, b 
are sanctified.” 

7 The word here used is in St. Paul’s wri 
ings scarcely represented adequately by life; 
generally means more than this, viz. life ir 
umphant over death. 

8 The MSS. are divided here. One 
ing must be translated because of instead | 
This will make the clause exactly paraliel m 


| 
‘CHAP. XIX. 


dwells within you. 


2 6} 
63 


EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. 


Therefore, brethren, we are debtors bound not to the 


Flesh, that we should live after the Flesh [but to the Spirit] ; for if you 


Such persons 
have an in- 
‘ward con- 
sciousness of 
wee like love 


(bba} }, and 
they antici- 
pate a future 
and more per- 
fect state 
when this re- 
lation to God 


‘ive after the Flesh, you are doomed to die; but if by the Spirit you de- 
stroy the deeds of the body, in their death’ you will attain to life. 


For all who are led by God’s Spirit, and they alone,” are the 
sons of God. For you have not received a Sp: t of bondage, 
that you should go back again to the state of slavish fear,’ but 
you have received a Spirit of adoption wherein we cry [unto 
God], saying “ Hather.” * The Spirit itself bears witness with 
our own spirit, that we are the children of God. And if chil- 


will have its 
full develop- 
ment 
‘dmoxadvwis). 
| their 
longing for a 
"ature perfec- 
on is shared 
y all created 
eings upon 
sarth, whose 
lliscontent at 
present imper- 
ction points 
i another 
‘tate freed 
‘roma evil. 
aes 
g 1s ( ) 
planted in 
Dhristiane by 
he Spirit of 
d, who sug- 
sta their 
yrayers and 
ongings. 


he end of verse 10. Tholuck gives an able 
ummary of the arguments in favor of the 
ccusative reading. 

| 1 This translation is necessary to represent 
he reference to death as expressed in the pre- 
eding verb (mortify, A. V.). 

| 3 They and they alone, they and not the carnal 
ved of Abraham. 

® Back again. Compare Gal. iv. 9. 

* See note on Gal. iv. 6. 

5 Which is about to be revealed, which shall 
on be revealed. 

§ The word used here (vanity, A. V.) means 
e transitory nature which causes all the ani- 
ieted creation so rapidly to pass away. 

7 God is probably meant by “him who 
ibjected.” The difficulties which have been 

t with regard to this expression are resolva- 
@ (‘ike all the difficulties of Theism) into 
je permission of evil. This awful mystery 


| 











dren, then heirs, heirs of God, and joint heirs with Christ ; 
that if now we share His sufferings, we should hereafter share 
His glory. For I reckon that the sufferings of this present 
time are nothing worth, when set against the glory which shall 
soon ® be revealed unto us. 


For the longing of the creation 


looks eagerly for the time when [the glory of ] the sons of God 
shall be revealed. For the creation was made subject to decay,® 
not by its own will, but because of Him who subjected it 
thereto,’ in hope: for® the creation itself also shall be deliv- 
ered from its slavery to death, and shall gain the freedom of 
the sons of God when they are glorified.® 
he whole creation is groaning together, and suffering the pangs of labor, 


For we know that 


St. Paul leaves unsolved; but he tells us to 
wait patiently for its solution, and encourages 
us to do so by his inspired declarations, in this 
and other places (as 1 Cor. xv. 25, &c.), that 
the reign of evil will not be eternal, but that 
good will ultimately and completely triumph. 
It shouid be observed that Evil is always rep- 
resented in Scripture as in its nature opposed 
to God, not as included necessarily in His 
plan ; even where God is represented as sub- 
jecting His creatures to its temporary domin- 
ion. 

8 We agree with Dean Alford that it is 
better here not to render, as some do, “ in hope 
that ;” for, were this correct, the words “ the 
creation itself” would not be so emphatically 
repeated. See his commentary on the pas- 
sage. 

® Literally, the freedom which belongs to tha 
gloriyication of the Sons of God. 


14 
15 


16 
17 


18 


19 


20 


21 


25 
26 


27 


564 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


2 


which! have not yet brought forth the birth. And not only they, but. 
selves also, who have received the Spirit for the first-fruits * [of our in ne 
ance], even we ourselves are groaning inwardly, longing for the adopti 
which shall ransom our body from its bondage. For our salvation * li 

hope; but hope possessed is not hope, since a man cannot hope for whai 
sees in his possession; but if we hope for things not seen, we steadfast 
endure the present, and long earnestly for the future. And, even as ‘ 
long for our redemption, so the Spirit gives help to our weakness 5 
not what we should pray for as we ought; but the Spirit its 







we know 


makes intercession for us, 
not utter. 


saints according to the will of God. 


1 Literally, continuing to suffer the pangs of 
labor even until now. St. Paul here suggests 
an argument as original as it is profound. 
The very struggles which all animated beings 
make against pain and death show (he says) 
that pain and death are not a part of the 
proper laws of their nature, but rather a 
bondage imposed upon them from without. 
Thus every groan and tear is an unconscious 
prophecy of liberation from the power of evil. 
St. Augustine extends the same argument in 
the Confessions (book x11.) as follows: — 
“Even in that miserable restlessness of the 
spirits, who fell away and discovered their 
own darkness when bared of the clothing of 
Thy light, dost Thou sufficiently reveal how 
noble Thou madest the reasonable creature; 
to which nothing will suffice to yield a happy 
rest, less than Thee.” See also De Civ. Dei, 
]. 22, c. 1:—“The nature which enjoyed 
God shows that it was formed good, even by 
its very defect, in that it is therefore miserable 
because it enjoyeth not God.” ( Oxford trans- 
lation, Library of Fathers.) 

2 See note on 1 Cor. i. 22. 

8 Adoption to sonship; by which a slave 
was emancipated, and made “no longer a slave, 
but a son.” (Gal. iv. 7.) In one sense St. 
Paul taught hat Christians had already 
received this adoption (compare (Rom. yii. 15, 
Gal. iv.5, Eph. i. 5); they were already made 

the sons of God in Christ. (Rom. viii. 16, 
Gal iii. 26.) So, in a yet lower sense, the Jews 


with groans [for deliverance] which words ¢ 
But He who searches our hearts knows [though it be 
spoken] what is the desire of the Spirit,’ because He intercedes for 































under the old dispensation had the adopt 
sonship; see ix. 4. But in this passagt 
teaches us that this adoption is not p 
during the present life; there is still a h 
sense, in which it is future, and the ob ie 
earnest longing to those who are already i 
lower sense the sons of God. 
4 Literally, we were saved, i. e. at our 
yersion ; for the context does not oblige 1 
take the aorist here as a perfect. The ¢ 
translation would be, ‘‘ the salvation whe 
were called lies in hope.” q 
5 The verb denotes, we long earnestly f 
future; the prepositional phrase implie 
steadfast endurance of the present. 
6 After in like manner, we must supp 
we long from the preceding clause; 4 
object of long is our redemption (by verse 5 
7 This passage is well explained by 
bishop Leighton, in the following bet 
words: “The work of the Spirit is i 
ing the heart, at times of prayer, to. 
forth in ardent desires to God, whatsoe 
words be, whether new or old, yea pi 
without words; and then most poweriul 
it words it least, but vents in sighs and 
that cannot be expressed. Our Lord 
stands the language of these perfectly, 
likes it best; He knows and approves” 
meaning of His own Spirit; He looks 10% 
the outward appearance, the shell of wor 
as mend,” Ieighton’s Exposition of 
Prayer. 


- ORAP, XIX, €PISTLE TO THE ROMANS. 565 
Hence in the Moreover, we know that all things’ work together for good 
Biristians are to those who love God, who have been called according to His 
| conqueror purpose. For those whom He foreknew, He also predestined 
titer to be made like? to the pattern of His Son, that many breth- 
: God Tae vi ren might be joined to Him, the first-born. And those whom 
eremnano ~e predestined, them He also called; and whom He called, 
cers or, jude, them He also justified ; and whom He justified, them He also 
ferings no glorified. What shall we say, then, to these things? If God 
ton ean eepe be for us, who can be against us? He that spared not His own 


from Hislove. Son, but gave Him up for us all, how shall He not with Him 
also freely give us all things? What accuser can harm God’s chosen ? it 
is God who justifies them. What judge can doom us? It is Christ who 
died, nay, rather, who is risen from the dead; yea, who is at the right 
‘hand of God, who also makes intercession for us. Who can separate us 
‘from the love of Christ? Can suffering, or straitness of distress, or per- 
‘secution, or famine, or nakedness, or the peril of our lives, or the swords 
‘of our enemies? [though we may say], as it is written, “for Cbhp 


sake foe ure killed all the day long; toe are accounted us sheep for 
the slaugbter.”* Nay, in all these things we are more than conquerors 
through Him that loved us. For I am persuaded that neither death, nor 
life, nor all the ® Principalities and Powers of Angels, nor things present, 
loge things to come, nor things above, nor things below, nor any power in 
the whole creation, shall be able to separate us from the love of God 
which is in Christ Jesus our Lord. 


| 
| 1 All things, viz. whether sad or joyful. 








tribunals. No accusers could harm them, 


(We must remember that this was written in 
the midst of persecution, and in the expecta- 
tion of bonds and imprisonment. See verses 
17, 18, and 35, and Acts xx. 23. 
2 Tike in suffering seems meant. Compare 
il. iii. 10: “ The fellowship of His suffer- 
gs, being made conformable to His death.” 
(Does not this limit it too much? Compare 
Cor. iii. 18: “ We are gradually transformed 
into the same likeness.” And see also 1 Cor. 
y. 49.—u.] 
3 St. Paul is here writing and thinking of 
is own case, and that of his brethren, liable 
daily to be dragged by their accusers before the 










because God acquitted them ; no judicial con- 
demnation could injure them, because Christ 
was the assessor of that tribunal before which 
they must be tried. The beauty and eloquence 
of the passage (as well as its personal refer- 
ence to the circumstances of its writer and its 


35 


36 


37 
38 


38 


readers) are much marred by placing marks . 


of interrogation after justifies and died. 

* Ps. xliv. 22 (LXX.). 

5 The expressions principalities and powers 
were terms applied in the Jewish theology te 
divisions of the hierarchy of angels, and, as 
such, were familiar te St. Paul’s Jewish read- 
ers. Compare Eph. i. 21, and Col. i. 16. 


To 


oe 


29 


566 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 















I speak the truth in Christ — (and my conscience bears me The fact t 
witness, with the Holy Spirit’s testimony, that I lie not) —I 
have great heaviness, and unceasing sorrow in my heart; yea, feo 
I could wish that I myself were cast out from Christ as an 
accursed thing, for the sake of my brethren, my kinsmen ac- | 
cording to the flesh; who are the seed of Israel, whom God 
adopted for His children, whose were the glory of the Shechi- nots! 
nah, and the Covenants, and the Lawgiving, and the service 
of the temple, and the promises of blessing. Whose fathers 
were the Patriarchs, and of whom (as to His flesh) was born 
the Christ who is over all, God blessed forever. Amen. 

Yet I speak not as if the promise of God had fallen to the ground; f 
not all are Israel who are of Israel; nor, because all are the seed of Abr 
ham, are they all the children of Abraham; but “ In Jsauc shall t 


seed be called.”* That is, not the children of the flesh of Abraham ¢ 
the sons of God, but his children of the promise are counted for his see 


For thus spake the word of promise, saying, “At this time twill J con 
and SARAH shall babe a son”? [so that Ishmael, although { 
son of Abraham, had no part in the promise]. And not only so, 
[Esau likewise was shut out; for] when Rebekah had conceived f 
sons by the same husband, our forefather Isaac, yea, while they were 1 
yet born, and had done nothing either good or bad (that God’s purpe 
according to election might abide, coming not from the works of th 
called, but from the will of The Caller), it was declared unto her, “ © 


elder shall serve the younger;”* according to that which is writte 


“Jacob J lobed, but Esau JF bated.”® 
What shall we say, then? Shall we call God unjust [be- 
cause He has cast off the seed of Abraham]? That be far : 


from us! For to Moses He saith, “J till bube mercy on 


1 Gen. xxi. 12 (LXX.). Compare Gal. iv. ® Literally, coming not from works, but / 
22. The context is, ‘‘ Let it not be grievous in the Caller ‘ 
hy sight, because of the lad [Ishmael] and because - Bex xxv. 28 (LXX.). The context i 
ey thy bond-woman [Hagar], for in Isaac shall “‘ The twe nations are * thy womb, and the elidé 
thy seea 0» called.” shall serve the younger.” 

? Gen. xvin. 19, from LXX.. not verbatim, 5 Mal. i. 2, 3 (LXX.). 
but apparently from memory 





oWAP. XIX. 


HPISTLE TO THE ROMANS, 


567 


sncostisas. Sohom J will habe mercy, and J will fabe compassion 


serted in the’ 
owt Scrip- 
tures in the 
case of Pha- 
yaoh. Jt may 
be objected 
that such a 
view repre- 
sents God’s 
will as the ar- 
bitrary cause 
of man’s ac- 
tions; the an- 
ewer is, that 
the created 
being cannot 
vestigate 
the causes 
which may 
have deter- 
mined the will 
of his Creator. 


from God’s mercy. 


on tohom J will babe compassion.”’ So, then, the 
choice comes not from man’s will, nor from man’s speed, but 
And thus the Scripture says to Pha- 
raoh, ‘‘Ghen for this end bin J raise thee up, that J 
might show mp potoer in thee, and that my name might 
be declared throughout all the earth.”? According to His 
will, therefore, He has mercy on one, and hardens another. 
Thou wilt say to me, then,’ “ Why does God still blame us? 
for who can resist His will?” 


Nay, rather, O man, who art 


thou that disputest against God? “ Shall the ibing formed say to 


1 Bxod. xxxiii. 19 (LXX.). 

2 Bxod. ix. 16, according to LXX., with 
jwo slight changes. 

| 8 “Thou wilt say.” ... Here comes the 
‘reat question —no longer made from the 
jtanding-point of the Jew, but proceeding 
from the universal feeling of justice. St. 
aul answers the question by treating the sub- 
eck as one above the comprehension of the 
juman intellect when considered in itself ob- 
ectively. If it be once acknowledged that 
ere is any difference between the character 
nd ultimate fate of a good and a bad man, 
he intellect is logically led, step by step, to 
ontemplate the will of the Creator as the 
ause of this difference. The question “ why 
ast thou made me thus?” will equally occur 
d be equally perplexing in any system of 
sligion, either natural or revealed. It is in 
iz a difficulty springing at once from te 
ermitted existence of evil. Scripture con- 


“ men under two points of view; first, as 











eated by ,God; and secondly, as free moral 
gents themselves. These two points of view 
, to the intellect of man, irreconcilable ; yet 
th must be true, since the reason convinces 
of the one, and the conscience of the other. 
. Paul here is considering men under the 
‘st of these aspects, as the creatures of God, 
itirely dependent on God’s will. It is to be 
seryed that he does not say that God’s will 
arbitrary, but culy that men are entirely 
*pendent on God’s will. The reasons by 
fhich God’s will itself is determimed are left 
| 


} 





in the inscrutable mystery which conceals 
God’s nature from man. 

The objection and the answer given to it, 
partly here and partly chap. ili. 6, may be 
stated as follows : — 

Objector. — If men are so entirely depend- 
ent on God’s will, how can He with justice 
blame their actions ? 

Answer. — By the very constitution of thy 
nature thou art compelled to acknowledge the 
blame-worthiness of certain actions and the 
justice of their punishment (iii. 6); therefore 
it is self-contradictory to say that a certain 
intellectual view of man’s dependence ou God 
would make these actions innocent; thou art 
forced to feel them guilty whether thou wilt or 
no, and (ix. 20) itis vain to argue against the 
constitution of thy nature, or its Author. 

The metaphysical questions relating to this 
subject which have divided the Christian world 
are left unsolved by Scripture, which does not, 
attempt to reconcile the apparent inconsistency 
between the objective and subjective views of 
man and his actions. Hence many have been 
led to neglect one side of the truth for the sake 
of making a consistent theory: thus the Pela- 
gians have denied the dependence of man’s 
will on God, and the Fatalists have denied the 
freedom of man’s moral agency. 

We may further observe that St. Paul does 
not here explicitly refer to eternal happiness 
or to its opposite. His main subject is the na- 
tional rejection of the Jews, and the above more 
general topics are only incidentally introduced, 


cM) 


18 


hg 
20 


1X. 


21 


26 


56? 


72 


the potter polwer ober the clay, 


had before prepared for glory? 


1 Isaiah xlv. 9. Not literally from either 
LXX. or Hebrew, but apparently from memo- 
ry out of LXX. There is also a very similar 
passage in Isaiah xxix. 16, where, however, 
the context has less bearing on St. Paul’s 
subject than in the place above cited. 

2 Jeremiah xviii. 6, not quoted literally, but 
according to the sense. In this and in other 
similar references to the Old Testament, a 
few words were sufficient to recall the whole 
passage to St. Paul’s Jewish readers (compare 
Rom. iv. 18); therefore, to comprehend his 
argument, it is often necessary to refer to the 
context of the passage from which he quotes. 
The passage in Jeremiah referred to is as fol- 
lows :— Zhen I went down te the potter's house, 
and behold he wrought a work on the wheels. And 
the vessel that he made of clay was marred in the 
hands of the potter: so he made it again another 
vessel, as seemed good to the potter to make tt. O 
house of Israel, cannot I do with you as this pot- 
ter? saith the Lord. Behold, as the clay is in the 
potter’s hand, so are ye in my hand, O house of 
Israel. At what instant I shall speak cencerning 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


him that formed it, by bast thou made me thus ?”’ “ Bath 
to make out of the same lump one 
sel for honor, and one for dishonor? But what if God (though willi 
show forth His wrath, and to make known His power) endured y 
much long-suffering vessels of wrath, fitted for destruction [and 

them not at once away]? And what if thus He purposed to m 
known the riches of His glory bestowed upon vessels of mercy, which 
And such are we, whom He has ¢s 
not only from among the Jews, but from among the Gentiles, as He s 
also in Hosea, ‘J fill cull them my people tobich tuere 
not mp people, and ber beloved tohich tows not beloved ;* 
and it shall come to puss that in the place tobere it toas 
said unto them, Je ure not my people, there shall then : 
be called the sons of the lising God.”* But Esaias cries concern 
Israel, saying, “‘ Ohough the number of the sons of Fsrael be as 
sand of the sex [only] the remnant® shall be saved; for Bet 
complete Bis xechoning, and cutteth it short in righteousness ; 1 
w short rechoning twill the Pord make upon the earth.”* And 



















a nation and concerning a kingdom, to plucl 
and to pull down and to destroy it ; if that 


unto them. And at what instant I shall 
concerning a nation and concerning a kinge 
build and to plant it; if it do evil in my 
that it obey not my voice, then I will repent 9 
good wherewith I said I would benefit t 
Similar passages might be quoted fror 
Apocryphal books; and it might be said th 
the above-cited passage of Isaiah was re 
to here. Yet this from Jeremiah is so app 
to St. Paul’s argument, that he probably 
especially to it. 
® Hosea ii. 23 (LXX. almost verbatim), 
* Hosea i. 10 (LXX.). 
* Compare remnant, xi. 5, left a remnant, x 
4, and left a seed remaining, ix. 29; all ® 
ring to the same subject, viz. the exclusion ¢ 
the majority of the Israelites from Go 
favor. 
* Tsaigh x. 22, 28 (LXX. almost vert 





EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. 569 


| Hsaias had said before, “‘ Except the Lord of Sabaoth bad left us a 
seed remaining, tor had been as Sodom, and bad been mads like 
ants Gomorrah.” * 


| Thecause of 





What shall we say, then? We say that the Gentiles, 


| oe tes Jews. though they sought not after righteousness, have attained to 
| versisted ine righteousness, even the righteousness of Faith; but that the 3! 
| tSconeiting” house of Israel, though they sought a law of righteousness, 
work and have not attained thereto. And why? Because? they sought 32 
‘Eisee it not by Faith, but thought to gain it by the works of the 
auaested to Law ; for they stumbled against the stone of stumbling, as it 33 
wasiheend is written, ““ Hebold J lay in Zion a stone of stumbling, 
°o ec Law > - 
Gee, and a rock of offence; and no man that bath faith in 
stieont § Bim shall be confounded.” ’ 
cw Brethren, my heart’s desire and my prayer to God for Israel x. 1 
Giiraian con is, that they may be saved; for I bear them witness that they 2 

Ts 
ae as have a zeal for God, yet not guided by knowledge of God ;! 
From the i for because they knew not the righteousness of God, and 
the heart. s ? 
Whoever has sought to establish their own righteousness, therefore the 
this faith > y 
wrasse” submitted not to the righteousness of God. Fortheend of the 4 
| mii ato Law is Christ, that all may attain righteousness who have faith 

re 

) in Him. For Moses writes concerning the righteousness of the § 
‘Law, saying, “ ©he man that bath done these things shall libe there- 
im;”° but the righteousness of Faith speaks in this wise. Say not in ¢ 


thine heart, “ @ibo shall ascend into beaben ?”* that is, “Who can 


1 Tsaiah i. 9 (LXX.). 

2 Observe that in the preceding part of the 
chapter God is spoken of as rejecting the Jews 

cording to His own will; whereas here a 

oral reason is given for their rejection. This 
illustrates what was said in a previous note of 
the difference between the objective and sub- 
jective points of view. 

§ Isaiah xxviii. 16, apparently from LXX., 
ont not verbatim, “stone of stumbling and 
of offence” being interpolated, and not 
and exactly anywhere in Isaiah, though in 
iii 14 there are words nearly similar. Com- 
ré also Matt. xxi. 44. 

* The word for knowledge here is very forci- 










ble; and is the same which is used im 1 Cer. 
xiii. 12, Rom. i. 28, and Col. i. 10. 

5 Levit. xviii. 5 (LXX.); quoted also Gal. 
iii. 12. ; 

§ Deut. xxx.12. St. Paul here, though he 
quotes from the LXX. (verse 8 is verbatim), 
yet slightly alters it, so as to adapt it better to 
illustrate his meaning. His main statement is, 
“the Glad-tidings of salvation is offered, and 
needs only to be accepted ; ” to this he transfers 
the description which Moses has given of the 
Law, viz., “the Word is nigh thee,” &.; 
and the rest of the passage of Deuteronomy 
he applies in a higher sense than that in which 
Moses had written it (according to the true 


bal 
mw 


14 


15 


16 


17 
18 


19 


570 THE LIFK AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 













bring down Christ from heaven?” nor say, “ @ibo shall descend in 
tbe abyss?” that is, “ Who can raise up Christ from the dead ?” 5 
how speaks it? “@be Word is nigh thee, eben in thy mouth and? 
thy beart ;” — that is, the Word Faith which we proclaim, saying, “1 
with thy mouth thou shalt confess Jesus for thy lord, and shalt have fai 
in thy heart that God raised Him from the dead, thou shalt be saved. 
For faith unto righteousness is in the heart, and confession unto salvatic 
is from the mouth. And so says the Scripture, “ HO MAA that | 7 
faith in Bim shall be confounded; ”? for there is no distinction b 
tween Jew and Gentile, because the same [Jesus] is Lord over all, a 
He gives richly to all who call upon Him; for “ EB ER MAH 


shall call upon the name of the Bord shall be sabed.”? 
How, then, shall they call on Him in whom they have put no 


faith ? And how shall they put faith in Him whom they never alm as 
heard? And how shall they hear of Him if no man bear the =! 
tidings? And who shall bear the tidings if no messengers be proc 


sent forth?* As it is written, “ Bote beautiful are the feet 
of then that bear Glad-tidings of peace, that bear Glad- 
tidings of good things!”* Yet some have not hearkened to 
the Glad-tidings ; as saith Hsaias, “ord, tobo bath giben van 
faith to our teaching? ”*° So, then, faith comes by teach- be efore in| 
ing ;* and our teaching comes by the Word of God. But I tures 

say, have they not heard [the voice of the teachers]? Yea, “ Th 
sound bas gone forth into all the earth, and ibeir words unio 
ends of the torld.”" Again I say, did not Israel know [the purpo 


Christian mode of using the Old Testament), 1 Jsaiah xxviii. 16 (LXX.). See ix. 38. 


not to the Mosaic Law, but to the Gospel of 
Christ. The passage in Deuteronomy is as 
follows : — “ This commandment which I com- 
mand thee this day is not hidden from thee, neither 
is it far off. It is not in heaven, that thou 
shouldst say, Who shall go up for us to heaven 
and bring it unto us, that we may hear it and 
do it? Neither is it beyond the sea, that thou 
shouldest say, who shall go over the sea for us and 
bring it unto us, that we may hear it and do it? 
But the word is very nigh unto thee, in thy mouth 
and in thy heart, that thou mayest do it.” 










2 Joel ii. 82 (LXX.). A 

3 This is a justification of the mission 
the Apostles to the Gentiles, which was an 
fence to the Jews. See Acts xxii. 22. 

* Isaiah lii. 7, apparently from the B 
and not LXX. 

® Ysaiah liii. 1 (L.XX.). 

6 There is no English word which precisel} 
represents dxo7 in its subjective as well as ¢ 
jective meaning. See note on I Thess. ii. 1 

7 Ps. xix. 4 (LXX.). In the psalm this 
said of “the heavens,” which by their woud: 


waa, £12. EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. 571 


yf God]? yea, it is said first by Moses, “ J twill make pou jealous 
igainst them tobich ure no people, aguinst a Gentile nation with- 
vit amberstanding foill J make vou foroth.”* But Esaias speaks 
oldly, saying, “J tuas found of them that sought me not; J was 
nade manifest unto them that asked not. after me.”? But unto 
Sil day long babe J spread forth my arms * unto 
_ and guinsaping people.” * 

I say, then, — must we think that God has cast off His 
ot all people ?* That be far from us; for I am myself also an 
mobelievein Tsraelite, of the seed of Abraham, of the tribe of Benjamin. 
yao God has not cast off His people whom He foreknew’ Yea, 
iad know ye not what is said in the Scriptures of Elias, how he 
ae intercedes with God against Israel, saying, “ Zord, they bube 

killed hy prophets, and digged doton Chine altars, and 
fonly babe been left, and they sech my life also.”" 
he answer of God tohim? “ ¥* have yet left to myself a remnant,” 
ben seben thousand men, fobo habe not botoed the knee to Baal.” 


jo likewise at this present time there is a remnant [of the house of 
srael] chosen by gift of grace. But if their choice be the gift of grace, 


srael he says, “* 


| ie Jews, 


Abyn) 
a 7. 
3 His 20 i, 





But what says 


; can no more be deemed the wage of works ; for the gift that is earned 
no gift: or if it be gained by works, it is no longer the gift of grace ; 


or work claims’ wages, and not gifts. 


i phenomena declare the glory of their 
reator. There seems to be no comparison in 
ie psalm (as some have thought) between the 
wens and the word of God. St. Paul here 
1otes the Old Testament (as he so often 
), not in its primary meaning, but apply- 
ig it in a higher sense, or perhaps only as a 
betical illustration. As to the assertion of 
universal preaching of the Gospel, Dean 
ford well observes that it is not made in a 
iphical, butin a religious sense. The Gos- 
1 was now preached to ali nations, and not 
the Jews alone. 
| 1 Deut. xxxii. 21 (LXX.). 
2 Ts. Ixy. 1 (LXX. with transposition). 
® The metaphor is of a mother opening 
arms to call back her child to her embrace. 
this attitude the hands are spread open, and 
mee the “ hands.” 


What follows then? That which 

* Is. lxv. 2 (LXX.). 

5 The particle here asks a question expect- 
ing a negative answer = 7s it true that? must 
we think that? Also see note on Gal. iii. 21. 

6 Alluding to Psalm xciv. 14: “ Jehovah 
shall not utterly cast out his people.” (LXX.) 
No doubt St. Paul’s antagonists accused him 
of contradicting this prophecy. 

7.1 Kings xix. 10. (LXX., but not verba- 
tim.) 

8 1 Kings xix. 18, more nearly according tu 
the Hebrew than LXX. 

® The verb corresponds to the noun in the 
next verse and in ix. 27. See note there. 

10 By work is here meant work which earns 
wages. Compare ivy.4-5. The latter clause 
of this verse, however, is omitted by the best 
MSS. 


10 


ll 


12 


14 

















572 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF &T. PAUL. 


Israel seeks, Israel has not won ; but the chosen have won it, and the» 
were blinded, as it is written, “ God bath giben them a spirit : 
slumber, eyes that they should not see, and ears that then she 
not bear, unto this Day.”* And David says, “ Pet their tab 
made & snare and a trap, and a stumbling-block and a recomp. 
unto them. Wet their eves be darkened that they may not see, 3 
boty dotwn their back altoay.” * 

Shall we say,’ then, “‘ they have stumbled to the end that 
they might fall?” That be far from us; but rather their ihe 
stumbling has brought salvation to the Gentiles, “to* pro- % 
boke Ysrael to jealousy.” Now if their stumbling enriches # 
the world, and if the lessening of their gain gives wealth to ; 
the Gentiles, how much more must their fulness do! 

For to you who are Gentiles I say that, as Apostle of the {27 ba 
Gentiles, I glorify my ministration for this end, if perchance T the 


might ‘‘ proboke to jewlousy” my kinsmen, and save some ioe r 


among them. For if the casting of them out is the reconcila- Chey 
tion of the world [to God], what must the gathering of them Jewish 
in be but life from the dead ? = 
Now, if the first of the dough be hallowed,’ the whole mass 
is thereby hallowed ; and if the root be hallowed, so are also ; 
the branches. But if some of the branches were broken off, and } 
being of the wild olive stock wast grafted in amongst them, and made 
share the root and richness of the olive, yet boast not over the branel 
but —if thou art boastful —thou bearest not the root, but the root th 
Thou wilt say then, “The branches were broken off that I might 
grafted in.” It is true,— for lack of faith they were broken off, and 
faith thou standest in their place: be not high-minded, but fear; fo 
God spared not the natural branches, take heed lest He also spare: 





1 This quotation seems to be compounded * Deut. xxxii. 21 (LXX.), quoted ai 
of Deut. xxix. 4, and Isaiah xxix.10(LXX.), ch. x. 19. 
though it does not correspond verbatim with 5 St. Paul alludes to he heaves 
either. scribed Numbers xv. 20: “ Ye shall offer & 

2 Ps. lxix. 28, 24 (LXX. nearly verbatim). a cake of the first of your dough for a hi 

® Literally, I say then, shall we conclude that, offering.” 
&c. See note on verse 1. 










1: EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. 573 


thee. Bebold, therefore, the goodness and the severity of God; towards 
em who fell, severity, but towards thee, goodness, if thou continue 
teadfast to His goodness; for otherwise thou too shalt be cut off. And 
fey also, if they persist not in their faithlessness, shall be grafted in: 
‘or God is able to graft them in where they were before. For if thou 
vast cut out from that which by nature was the wild olive, and wast 
fied against nature into the fruitful olive, how much more shall these, 


hs natural branches, be grafted into the fruitful stock from whence they 


For I would not have you ignorant, brethren, of this mys- 
een, not to tery, lest you should be wise in your own conceits; that blind- 

ness has fallen upon a part’ of Israel until the full body of 
mankind § the Gentiles shall have come in. And so all Israel shall be 
akeuseof saved, as it is written, ‘‘ Out of Zion shall come the Deliv- 
faumeGen. erer, amd He shall turn away ungodliness from Jacob. 
Pein OD this is mp cobenant with them.”? “When J shall 
take ubowy their sins.”° In respect of the Glad-tidings, 
ptHismes- [that it might be borne to the Gentiles], they are God’s 
‘*" enemies for your sakes; but in respect of God’s choice, they 
i are His beloved for their fathers’ sakes: for no change of pur- 
ose can annul God’s gifts and call. And as in times past you were your- 











elves‘ disobedient to God, but have now received mercy upon their dis- 
bedience ; so in this present time they have been disobedient, that upon 
our obtaining mercy they likewise might obtain mercy. For God has 
ut up° all together under disobedience, that He might have mercy upon 
il. O depth of the bounty, and the wisdom and the knowledge of God! 
ow unfathomable are His judgments, and how unsearchable His paths! 


ea, “iho huth hnoten the mind of the Zord, or obo bath been 
ts counsellor?” ° Or “ Giibo. hath first given unto God, that be 


1 For the phrase used here, compare 2 Cor. were equivalent to unbelief, which it is not. 







14, 2 Cor. ii. 5, Rom. xy. 15. Compare i. 30; ‘‘ disobedient to parents.” 
4 Isaiah lix. 20 (1.XX. almost verbatim). 5 «Shut up.” Compare Gal. iii. 22. 
5 Isaiah xxvii. 9 (UXX. nearly verbatim). § Jsaiah xl. 13 (LXX. nearly verbatim). 


* Throughout this passage in the A. V., Quoted also (omitting the middle and adding 
word for disobedience is translated as if it the end of the verse) 1 Cor. ii. 16. 


SM. 


23 


25 


35 


in Christ, and fellow-members one of another; but we have 


574 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 






should Deserbe a recompense?” * For from Him is the bs | 
by Him the life, and in Him the end of all things. . 

Unto Him be glory forever. Amen. 

I exhort you, therefore, brethren, as you would acknowledge 
the mercies of God, to offer your bodies a living sacrifice, holy edande 
and well-pleasing unto God, which is your reasonable? worship. ?f,the dutie 
And be not conformed to the fashion of this* world, but be 
transformed by the renewing of your mind, that by an unerr- 
ing test‘ you may discern the will of God, even that which is 
good, and acceptable, and perfect. For through the grace be- re 
stowed upon me [as Christ’s Apostle], I warn every man 92% 
among you not to think of himself more highly than he ought 
to think, but to seek a sober mind, according to the measure 
of faith® which God has given him. For as we have many 
limbs, which are all members of the same body, though they i 
have not all the same office ; so we ourselves are all* one body 


gifts differing according to the grace which God has given us.’ He t 
has the gift of prophecy, let him exercise it* according to the proporti 
of his faith. He that has the gift of ministration, let him minister ; | 
the teacher labor in teaching; the exhorter, in exhortation. He 3 
gives, let him give in singleness of mind. He who rules, let him 
diligently. He who shows pity, let him show it gladly. Let your love 


1 Job xli. 11 (according to the sense of the 
Hebrew, but not LXX.). 

2 Reasonable worship, as contrasted with the 
unreasonable worship of those whose faith rest- 
ed only on outward forms. See note oni. 9. 

8 See note on 1 Cor. i. 20. 

* See note on ii. 18. 

& «Measure of faith” here seems (from the 
context of the following verses) equivalent to 
“charism” as Chrysostom takes it. The par- 
ticular talent given by God may be called a 
measu~e of faith, as being that by the use of 
whicn each man’s faith will be tried. (Com- 
pare, as to the verbal expressions, 2 Cor. x. 
13.) This explanation is, perhaps, not very 
satisfactory ; but to understand measure as 
meaning aznount is still less so, for a double 
gift of prophecy did not imply a double faith. 


The expression is so perplexing, that c 

almost tempted to conjecture that the 

crept into the text here by mistake, havi 

been originally a marginal explanation of “ 

proportion of faith” just below. 
® Literally “‘ the many.” 

7 The construction and the parallel 
seem to require a comma at the end of vers 
5, and a full stop in the middle of verse 6. 

5 We think it better to take these elliptics 
clauses as all imperative (with the A. V. 
rather than to consider them (with De Wet 
and others) as “descriptive of the sphere 0 
the gift’s operation” up to a certain poim 
and then passing into the imperative. 7 
participles in verses 9, 16, and 17, seer 
refute De Wette’s arguments. 









, 


Pax. EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. 575 


rithout feigning. Abhor that which is evil; cleave to that which is good. 
3e kindly affectioned one to another in brotherly love; in honor let each 
jet his neighbor above himself. Let your diligence be free from sloth, let 
rour spirit grow with zeal; be true bondsmen of your Lord. In your 
rope be joyful; in your sufferings be steadfast; in your prayers be un- 


vearied. Be liberal to the needs of the saints. And show hospitality 13,1 


o the stranger. Bless your persecutors ; yea, bless, and curse not. 


15 


Rejoice with them that rejoice, and weep with them that weep. Be of 16 


me mind amongst yourselves. Set not your heart on high things, but 
uffer yourselves to be borne along’ with the lowly. Be not wise in your 
wn conceits. Repay no man evil for evil. “Be probident of good 
eport in the sight of sll mew.”* If it be possible, as far as lies in 
‘ourselves, keep peace with all men. Revenge not yourselves, beloved, 
vut give place to the wrath [of God] ;* for it is written, “ Vengeance is 
nine; J twill repay, saith the Zord.”* Therefore, “ If thine enemy 
unger, feed bim ; if be thirst, gibe fim drink; for, in so doing, 
fox shalt beap couls of fire upon bis fead.”° Be not overcome by 
vil, but overcome evil with good. 

| Let every man submit himself to the authorities of government ; for all 
uthority comes from God, and the authorities which now are have been 
2t in their place by God: therefore, he who sets himself against the au- 
aority resists the ordinance of God; and they who resist will bring 
udgment upon themselves. For the magistrate is not terrible to good 
vorks,® but to evil. Wilt thou be fearless of his authority? do what is 
ood, and thou shalt have its praise. For the magistrate is God’s minis- 
or to thee for good. But if thou art an evil doer, be afraid ; for not by 
nance does he bear the sword [of justice], being a minister of God, ap- 





1 This is the literal translation. melting of metals. It is obvious that “thou 
_? This is a quotation nearly verbatim from shalt heap coals of fire on his head” could 
v. Hi. 4 (LX X.). See note on 2 Cor. viii.21. never have meant “ thou shalt destroy him ; ” 
® Such is the interpretation of Chrysostom, because to feed an enemy could in no sense 
dis supported by the ablest modern inter- destroy him. 


eters. For “wrath” in this sense, compare 6 We must remember that this was written 
bm. vy. 9, 1 Thess. ii. 16. before the Imperial Government had begun to 
.* Deut. xxxii. 35 (LXX., but not verba- persecute Christianity. It is a testimony in 
in); see note on Heb. x. 30. favor of the general administration of the 


|5 Prov. xxv. 21 (LXX.). There can be lit Roman criminal law. 
» doubt that the metaphor is taken from the 


: 


a on Bi 


10 


576 


pointed to do vengeance upon the guilty. Wherefore you must 1 
submit, not only for fear, but also for conscience’ sake ; for this also is 
cause why you pay tribute, because the authorities of government 
officers of God’s will, and this is the very end of their daily work. 1 
therefore, to all their dues ; tribute to whom tribute is due; custom 
whom customs; fear to whom fear; honor to whom honor. Owe no 
to any man, save the debt of love alone; for he who loves his neig 
has fulfilled the law. For the law which says, # Chou shalt not o 
mit ndulterp; Chou shalt do no murder; Chou shalt not st 
Chow shalt not bear false toitness ; Ohow shalt not cobet”* 
whatsoever other commandment there be), is all contained in this 
saying, “‘ @how shalt lobe thy neighbor as thyself.”? Love w 
no ill to his neighbor ; therefore Love is the fulfilment of the Law. 
This do, knowing tue season wherein we stand, and that for us it is! 
time to awake out of sleep, for our salvation is already nearer than ¥ 
we first believed. The night is far spent, the day is at hand; let us th 
fore cast off the works of darkness, and let us put on the armor of li 
Let us walk (as in the light of day) in seemly guise; not in rioting 
drunkenness, not in dalliance and wantonness, not in strife and env; 
But clothe yourselves with the Lord Jesus Christ, and take no thoug: 
please your fleshly lusts. 
Him who is weak in his faith receive into your fellowship, tians dane 
imposing no determinations of doubtful questions.’ Some ¥ 
have faith that they may eat all things: others, who are weak,‘ 
eat herbs alone. Let not him who eats despise him who ab- 
stains, nor let him who abstains judge him who eats, for God 
has received him among® His people. Who art thou, that 






1 Exod. xx. 138-17 (LXX.). altogether. Thus Josephus (Life, § 8, ¢ 


2 Levit. xix. 18 (LXX.). 

5 Literally, not acting so as to make distinc- 
tons [or determinations} which belong to disputa- 
tious reasonings. The same word is used in 
Phil. ii. 14. 

* These were probably Christians of Jew- 
ish birth, who so feared lest they should (with- 
out knowing it) eat meat which had been 
offered to idols or was otherwise ceremonially 
unclean (which might easily happen in such a 
place as Rome), that they abstained from meat 


by Tholuck) mentions some Jewish 
who, from such conscientious serv 
stained while prisoners in Rome pat u 
mal food. So Daniel and his fellow< 
in Babylon refused the king’s meat and 
and ate pulse alone, that they might noé) 
themselves (Dan. i. 8-12). The tone 
precepts of this 14th chapter of dh 
correspond with 1 Cor. viii. 
5 Literally, received him unto Himself. 





EPISTLE YO TH KOMANS. 


577 


sach other 


judgest another’s servant? To his own master he must stand 
or fall; but he shall be made to stand, for God is able to 
set him up. There are some who esteem one day above 
another ; and again there are some who esteem all days alike ; ! 

shine Hi let each be fully persuaded in his own mind. He who regards 
you the day regards it unto the Lord; and he who regards it not, 
isregards it unto the Lord.’ He who eats, eats unto the Lord, for he 
ives God thanks ; and he who abstains, abstains unto the Lord, and gives 
to God likewise. For not unto himself does any one of us either 
ive or die; but whether we live, we live unto the Lord, or whether we 
i we die unto the Lord ; therefore, living or dying, we are the Lord’s. 
for to this end Christ died, and® lived again, that He might be Lord both 
f the dead and of the living. But thou, why judgest thou thy brother? 
thou, why despisest thou thy brother? for we shali all stand before the 
udgment-seat of Christ. And so it is written, “As J live, saith the 
ord, every knee shall bote to me, and eberp tongue shall acknotol- 
gt Gov. ”4 So, then, every one of us shall give account to God [not 

a his brethren, but] of himself. Let us, then, judge each other no more, 
ut let this rather be your judgment, to put no stumbling-block or cause 
f falling in your brother’s way. I know and am persuaded in the Lord 
esus, that nothing is in itself unclean ; but whatever a man thinks un- 
ean is unclean to him. And if for meat thou grievest thy brother, thou 


ast ceased to walk by the rule of love. Destroy not him with thy meat 
r whom Christ died. 


ith charity, 
nd forbear 







od is not meat and drink, but righteousness, and peace, and joy in the 
oly Spirit; and he who lives in these things as Christ’s bondsman is 
| Sag to God, and cannot be condemned* by men. Let us there- 
fe follow the things which make for peace, such as may build us up 





' Compare Col. ii. 16. Dean Alford has 
—" note on this verse. [Here, as at 
al. iy. 10, we may refer to the additional note 


3 “Rose again” is omitted by the best 
MSS. 


Col. ii. 16. — x.] 

* This negative clause is omitted by the 
ajority of MSS., but is sanctioned by Chrys- 
tom and other fathers, and retained in the 
ik Tischendorf: Griesbach and Lachmann 


* Isaiah xly. 23 (LXX. not accurately, but 
apparently from memory). 

5 Compare 1 Cor. x. 29. 

$ Literally, 2s capable of standing any test te 
which he may be put. 


xiF 


1¢ 
ll 


13 


14 


I say, then, let not your good be evil spoken of.5 For the kingdom of 16,14 


18 
19 


nig. 














578 THE LIFKE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


together into one. Destroy not thou the work of God for a meal of m 
All things indeed [in themselves] are pure; but to him that eats 
stumbling all is evil. It is good neither to eat flesh, nor to drink? wi 
nor to do any? other thing, whereby thy brother is made to stumb 
Hast thou faith [that nothing is unclean]? keep it for thine own com 
before God. Happy is he who condemns not himself by his own ju 
ment.‘ But he who doubts is thereby condemned if he eats, because 
has not faith® that he may eat ; and every faithless deed® is sin. Andy 
who are strong,‘ ought to bear the infirmities of the weak, and not 
please ourselves. Let each of us please his neighbor for good ends. 
build him up. For so® Christ pleased not Himself, but in Him was 
filled that which is written, “‘@be reproaches of them that reproac 
thee fell upon me.”* For our instruction is the end of all which j 
written of old; that by steadfast endurance, and by the counsel of 
Scriptures, we may hold fast our hope. Now may God, from whom 
counsel and endurance come, grant you to be of one mind together, 
cording to the will of Christ, that you may all [both strong and we: 
with one heart and voice, glorify the God and Father of our Lord Je 
Christ. Wherefore, receive one another into fellowship, to the glory 
God, even as Christ also received you.” 

For" I say that Jesus Christ came to be a minister of the circumcisi 
to maintain the truthfulness of God, and confirm the promises made 
our fathers; and that the Gentiles should praise God for His mercy, a 


is written, ‘‘ for ibis canse J will acknotoledge thee among the € 


1 This does not necessarily imply that any 
of the weaker brethren actually did scruple to 
drink wine ; it may be put only hypothetically. 
But it is possible that they may have feared to 
taste wine, part of which had been poured in 
libation to idols. Daniel (in the passage above 
referred to) refused wine. 

2 It is strange that no critic has hitherto 
proposed the simple emendation of reading & 
instead of év, which avoids the extreme awk- 
wardness of the ellipsis necessitated by the 
Received Text. Compare John i. 3. The 
construction of the last clause is similar to 
that in ix. 32. 

® We adopt the reading sanctioned by Tis- 
chendorf, which omits one or two words. 

* See note on if. 18. 











5 Literally, he eats not from faith. 
§ Literally, every deed which springs not 
Faith [that it is a right deed] is sin. 
7 Literally, “We the strong.” St. I 
here addresses the same party whum kh 
often exhorts to patience and forbearai 
those who called themselves “ the spirit 
(Gal. vi. 1, 1 Cor. iii. 1), and boasted of 
“knowledge” (1 Cor. viii. 1). See p. 390 
® The “even” of A. V. is not in the o1 
nal. “ For Christ also” is the Fteral Engi 
§ Ps. lxix. 9 (LXX). 
10 «Yor ” (not “ us”) is the reading of tf 
best MSS. 






4 . xix, EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. 579 
/ 
tiles, and toil sing unto thy wame.”* And again it is said, “ Rejoice, 
pe Gentiles, with Bis people ;”? and again, “ Praise the Lord, all 
pe Gentiles, and laud Him, all ye peoples ;”* and again Esaias saith, 
“Chere shall come the root of Jesse, and be that shall rise to reign 
ober the Gentiles : in bim shall the Gentiles bope.”* Now may the 
God of hope? fill you with all joy and peace in believing, that you may 
abound in hope, through the mighty working of the Holy Spirit. 
: But I am persuaded, my brethren, not only by the reports 
of others,® but by my own judgment, that you are already full 
of goodness, filled with all knowledge, and able, of yourselves, 
to admonish one another. Yet I have written to you some- 
what boldly in parts’ [of this letter], to remind you [rather 
than to teach you], because of that gift of grace which 
“* -God bestowed upon me that I should be a minister of 
Jesus Christ to the Gentiles, serving in the Glad-tidings 
‘r of God, that I might present the Gentiles to God, as a 
' priest presents the offering a sacrifice well pleasing unto 
Him, hallowed by the working of the Holy Spirit. I have 
therefore the power of boasting in Christ Jesus, concerning 
the things of God; for I will not dare [as some do] to glorify 
myself for the labors of others,’ but I will speak only of the 
works which Christ has wrought by me, to bring the Gentiles 
0 obedience, by word and deed, with the might of signs and wonders, 
he might of the Spirit of God; so that going forth from Jeru- 
em, and round about as far as! Illyricum, I have fulfilled my task in 
ing the Glad-tidings of Christ. And my ambition was to bear it 





but that this is already expressed in “‘ some- 
what boldly.” The word “brethren” is 
omitted in the best MSS. 

8 Literally, “a minister of Jesus Christ unto 





1 Ps. xviii. 49 (LXX.). 
: Deut. xxxii. 43 (LXX.). See note on 
25 


- Ps. exyvii. 1 (LXX.). 


* Isaiah xi. 10 (LXX.). 
5 The reference of this to the preceding 
otation is lost in A. V. through the trans- 
tion of the verb and noun for “hope” by 
hope” and “trust” respectively. 
| © Observe the force of the “I myself also.” 
7 For the meaning here, see 2 Cor. i. 14, 
Cor.ii.5. Itmight here be translated in some 
re (as Neander proposes, compare y. 24), 


the Gentiles, a priest presenting an offering in 
respect of the Glad-tidings of God, that the Gen- 
tiles might be offered up as an offering well pleas- 
ing unto Him.” The same thing is said under 
a somewhat different metaphor, 2 Cor. xi. 2. 

9 Compare 2 Cor. x. 15, the whole ef which 
passage is parallel to this. 

10 See the remarks on this in Chap. XVIL 
p. 514. 


10 
il 


14 


15 


16 


17 


13 


19 


20 


ro md. 


580 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8T. PAUL. CHAP 


according to this rule, [that I should go], not where the name of Chr 
was known (lest I should be building on another man’s foundation), b 
[where it was unheard]; as it is written, “Og tobom Be foas t 
spoken of, they shall see; and the people toho habe not beard sh; 
understand.”* 

This is the cause why I have often been hindered from coming to jy 
But now that I have no longer room enough [for my labors] in t 
regions, and have had a great desire to visit you these many years, 
soon as I take my journey into Spain I will come to you ;? for I hope | 
see you on my way, and to be set forward on my journey thither by y 
after I have in some measure satisfied my desire of your company. 
now I am going to Jerusalem, being employed * in a ministration * 
saints. For the provinces of Macedonia and Achaia have willing 
undertaken to make a certain contribution for the poor.among the sai 
in Jerusalem. Willingly, I say, they have done this; and indeed 
are their debtors ; for since the Gentiles have shared in the spiri 
goods of the brethren in Jerusalem, they owe it in return to ministe 
them in their earthly goods. When, therefore, I have finished this 
and have given to them in safety the fruit of this collection, I will co: 
from thence, by you, into Spain. And Iam sure that when I come & 
you, my coming will receive the fulness‘ of Christ’s® blessing. Bu 
beseech you, brethren, by our Lord Jesus Christ, and by the love whi 
the Spirit gives, to help me in my conflict with your prayers to God | 
my behalf, that I may be delivered from the disobedient in Judza, 4 
that the service which I have undertaken for Jerusalem may be favors 
received by the Saints; that so I may come to you in joy, by God’s w 
and may be refreshed in your companionship. The God of peace be wil 
you all. Amen. 

I commend to you Phoebe our sister, who is‘ a ministering Commend 


servant of the Church at Cenchrea; that you may receive 730%) 408 







1 Isaiah lii. 15 (LXX.). * Literally, Z shall come in the fulness, &. 
2 This “I will come to you” is probably 5 “Gospel” is not in any of the | 
an interpolation, as it is omitted by the best MSS. 
MSS.; but it makes no difference in the © Acaxovey (Deaconess). See p. $79, m' 
sense. also p. 381, nu. 1. 
* The present participle, not (as in A. V.) 
the future. 





tians. 


EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. 


381 


her in the Lord, as the saints should receive one another, and 
aid her in any business’ wherein she needs your help; for 


she has herself aided many, and me also among the rest. 

Greet Priscilla and Aguila,? my fellow-laborers in the work of Christ 
Jesus, who, to save my life, laid down their own necks ; who are thanked, 
: not by me alone, but by all the Churches of the Gentiles. Greet like- 
wise the Church which assembles at their house. 

Salute Epznetus my dearly-beloved, who is the first-fruits of Asia? 


Salute Mary, who labored much for me. 
Salute Andronicus and Junias, my Kinsmen and fellow-prisoners,‘ who 
are well known among the Apostles, and who were also in Christ before 


Salute Amplias, my dearly-beloved in the Lord. 
Salute Urbanus, my fellow-workman in Christ’s service, and Stachys 


my dearly-beloved. 


1 From the use of legal terms here, it would 
seem that the business on which Phoebe was 
visiting Rome was connected with some trial 
at law. 

2 The most ancient MSS. read Prisca for 
Priscilla here; the names being the same. 


| Concerning these distinguished Christians, see 


p- 386. When and where they risked their 
‘lives for St. Paul, we know noi, but may con- 
jecture at Ephesus. We see here that they had 
ed to Rome (whence they had been driven 

the edict of Claudius) from Ephesus, where 
left them last. It is curious to observe the 
mentioned first, contrary to ancient usage. 
ughout this chapter we observe instances 
courtesy towards women sufficient to refute 
ealumnies of a recent infidel writer, who 
St. Paul of speaking and feeling 

ly in reference to women ; we cannot but 

Gur astonishment that the same writer 

id complain that the standard of St. Paul’s 

ies, in reference to the sexual relations, is 
sufficiently elevated, while at the same time 
considers the instincts of the German race 
have first introduced into the world the true 
ity of these relations. One is inclined to 

kk whether the present facility of divorce in 
y is a legitimate development of the 


| 


Teutonic instinct; and if so, whether the lew 
of Germany, or the law of our Saviour (Mark 
x. 12), enforced by St. Paul (1 Cor. vii. 10), ex- 
presses the higher tone of morality, and tends 
the more to elevate the female sex. 

8 Asia, not Achaia, is the reading of the 
best MSS. Compare p. 349, note 2. The 
province of proconsular Asia is of course 
meant. 

* When were they St. Paul’s fellow-pris- 
oners? Probably in some of those imprison- 
ments not recorded in the Acts, to which he 
alludes 2 Cor. xi. 23. It is doubtful whether 
in calling them his “ kinsmen” St. Paul means 
that they were really related to him, or only 
that they were Jews. (Compare Rom. ix. 3.) 
The latter supposition seems improbable, be- 
cause Aquila and Priscilla, and others in this 
chapter, mentioned without the epithet of kins- 
men, were certainly Jews; yet, on the other 
hand, it seems unlikely that so mazy of St. 
Paul’s relations as are here called “‘ kinsmen” 
(verses 7,11, 21) should be mentioned in a 
single chapter. Perhaps we may take a middle 
course, and suppose the epithet to denote thet 
the persons mentioned were of the tribe of 
Benjamin. 4 


a] tg oi 


J 


bat 


12 


13 


14 


15 


16 


17 


18 


19 


582 


work. 


Salute those who are of the household of Aristobulus.! 


Salute Herodion, my kinsman. 


Salute those of the household of Narcissus? who are in the Lord’s 4 ; 


lowship. é 


Salute Tryphena and Tryphosa, the faithful laborers in the Lord 


service. 


Salute Persis the dearly-beloved, who has labored much in 


Lord. 


Salute Rufus,’ the chosen in the Lord and his mother, who is also 


mune. 


Salute Asyncritus, Phlegon, Hermas, Patrobas, Hermes, and 


brethren who are with them. 


Salute Philologus, and Julia, Nereus and his sister, and Olympas, an 


all the saints who are with them. 


Salute one another with the kiss of holiness.‘ 

The Churches of Christ [in Achaia] salute you. 

I exhort you, brethren, to keep your eyes upon those who warning 
cause divisions, and cast stumbling-blocks in the way of inverestd | 
others, contrary to the teaching which you have learned. 
Shun them that are such; for the master whom they serve is not 4 
Lord Jesus Christ, but their own belly: and by their fair speaking 2 
flattery they deceive the hearts of the guileless. 


1 This Aristobulus was probably the great- 
grandson of Herod the Great, mentioned by 
Josephus and Tacitus, to whom Nero in a. b. 
55 gave the government of Lesser Armenia. 
He had very likely lived previously at Rome, 
and may still have kept up an establishment 
there, or perhaps had not yet gone to his gov- 
ernment. See Tac. Ann. xiii. 7, and Joseph. 
Ant. xx. 5. 

2 There were two eminent persons of the 
name of Narcissus at Rome about this time; 
one the well-known favorite of Claudius 
(Suet. Claud. 28, Tac. Ann. xii. 57, 65, xiii. 1), 
who was put to death by Nero, a. p. 54, soon 
after the death of Claudius, and therefore before 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


Salute Apelles, who has been tried and found trustworthy in Christ 







I say this, because tl 


this Epistle was written: the other 
favorite of Nero’s, and is probably the pe 
here named. Some of his slaves or freedmen 
had become Christians. This Narcissus 
put to death by Galba (Dio. lxiv. 3). 

8 St. Mark (xv. 21) mentions Simox 
Cyrene as “the father of Alexander and 
fus;”’ the latter, therefore, was a Christian el 
known to those for whom St. Mark wrote, 
probably is the same here mentioned. ; 
gratifying to think that she whom St Pi 
mentions here with such respectful affe=tion 
was the wife of that Simon who bore om 
Saviour’s cross. - 

* See note on 1 Thess. v. 26. 


GHAP, XIX, EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. 583 


tidings of your obedience have been told throughout the world. On your 
own behalf, therefore, I rejoice: but I wish you not only to be simple in 
respect of évil, but to be wise for good. And the God of peace shall 
bruise Satan under your feet speedily. 

The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ be with you. 

Timotheus, my fellow-laborer, and Lucius, and Jason,! an 
Sosipater,? my kinsmen, salute you. 
eat I, Tertius, who have written this letter, salute you in the 
Lord. 

Gaius,’ who is the host, not of me alone, but also of the whole Church, 
salutes you. 

Erastus,‘ the treasurer of the city, and the brother Quartus, salute 
‘you. 
| Antograph The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ be with you all. 
Now I commend you® unto Him who is able to keep you steadfast, 
according to my Glad-tidings, and the preaching® of Jesus Christ 
whereby is unveiled the mystery which was kept secret in eternal times? 
‘of old, but has now been brought to light, and made known to all the 
Gentiles by the Scriptures of the Prophets, by command of the eternal 


Salutations 















' 1 Jason is mentioned as a Thessalonian, 
Acts xvii. 5; he had probably accompanied 
\St. Paul from Thessalonica to Corinth. 

| 2 Sosipater is mentioned as leaving Corinth 
with St. Paul, soon after this epistle was writ- 
ten (Acts xx. 4). 

_ ® This Gaius (or Caius) is no doubt the 
same mentioned (1 Cor. i. 14) as baptized at 
jorinth by St. Paul with his own hands. In 
‘Acts xx. 4 we find “Gaius of Derbe” leaving 
Hews with St. Paul, soon after fhe writing 
of this Epistle, but this may perhaps have been 
different person ; although this is not certain, 
ronsidering how the Jews migrated from one 
lace to another, of which Aquila and Priscilla 
an obvious example. 

4 Erastus is again mentioned (as stopping 
¢ Corinth) in 2 Tim. iv. 20. Probably the 
@ Erastus who went with Timotheus from 
Ephesus to Macedonia, on the way towards 
minth (Acts xix. 22). 

‘ Tf we retain the “to whom” in verse 27 





‘God ; that the Gentiles might be led to the obedience of faith 





(with the great majority of MSS.) we must 
supply “ I commend ” or something equivalent 
here, or else leave the whole passage anaco- 
luthical. Examples of a similar commendation 
to God at the conclusion of a letter or speech 
are frequent in St. Paul. Compare | Thess. 
vy. 23, 2 Thess. ii. 16, and especially the con 
clusion of the speech (so nearly contempora- 
neous with this Epistle) at Miletus, Acts xx. 
82. The complicated and involved construc- 
tion reminds us of the Salutation commencing 
this Epistle, and of Eph. i. 

§ Literally, proclamation. 

7 Meaning, probably, the times of the Ancienc 
Dispensation. Compare the use of the same 
expression, Tit. i. 2. There is no inconsis- 
tency in saying that this mystery was “kept 
secret”? under the Old Dispensation, and yet 
confirmed by the Prophetical Scriptures ; for 
it was hidden jrom the Gentiles altogether, and 
the prophetical intimations of it were not un- 
derstood by the Jews. 


23 


25 


28 


584 


27 unto Him, the only wise God,' 1 commend you through Jesus Chr 
Amen.’ 


to whom be glory forever. 





Corinthian coin representing Cenchrea,? 


1 If we were (on the authority of the Codex 
Vaticanus) to omit the “to whom” in this 
passage, the last three verses would become a 
continuous doxology. The translators of the 
A. V. have tacitly omitted this “to whom,” 
although professing to follow the Textus Re- 
ceptus. 

2 Some MSS. insert the verses 25, 26, 27, 
after xiv. 23, instead of in this place; but the 
greater weight of MS. authority is in favor of 
their present position. A good refutation of 
the objections which have been made against 
the authenticity of the last two chapters is 
given by De Wette and Neander; but, above 
all, by Paley’s Hore Pauline, inasmuch as 
these very chapters furnish four or five of the 
most striking undesigned coincidences there 
mentioned. 

® Little has been said as yet concerning 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 





Cenchrea, and some interest is given to thep 
both by the mention of its Church in the 
ceding Epistle (Rom. xvi. 1), and by 
parture of St. Paul from that port at the 
of his first visit to Achaia (Acts xviii. 18). 
have seen (p. 360) that it was seventy sti 
or nearly nine miles distant from Corinth, 
(p. 367) that its position is still pointed o 
the modern Kikries, where some remains 
ancient town are visible. The road is dese 
by Pausanias as leading from Corinth thr 
an avenue of pine-trees, and past many 
among which two of the most consp 
were those of the cynic Diogenes and the 
ligate Thais. The coin here engraved is. 
to which allusion was made p. 367, n. 5. 
a colonial coin of Antoninus Pins, and 
sents the harbor of Cenchrea exactly 
described by Pausanias. 





CHAPTER XxX. ; 


chums Games. — Route through Macedonia. — Voyage from Philippi. pe ee at Troas. 
_— Assos. — Voyage by Mitylene and Trogyllium to Miletus.— Speech to the Ephesian 
_ Preshyers. — Voyage by Cos and Rhodes to Patara.— Thence to Phenicia. — Christians at 

| Tyre. — Prolemais. — Events at Czsarea. — Arrival at Jerusalem. 
N the Epistles which have been already set before the reader in the 
course of this biography, and again in some of those which are to 
eceed, St. Paul makes frequent allusion to a topic which engrossed the 
terest, and called forth the utmost energies, of the Greeks. The 
iodical games were to them rather a passion than an amusement: 
d the Apostle often uses language drawn from these celebrations, 
then he wishes to enforce the zeal and the patience with which a 
hristian ought to strain after his heavenly reward. The imagery he 
a. is sometimes varied. In one instance, when he describes the 
le of the spirit with the flesh, he seeks his illustration in the 
folent contest of the boxers (1 Cor. ix. 26). In another, when he 
ould give a strong representation of the perils he had encountered at 
hesus, he speaks as one who had contended in that ferocious sport 
ich the Romans had introduced among the Greeks, the fighting of 
adiators with wild beasts (ib. xv. 32). But, usually, his reference is 
) the foot-race in the stadiwm, which, as it was the most ancient, con- 
i‘ to be the most esteemed, among the purely Greek athletic 
mtests.' If we compare the various passages where this language is 
sed, we find the whole scene in the stadium brought vividly before 
,— the herald? who summons the contending runners, —the course, 
hich rapidly diminishes in front of them as their footsteps advance to 
ie goal,’ — the judge* who holds out the prize at the end of the course, 


| 


1 The victory in the stadium at Olympia 
used in the formula for reckoning Olym- 
The stadium was the Greek unit for 
measurement of distance. With St. Paul’s 
ent reference to it in the epistles, 1 Cor. 
24, Rom. ix, 16, Gal. ii. 2, v. 7, Phil. ii. 16, 
m. iv. 7, 8, should be compared two pas- 
in the Acts, xx. 24, where he speaks of 
self, and xiii. 25, where he speaks of John 
Baptist. 






2 “Having heralded.” 1 Cor. ix. 27. 
Plato says that the herald summoned the can- 
didates for the foot-race first into the stadium. 

8 “ Forgetting the things that are behind, 
and striving after the things that are before.” 
Phil. iii.14. For the Course, see Phil. ii. 16, 
and 2 Tim. iv. 7, besides Acts xx. 24, which is 
particularly noticed below, p. 602, n. 3. 

* 2 Tim. iv. 8. 

585 


586 


— the prize itself, a chaplet of fading leaves, which is compared 
the strongest emphasis of contrast to the unfading glory with which 
faithful Christian will be crowned,! — the joy and exultation of the vic 
which the Apostle applies to his own case, when he speaks of his cony 
as his “joy and crown,” the token of his victory and the subject of 
And under the same image he sets forth the heavenly prix 
after which his converts themselves should struggle with st »nuous 
unswerving zeal,— with no hesitating step (1 Cor. ix. 26), --- pres 
forward, and never looking back (Phil. iii. 13, 14),—even to the di 


boasting.” 


gard of life itself (Acts xx. 24). 


beyond the mere struggle in the arena, to the preparations which 
necessary to success, — to that severe and continued training? wh 
being so great for so small a reward, was a fit image of that “ tra 
unto godliness,” which has the promise not only of this life, but of 
which is to come, — to the strict regulations‘ which presided over all 
details, both of the contest and the preliminary discipline, and are 1 
to warn the careless Christian of the peril of an undisciplined life, 
the careful diet,>5 which admonishes us that, if we would so run that 
may obtain, we must be “ temperate in all things. 

This imagery would be naturally and familiarly suggested to St. I 
by the scenes which he witnessed in every part of his travels. A 
own native place on the banks of the Cydnus,’ in every city throug 
Asia Minor,* and more especially at Ephesus, the stadium, and the t 


1 See 1 Cor. ix. 24, Phil. iii. 14. It was a 
chaplet of green leaves, ‘“‘a fading crown.” 
1 Cor. ix. 25. (Cf. 2 Tim. ii. 5, iv. 8; also 
1 Pet. v. 4.) The leaves varied with the locality 
where the games were celebrated. At the 
Isthmus they were those of the indigenous 
pine. For a time, parsley was substituted for 
them ; but in the Apostle’s day the pine-leaves 
were used again. 

2 Phil. iv. 1. 1 Thess. ii. 19 This subject 
illustrates the frequent use of the word “ boast” 
by St. Paul. 

8] Tim. iv. 7,8. The Gymnasium or train- 
ing-ground was an important feature of every 
Greek city. The word is not found in the 
New Testament, but we find itin 1 Mace. i. 14 
and 2 Mace. iv. 9, where allusion is made to 
places of Greek amusement built at Jerusa- 
lem. 

* “Except a man strive lawfully.” 2 Tim. 
ii. 5. The following were among the regula- 
tions of the athletic contests. Every candidate 
was required to be of pure Hellenic descent. 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. CHA. 


















And the metaphor extends it 


He was disqualified by certain moral ¢ 
litical offences. He was obliged to tak 
oath that he had been ten months in trai 
and that he would violate none of the re 
tions. Bribery was punished by a fine. 
candidate was obliged to practise again i 
gymnasium immediately before the g 
under the direction of judges or umpires 
were themselves required to be instructe 
ten months in the details of the games. 
5 The physician Galen gives an accout 
this prescribed diet. See Hor. A. P. 
Tertullian describes the self-restraint ¢ 


sage on this subject from St. Chrysoat om 
was very familiar with all that related to | 
lic amusements, both at Antioch and Com 
tinople. 

7 It is worth observing, that the onk 
scription from Tarsus published by Be 
relates to the restoration of the stadium. 

* Nothing is more remarkable thai 


‘i 


AP, XX. 


e 


ISTHMIAN GAMES. 587 


g for the stadium,’ were among the chief subjects of interest to the 
hole population. Even in Palestine, and at Jerusalem itself, these 
isy amusements were well known.’ But Greece was the very home 
om which these institutions drew their origin; and the Isthmus of 
orinth was one of four sanctuaries, where the most celebrated games 
ere periodically held. Now that we have reached the point where St. 
aul is about to leave this city for the last time, we are naturally led to 
ake this allusion: and an interesting question suggests itself here, viz., 
hether the Apostle was ever himself present during the Isthmian games. 
might be argued @ priori that this is highly probable; for great 
imbers came at these seasons from all parts of the Mediterranean to 
tness or take part in the contests ; and the very fact that amusement 
d ambition brought some, makes it certain that gain attracted many 
ers; thus it is likely that the Apostle, just as he desired to be at 
rusalem during the Hebrew festivals, so would gladly preach the 
spel at a time when so vast a concourse met at the Isthmus, — whence, 
from a centre, it might be carried to every shore with the dispersion 
the strangers. But, further, it will be remembered, that, on his first 
Li St. Paul spent two years at Corinth; and though there is some 

culty in determining the times at which the games were celebrated, 
i seems almost certain that they recurred every second year, at the 
d of spring, or the beginning of summer.’ Thus it may be con- 
jently concluded that he was there at one of the festivals. As regards 
3 yoyage undertaken from Ephesus (p. 418), the time devoted to it 
ys short; yet that time may have coincided with the festive season ; 
hd it is far from inconceivable that he may have sailed across the Migean 
‘the spring, with some company of Greeks who were proceeding to 
> Isthmian meeting. On the present occasion he spent only three of 
» winter months in Achaia, and it is hardly possible that he could 
ve been present during the games. It is most likely that there were 
crowds among the pine-trees‘ at the Isthmus, and that the stadium at 


) 


i 



























ber and magnitude of the theatres and 
iain the ruins of the great cities of Asia 


rent, as a traveller remarks, that these 
Core must have been one of the chief 
See above, p. 586, n. 3. 

See the reference to Herod’s theatre and 
itheatre, p.2. Hence the significance of 
hi @ passage as Heb. xii. 1, 2, to the Hebrew 


Olympian and Pythian games took place every 
fourth year, the Nemean and Isthmian every 
second ; the latter in the third and first year of 
each Olympiad. ‘The festival was held in the 
year 53 A. D., which is the first of an Olympiad ; 
and (as we have seen) there is good reason for 
believing that the Apostle came to Corinth in 
the autumn of 52, and left it in the spring of 


Were 


* This pine (zeve) still retains its ancient 
name. See Sibthorpe’s Flora Greca, as re- 
ferred to by Canon Stanley in his Introd. te 
1 Cor. 


588 


the Sanctuary of Neptune was silent and unoccupied when St. 
passed by it along the northern road, on his way to Macedonia." 
His intention had been to go by sea to Syria,’ as soon as the sease 
safe navigation should be come ; and in that case he would have emt 
at Cenchrea, whence he had sailed during his second missionary 
ney, and whence the Christian Phoebe had recently gone with the 
to the Romans.? He himself had prepared his mind for a jou 
Rome ;‘ but first he was purposed to visit Jerusalem, that he might 
vey the alms which had been collected for the poorer brethren im 
He looked forward to this expedition with some 
giving; for he knew what danger was to be apprehended from his J 
and Judaizing enemies; and even in his letter to the Roman C 
he requested their prayers for his safety. And he had good teas 
fear the Jews; for ever since their discomfiture under Gallio the 
been irritated by the progress of Christianity, and they organized 
against the great preacher when he was on the eve of departing for 
We are not informed of the exact nature of this plot ;° but it was 7 


donia and Achaia. 


1 A fall account, both of the description 

which Pausanias gives of the sanctuary and of 
present appearances, may be seen in Leake. 
Ta our account of Corinth (Ch. XI., XIL), 
we have entered into no inquiry concerning 
the topography of the scene of the Isthmian 
games. (See p. 362.) Since St. Paul (as we 
have seen) makes many allusions to the 
athletic contests of the Greeks, and since we 
are now come to the point in his life when he 
leaves Corinth for the last time, it seems right 
that we should state what is known on the 
subject. 
- No complete topographical delineation of 
the Isthmus exists. This district was omitted 
in the French Expédition de la Moré. We 
have given opposite the plan of the ground 
near the sanctuary from Col. Leake’s third 
yolume, which accurately represents the rela- 
tive positions of the stadium, the theatre, and 
che temple. But we must add, that, since our 
last edition was published, the ground has 
been more exactly examined by the Rev. W. 
G. Clark, and a careful plan given in his 
Peloponnesus (1858). 

The Posidonium, or Sanctuary of Neptune, 
is at the narrowest part of the Isthmus, close 
by Schcenus, the present Kalamaki (see p. 360, 
a. 7); and modern travellers may visit the 
ruins on their way between Kalamaki and 
Lutraki, from one steamboat te theother. St. 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 










. 


Paul would also pass by this spot if h 
by land from Athens (p. 356, n. 5). T 
tance from Corinth is about eijsit mile 
at Hexamili, near Corinth, the road f 
that which leads to Cenchrea (See 
and Leake, iii. 286.) The mil):ary wall, 
crossed the Isthmus to Lechzum, abui 
the Sanctuary (p. 358, n. 1), aud was fo 
space identical with the sacred enclosu 
no great distance are the traces of th 
which Nero left unfinished abuut the t 
St. Paul’s death (p. 360) ; and in mar 
along the shore, as any traveller ma 
his way from Kalamaki to Lutraki, 
green pine-trees, whose leaves wove th 
ing garlands” which the Apostle c¢ 
with the “ unfading crown,” the pr 
which he fought. 

2 Acts xx. 3. 

8 For Cenchrea, see the note at the: 
the preceding chapter. Phoebe was a 
at Cenchrea. When she went to Re 
probably sailed from Lecheum. 

* See the end of Ch. XV. 

5 “The Jews generally settled i 
numbers at seaports for the sake of co 
and their occupation would give them 
influence over the captains and o 
merchant-yessels, in which St. Paul m 
sailed. They might, however, form 
ject of seizing him or murdering him 





ENGLISH FEET. 
500 





POSIDONIUM AT THE ISTHMUS. 
(From Colonel Leake’s Morea.) 





BOUTE THROUGH MACEDONIA. 588 





P a conspiracy against his. life, like that which was formed at Damascus 
on after his conversion (Acts ix. 23, 2 Cor. xi. 32), and at Jerusalem, 
th before and after the time of which we write (Acts ix. 29, xxiii. 12), 
nd it necessitated a change of route, such as that which had once saved 
im on his departure from Bercea (Acts xvii. 14). 
On that occasion his flight had been from Macedonia to Achaia; now it 
jas from Achaia to Macedonia. Nor would he regret the occasion which 
‘ought him once more among some of his dearest converts. Again he 
w the Churches on the north of the Aigean, and again he went through 
e towns along the line of the Via Egnatia.'_ He re-appeared in the scene 
( his persecution among the Jews of Thessalonica, and passed on by 
pollonia and Amphipolis to the place where he had first landed on the 
laropean shore. The companions of his journey were Sopater the son 
‘cae a native of Berca,— Aristarchus and Secundus, both of 
nessalonica, — with Gaius of Derbe and Timotheus,— and two Chris- 
from the province of Asia, Tychicus and Trophimus, whom we 
re mentioned before (p. 479), as his probable associates when he 
t departed from Ephesus. From the order in which these disciples 
re mentioned, and the notice of the specific places to which they be- 
ged, we should be inclined to conjecture that they had something to do 
ith the collections which had been made at the various towns on the 
mute. As St. Luke does not mention the collection, we cannot expect 
L able to ascertain all the facts. But since St. Paul left Corinth 
oner than was intended, it seems likely that all the arrangements were 
»t complete, and that Sopater was charged with the responsibility of 
sthering the funds from Bereea, while Aristarchus and Secundus took 
carge of those from Thessalonica. St. Luke himself was at Philippi: 
ad the remaining four of the party were connected with the intevior or 
te coast of Asia Minor.‘ 
The whole of this company did not cross together from Europe to Asia ; 
h St. Paul and St. Luke lingered at Philippi, while the others preceded 
(em to Troas.. The journey through Macedonia had been rapid, and 





‘ea with great probability of success.” disciple of the same name who is mentioned 
on the Acts, by Rev. F. C. Cook, 1850. before along with Aristarchus (‘Gaius and 
1 For the Via Egnatia and the stages be- Aristarchus, Macedonians,” xix. 29). But it 
m Philippi and Bercea, see pp. 275,277, is almost certain that Timotheus was a native 
: of Lystra, and not Derbe (see p. 227, n. 1); 
7 Such seems tobe the correct reading; and Gaius [or Caius, see above, p. 426] was so 
the addition may be made to distinguish common a name, that this need cause us ne 
from Sosipater. (Rom. xvi. 21.) difficulty. 
8 Except in one casual allusion at a later 5 It is conceivable, but not at all probable, 
‘ Acts xxiv. 17. that these companions sailed direct from Cor- 
* Some would read “and Timothy of  inth to Troas, while Paul went through Mace- 
,” in order to identify Gaius with the donia. Some would limit “these” to Trophi- 


690 


the visits to the other Churches had been short. But the Church 2 
ippi had peculiar claims on St. Paul’s attention: and the time o 
arrival induced him to pause longer than in the earlier part of his | 
ney. It was the time of the Jewish passover. 
turn to the passover of the preceding year, when the Apostle w 
Ephesus (p. 432). We remember the higher and Christian mea 
which he gave to the Jewish festival. It was no longer an 
ceremony, but it was the Easter of the New Dispensation. 
now occupied with shadows ; for the substance was already in posses 
Christ the Passover had been sacrificed, and the feast was to be kept 
the unleavened bread of sincerity and truth. 
standing-point to which he sought to raise the Jews whom he met, ix 
or in Europe, at their annual celebrations. 

Thus, while his other Christian companions had preceded him to T: 
he remained with Luke some time longer at Philippi, and did not | 
Macedonia till the passover moon was waning. 
delay, they were anxious, if possible, to reach Jerusalem before Pent 
And we shall presently trace the successive days through which they: 
prosperously brought to the fulfilment of their wish.? 
been thrown on the possibility of this plan being accomplished in 


mus and Tychicus; but this is quite unnatural. 
The expression “as far as Asia” seems to 
imply that St. Paul’s companions left him at 
Miletus, except St. Luke (who continues the 
narrative from this point in the first person) 
and Trophimus (who was with him at Jerusa- 
lem, xxi. 29), and whoever might be the other 
deputies who accompanied him with the alms. 
(2 Cor. viii. 19-21.) 

1 Acts xx. 16. 

4 It may be well to point out here the gen- 
eral distribution of the time spent on the 
voyage. Forty-nine days intervened between 
Passover and Pentécost. The days of unleay- 
ened bread [Mark xiv. 12, Luke xxii. 7, Acts 
xii. 3, 1 Cor. v. 8] succeeded the Passover. 
Thus, St. Paul staid at least seven days at 
Philippi after the Passover (v. 6), — jive days 
were spent on the passage to Troas (ib.), — 
six days (for so we may reckon them) were 
spent at Troas (ib.),— four were occupied on 
the voyage by Chios to Miletus (vy. 13-15, see 
below), —two were spent at Miletus, —in three 
days St. Paul went by Cos and Rhode to 
Patara (xxi. 1, see below), —-two days would 
suffice for the voyage to Tyre (vv. 2, 3), —sizx 
days were spent at Tyre (v. 4), two were taken 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL 


And here our thou 


He wa 







Such was the hi 


Notwithstandi 
Some doubi 


up in proceeding by Ptolemais to C 
(vv. 7, 8). This calculation gives us | 
seven days in all; thus leaving thirteen’ 
the festival of Pentecost, after the 
Cesarea, which is more than the ec 
require. We may add, if necessary, 
three days more during the voyage 
cases where we have reckoned inclusively 

The mention of the Sunday spent at’ 
fixes (though not quite absolutely) the ¢ 
the week on which the Apostle left Ph 
It was a Tuesday or a Wednesday. We 
with considerable probability, describe 
was done each day of the week during 
voyage; but we are not sure, in all 
whether we are to reckon inclusively or 
sively, nor are we absolutely a 
length of the stay at Miletus. 

It will be observed that all we kh 
said is independent of the particular yi 
which we suppose the voyage to ha 
made, and of the day of the week on 
14th of Nisan occurred. Greswell and 
ler have made the calculation for the yé 
and 58 respectively, and both have sho 
the accomplishment of St. Paul’s 
practicable. Both too have allowed me 


VOYAGE FROM PHILIPPI. 594 





srval; for they did not leave Philippi till the seventh day after the four- 
zenth of Nisan was past. It will be our business to show that the plan 
ras perfectly practicable, and that it was actually accomplished, with 
ome days to spare. 

The voyage seemed to begin unfavorably. The space between Neapo- 
is and Troas could easily be sailed over in two days with a fair wind; 
nd this was the time occupied when the Apostle made the passage on 
is first coming to Europe.’ On this occasion the same voyage occupied 
ve days. We have no means of deciding whether the ship’s progress 
as retarded by calms, or by contrary winds.’ Hither. of these causes 
f delay might equally be expected in the changeable weather of those 



















rival at Troas. 


jm needful for the voyage between Patara 
em 





We may observe here, that many commen- 
ors write on the nautical passages of the 
/ sas if the weather were always the same 
i the rate of sailing uniform, or as if the 
Vostle travelled in steamboats. His motions 
be dependent on the wind. He might be 
hh ined in harbor by contrary weather. Noth- 
; is more natural than that he should be five 
is OM one occasion, and two on another, in 
sing between Philippi and Troas; just as 
Pro was once fifteen, and once thirteen, in 
psing between Athens and Ephesus. So St. 
ul might sail in two days from Patara to 
fe, though under less favorable circum- 
ices it might have required four or five, 
Byen more. It is seldom that the same 
Wage is twice made in exactly the same time 
my vessel not a steamer. 

nother remark may be added, that com- 
Aitators often write as though St. Paul had 
ytered his own vessel, and had the full com- 



















yas. St. Luke seems to notice the time in both instances, in the manner 
one who was familiar with the passages commonly made between 
rope and Asia:* and something like an expression of disappointment 
implied in the mention of the “five days” which elapsed before the 


The history of Alexandria Troas, first as a city of the Macedonian 
rinces, and then as a favorite colony of the Romans,‘ has been given 
sfore ; but little has been said as yet of its appearance. 
tent and magnitude of its present ruins (though for ages it has been a 
aarry both for Christian and Mohammedan edifices) we may infer what 
|was in its flourishing period. Among the oak-trees, which fill the vast 
udlosure of its walls, are fragments of colossal masonry. 


From the 


Huge 


mand of her movements. This would be 
highly unlikely for a person under the circum- 
stances of St. Paul; and we shall see that it 
was not the case in the present voyage, during 
which, as at other times, he availed himself of 
the opportunities offered by merchant-vessels 
or coasters. 

1 Acts xvi. 11. 

2 The course is marked in our map with a 
zigzag line. If the wind was contrary, the 
vessel would have to beat. The delay might 
equally have been caused by calms. 

® It has been remarked above (p. 270) that 
St. Luke’s vocation as a physician may have 
caused him to reside at Philippi and Troas, 
and made him familiar with these coasts. The 
autoptical style (see p. 244) is immediately re 
sumed with the change of the pronoun. 

* For the history of the foundation of the 
city under the successors of Alexander, and of 
the feelings of Romans towards it, see the 
concluding part of Ch. VIII. 


592 THE LIFE AND EVISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 










" 
columns of granite are seen lying in the harbor, and in the qua ries 
the neighboring hills.1 A theatre, commanding a view of Tenedos” 
the sea, shows where the Greeks once assembled in crowds to wit 
their favorite spectacles. Open arches of immense size, towering 
the midst of other great masses of ruin, betray the hand of Re 
builders. These last remains— once doubtless belonging to a 
nasium or to baths, and in more ignorant ages, when the poetr 
Homer was better remembered than the facts of history, popu 
called “The Palace of Priam” ?— are conspicuous from the sea. 
cannot assert that these buildings existed in the day of St. Paul, bu 
may be certain that the city, both on the approach from the water 
to those who wandered through its streets, must have presente 


appearance of grandeur and. prosperity. 
Thessalonica, it was a place where the Apostle must have wished 
firmly and strongly the foundations of the Gospel. On his first 
as we have seen (pp. ,241-245), he was withheld by a supernat 
revelation from remaining; and on his second visit (pp. 478- 
though a door was opened to him, and he did gather together a 
munity of Christian disciples, yet his impatience to see Titus comp 
him to bid them a hasty farewell.’ 
more anxious to add new converts to the Church, and to impress de 
on those who were converted, the truths and the duties of Christia: 
and he had valuable aid, both in Luke, who accompanied him, and 
other disciples who had preceded him. 

The labors of the early days of the week that was spent at Iroa 
not related to us; but concerning the last day we have a narrative 1 
enters into details with all the minuteness of one of the Gospel hist 
It was the evening which succeeded the Jewish Sabbath. On the 


1 Alexandria Troas must have been, like 
Aberdeen, a city of granite. The hills which 
supplied this material were to the N. BE. and 
S.E. Dr. Clarke (vol. ii. p. 149) mentions a 
stupendous column, which is concealed among 
some trees in the neighborhood, and which he 
compares to the famous column of the Egyp- 
tian Alexandria. Fellows (p 58) speaks of 
hundreds of columns, and says that many are 
bristling among the waves to a considerable 
distance out at sea. He saw seven columns 
lying with their chips in a quarry, which is 
connected by a paved road with the city. 
Thus granite seems to have been to Alexandria 
Troas what marble»was to Athens. The 
granite columns of Troas have been used for 
making cannon-balls for the defence of the 
Mardanelles. 





















Like Corinth, Ephesu 


Now, therefore, he would be 


2 Dr. Clarke regards these ruins as t 
mains of Alexandria Troas. He say 
“these three arches of the building 
conspicuous figure from a consider 
tance at sea, like the front of a magi 
palace ; and this circumstance, connec 
the mistake so long prevalent concer 
city itself [viz. that it was the 
gave rise to the appellation of ‘ The P 
Priam,’ bestowed by mariners upon 
ruins.” See p. 242, n. 4. 

3 2 Cor. ii. 13. 

4 “The first day of the week,” Y. 7. 
1s a passage of the utmost impo 
showing that the observance of S 
customary. Of. 1 Cor. xvi. 2. Seep. 


. 
ncied 





















BUNMDAY AT TROAS. 593 


ing the vessel was about to sail! The Christians of Troas 


ie place was an upper room, with a recess or alway ? projecting over 
street or the court. The night was dark: three weeks had not 
lapsed since the Passover, and the moon only appeared as a faint 
scent in the early part of the night. Many lamps were burning in 
_ where the congregation was assembled. The place was hot 
rowded. St. Paul, with the feeling strongly impressed on his mind 
at the next day was the day of his departure, and that souls might be 
os a delay, was continuing in earnest discourse, and prolonging it 
ven till midnight. when an occurrence suddenly took place, which filled 
s assembly with alarm, though it was afterwards converted inte an 
seasion of joy and thanksgiving. A young listener, whose name was 
utyehus, was overcome by exhaustion, heat,and weariness, and sank 
at Has doop slumber. He was seated or leaning in the baleony ; and, 
ig down in his sleep, was dashed upon the pavement below, and waz 
ken up dead.* Confusion and terror followed, with loud lamenta- 
2* But Paul was enabled to imitate the power of that Master whose 
tirine he was proclaiming. As Jesus had once said® of the young 
jaiden, who was taken by death from the society of her friends, “ She 
not dead, but sleepeth,” so the Apostle of Jesus received power to 
jore the dead to life. He went down and fell upon the body, like 


po,” and, embracing ——— said to the bystanders, “ Do 
tire scene to which he refers stood now with 


1852. [Sec a similar imstamce im the ease of 
the mention of the proseacha at Philippi, Acus 
xvi. 13.] 

* “He continued his discourse til mid 
night,” v. 7. “While Paul was long dis 
coursiag,” vy. 9. 

* The present participle im ¥. 9 seems to 
denote the gradual sinking imto sleep, as op- 
posed to the sudden fall implied by the aorist 
participle im the next phrase. 

7 Is is quite arbitrary to qualify the words 
by supposing that he was only epparently 
dead. 

t why the fate of the young man was ® This is implied in the “ Trouble not your- 
pd atones. Bet it has much more the selves” below. The word demotes a lord end 

ranee of haying simply “ proceeded from violent expression of erief as im Mast ix 23, 
pwitness, who mentions the incident, not Mark v. 39. 
the purpose of obviating a difficulty which 9 Matt ix. 24; Mark v. 39. 

Occur to the reader, but because the en- » 2 Kings iv.34. Im each case, as Pref 


if 





594 


With minds solemnized and filled with thankfulness by this w« nde 
token of God’s power and love, they celebrated the Eucharistic f 
The act of Holy Communion was combined, as was usual in 
Apostolic age, with a common meal:* and St. Paul now took 
refreshment after the protracted labor of the evening? and then 
tinued his conversation till the dawning of the day.* 

It was now time for the congregation to separate. The ship was a 
to sail, and the companions of Paul’s journey took their departure t 
on board.’ It was arranged, however, that the Apostle himself sh 
join the vessel at Assos, which was only about twenty miles * dista 
the direct road, while the voyage round Cape Lectum was =a 
He thus secured a few more precious hours with his conv 
Troas ; and eagerly would they profit by his discourse, under the fe 


as far. 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 















that he was so soon to leave them: and we might suppose that 


impression made under such circumstances, and with the 
of what they had witnessed in the night, would never be effaced fi 
minds of any of them, did we not know, on the highest authority 
if men believe not the prophets of God, neither will they believe “ th 


one rose from the dea 


But the time came when St. Paul too must depart. The vous 
arrive at Assos before him; and, whatever influence he might ha 


Hackett remarks, the act appears to have been 
the sign of a miracle. 

i VY. 11, compared with v. 7. 

2 See p. 385. 

8 When he had eaten, v.11. This is distin- 
guished in the Greek from the breaking bread. 

* Having talked a long while. This, again, 
is distinguished from the pceaching mentioned 
above. 

& We might illustrate what took place at 
this meeting by the sailing of the Bishop of 
Calcutta from Plymouth in 1829. “He and 
his chaplain made impressive and profitable 
adaresses to us, the first part of the meeting, 
as they had received orders to embark the 
same morning. I began then to speak, and in 
the middle of my speech the captain of the 
frigate sent for them, and they left the meet- 
ing.” — Memoir of Rev. E. Bickersteth, vol. i. 
p. 445. 

6 See p. 240. The impression derived from 

modern travellers through this neglected re- 
gion is, that the distance between Assos and 
Troas is rather greater. Sir C. Fellows reck- 
ons it at 30 miles, and he was in the saddle 
from half-past eight to five Dr. Hunt, nm 




























e a 


Walpole’s Memoirs, was part of two di 
the road, leaving Assos in the afternoot 
he deviated to see the hot springs 
works. Mr. Weston (MS. journal) 
at three in the afternoon, and od 
at ten the next morning ; but he adds, t 
was almost impossible to find the road 
a guide. : 
In a paper on “ Recent Works on A 
nor,” in the Bibliotheca Sacra for October 
it is said that Assos is nine miles fi 
This must be an oversight. It is, he 
quite possible that Mitylene might hay 
reached, as we have assumed below, | 
Sunday evening. If the vessel saile 
Troas at seven in the morning, she 
easily be round Cape Lectum beft 
If St. Paul left Troas at ten, he mig 
at Assos at four in the afternoon; | 
vessel might be at anchor in the ros 
Mitylene at seven. Greswell suf 
they sailed from Assos on the Monday. 
would derange the days of the 
have given them below, but would 
the general conclusion. 


i 








Assos. 596 


e seamen, he could not count on any longdelay. He hastened, there- 
through the southern gate, past the hot springs,’ and through the 
4k-woods?—then in full foliage,*— which cover all that shore with 
geenmess and shade, and across the wild water-courses on the western 
se of Ida.* Such is the scenery which now surrounds the traveller on 
is way from Troas to Assos. The great difference then was, that there 
ws a good Roman road,’ which made St. Paul’s solitary journey both 
wre safe and more rapid than it could have been now. We haveseldom 
kd oceasion to think of the Apostle in the hours of his solitude. But 
sch hours must have been sought and cherished by one whose whole 
sength was drawn from communion with God, and especially at a time 
wen, as on this present journey, he was deeply conscious of his weak- 
oss, and filled with foreboding fears.’ There may have been other rea- 
sas why he lingered at Troas after his companions: but the desire for 
_sutude was (we may well believe) one reason among others. The dis- 
emfort of a crowded ship is unfavorable for devotion: and prayer and 
pdi are necessary for maintaining the religious life even of an 
Aostle. That Saviour to whose service he was devoted had often prayed 
irsolitade on the mountain, and crossed the brook Kedron to kmeel 
uder the olives of Gethsemane. And strength and peace were surely 
saght and obtained by the Apostle from the Redeemer, as he pursued 
bi lonely road that Sunday afternoon in spring, among the oak-woods 
ail the streams of Ida. 

No delay seems to have occurred at Assos. He entered by the Sacred 
Wy among the famous tombs,’ and through the ancient gateway, and 
prceeded immediately to the shore. We may suppose that the vessel 
ws already hove to and waiting when he arrived ; or that he saw her 
aproaching from the west, through the channel between Lesbos and the 
min. He went on board without delay, and the Greek sailors and the 


} 


Mentioned by Fellows and Hunt. ® Compare Rom. xv. 30, 31, Acts xx. 3 
_All travellers make mention of the woods with Acts xx. 22-25, xxi. 4, 12. 
of Yallonea oaks in the neighborhood of 7 This Street of Tombs ( Via Sacra) is one 
Tms. The acorns are used for dyeing, and of the most remarkable features of Assos. Is 
am important branch of trade. The col- is described by Fellows in his excellent ac- 
@ of the acorns, and shells, and gall-nuts, count of Assos. The Street of Tombs ex- 
the people during a great part of the tends to a great distance aeross the level 
One traveller mentions an English ves- ground to N. W. of the city. Some of the 
hich he saw taking in a load of these tombs are of vast dimensions, and formed 
: each of one block of granite. These remains 
‘The woods were in full foliage om the are the more worthy of notice because the 
March. Hunt. word sarcophagus was first applied in Roman 
‘For the streams of this Mountain, see p times to this stone of Assos (lapis Assius), 
5. from the peculiar power it was supposed to 
‘See note on the preceding page. possess of aiding the natural decay of corpses. 




















596 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 








Apostolic missionaries continued their voyage. As to the city of 
itself, we must conclude, if we compare the description of the ane 
with present appearances, that its aspect as seen from the sea 
sumptuous and grand. A terrace with a long portico was raised 
wall of rock above the water-line. Above this was a magnificent ¢ 
approached by a flight of steps. Higher still was the theatre, which ¢ 
manded a glorious view of Lesbos and the sea, and those various b 
ings which are now a wilderness of broken columns, triglyphs, and fr 
The whole was crowned by a citadel of Greek masonry on a cliff of 


ite. Such was the view which gradually faded into indistinctness 
vessel retired fromthe shore, and the summits of Ida rose in the ey 


sky. 


The course of the voyagers was southwards, along the eastern § 
When Assos was lost, Mitylene, the chief city of Le 
The beauty of the capital of Sappho’s i: 
was celebrated by the architects, poets, and philosophers of Rome. 
other Greek cities, which were ennobled by old recollections, it 
honored by the Romans with the privilege of freedom.’ 
south-eastern coast of the island, it would afford a good shelter fron 
north-westerly winds, whether the vessel entered the harbor or lay 
chor in the open roadstead.* It seems likely that the reason why the 


of Lesbos. 
came gradually into view. 


1 The view opposite is from a drawing by 
the Rev. G. F. Weston, who visited Assos in 
1845. In his MS. journal he speaks of it as 
follows : “ Proceeding 300 or 400 yards [from 
the theatre] in a N. W. direction, you come to 
the great gate of the city, a very interesting 
specimen of Greek architecture. An arch is 
formed by one stone overlapping that beneath 
it. There are remains also of two flanking 
towers with splayed loopholes, and the wall 
running up to the precipices of the Acropolis 
is almost perfect. Higher up, towards the 
Acropolis, are two more curious arches. Run- 
ning N. W. from the great gate is the Via 
Sacra.” See the preceding note. 

2 The travellers above mentioned speak in 
strong terms of the view from the Acropolis 
towards Lesbos and the sea. Towards Ida 
and the land side the eye ranges over the 
windings of a river through a fruitful plain. 

Fellows conceives that the remains here 
mentioned have been preserved from the dep- 
redations committed on other towns near the 
coast, in consequence of the material being 
the ‘same gray stone as the neighboring rock, 
end not having intrinsic value as marble.” 
















Situated oi 


He observed “no trace of the Ror 
Leake says*that the “hard granite of 
Ida ” has furnished the materials for 
the buildings, and even the sculptures ; | 
adds that “the whole gives perhaps th 
perfect idea of a Greek city that 
exists.” 

8 For a sketch of the history of Mi 
and for remarks on the orthography 
word, see Smith’s Dict. of Geography. — 
larger editions is a view of the town 
mountains behind. , 

+ “The chief town of Mitylene is 
S. E. coast, and on a peninsula (once 
land) forming two small harbors: of th 
northern one is sheltered by a pier 
north, and admits small coasters. . 
roadstead, which is about seven miles 
the S. E. end of the island, is a good 
roadstead, but the contrary in winter, 
much exposed to the S. E. and N.E 
which blow with great violence.” — 
Sailing Directory, p. 154. It should 
ticularly observed that St. Paul’s sh 
be sheltered here from the N. W. W 
see, as we proceed, increasing reason 





qAP, x1, CHIOS. —- SAMOS. 597 


ere for the night was, because it was the time of dark moon,! and they 
rould wish for daylight to accomplish safely the intricate navigation 
etween the southern part of Lesbos and the mainland of Asia Minor. 
In the course of Monday they were abreast of Chios (v. 15). The 
reather in these seas is very variable: and, from the mode of expression 
mployed by St. Luke, it is probable that they were becalmed. An 
Inglish traveller under similar circumstances has described himself as 
‘engrossed from daylight till noon” by the beauty of the prospects with 
Thich he was surrounded, as his vessel floated idly on this channel 
etween Scio and the continent.’ On one side were the gigantic masses 
f the mainland: on the other were the richness and fertility of the 
land, with its gardens of oranges,’ citrons, almonds, and pomegranates, 
nd its white scattered houses overshadowed by evergreens. Until the 
me of its recent disasters, Scio was the paradise of the modern Greek : 
nd a familiar proverb censured the levity of its inhabitants,* like that 
hich in the Apostle’s day described the coarser faults of the natives of 









‘The same English traveller passed the island of Samos after leaving 
rat of Chios. So likewise did St. Paul (vy. HPs But the ae eailey 


‘marine pass’ intervenes between it and a long mountainous ridge ol 
ie mainland, from which it appears to have been separated by some 
oplent convulsion of nature. This high promontory is the ridge of 


ing that the wind blew from this quar- 













1 The moon would be about six days old 
@ above), and would set soon after mid- 
mht. We are indebted for this suggestion 
Mr. Smith (author of the Voyage and Ship- 
vck of St. Paul), and we take this oppor- 
lity of acknowledging our obligations to his 
}. notes in various parts of this chapter. 

2 Dr. Clarke’s Travels, vol. ii. p. 188. See 
iwhole description. This applies to a period 
fae years before the massacre of 1822. For 
ices of Scio, and a description of the 
hery in its naatical aspect, see the Sailing 

ectory, pp. 124-128. 

It must be remembered that the vegeta- 
i}, and with the vegetation the scenery, of 
| shores of the Mediterranean, have varied 
the progress of civilization. It seems 
the Arabians introduced the orange in 
nearly part of the middle ages. Other 


changes are subsequent to the discovery of 
America. See p. 20, n. 1. The wines of 
Chios were always celebrated. Its coins dis- 
play an amphora and a bunch of grapes. 

* The proverb says that it is easier to find 
a green horse than a sober-minded Sciot. 

© See the view which Dr. Clarke gives of 
this remarkable “‘ marine pass,” vol. ii. p. 192 
The summit of Samos was concealed by a thick 
covering of clouds, and he was told that its 
heights were rarely unveiled. See again vol 
iii. pp. 364-367. Compare Norie’s Sailing Di- 
rectory, p. 150. “‘Samos, being mountainous, 
becomes visible twenty leagues off; and the 
summit of Mount Kerki retains its snow 
throughout the year.” he strait through 
which Dr. Clarke sailed is called the Great 
Boghaz, and is ten miles broad. Theisland to 
the west is Icaria. 

6 This strait is the Fittle Boghaz, which is 
reckoned at about a mile in breadth both by 


i. 


598 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. CHA 






Mycale, well xnown in the annals of Greek victory over the Persi 
At its termination, not more than a mile from Samos, is the anchor 
of Trogyllium. Here the night of Tuesday was spent; apparently 
the same reason as that which caused the delay at Mitylene. The m 


harbor of Miletus.! 


The short voyage from Chios to Trogyllium had carried St. F 
through familiar scenery. The bay across which the vessel had | 
passing was that into which the Cayster” flowed. The mountains on 
mainland were the western branches of Messogis and Tmolus,’ the re 
that enclose the primeval plain of “ Asia.” The city, towards whic 
is likely that some of the vessels in sight were directing their course, 
Ephesus, where the Apostolic labors of three years had gathered a ¢ 
pany of Christians in the midst of unbelievers. One whose solicitude 
so great for his recent converts could not willingly pass by and | 
them unvisited : and had he had the command of the movements of 
vessel, we can hardly believe that he would have done so. He w 
surely have landed at Ephesus, rather than at Miletus. The same 
which carried him to the latter harbor would have been equally ad 
tageous for a quick passage to the former. And, even had the wes 
been unfavorable at the time for landing at Ephesus, he might easily 
detained the vessel at Trogyllium; and a short journey by land mi 
ward would have taken him to the scene of his former labors.‘ 

Yet every delay, whether voluntary or involuntary, might have 
fatal to the plan he was desirous to accomplish. St. Luke inform 


Strabo and Chandler. We shall return pres- 
ently to this ridge of Mycale in its relation 
to the interior, when we refer to the journey of 
the Ephesian elders to Miletus. It was evident- 
ly a place well known to sailors, from Strabo’s 
reckoning the distance from hence to Sunium 
in Attica. 

1 We should observe here again that Tro- 
gyllium, though on the shore of the mainland, 
is protected by Samos from the north-westerly 
winds. With another wind it might have 
been better to have anchored in a port to the 
N. E. of Samos, now called Port Vathy, which 
is said, in the Suiling Directory (p. 119), to be 
“protected from every wind but the N. Ww.” 
We may refer here to the clear description 
and map of Samos by Tournefort, Voyage du 
Levant, 1. pp. 156, 157. But the Admiralty 
Charts (1530 and 1555) should be consulted 
for the soundings, &c. An anchorage will 
be seen just to the east of the extreme point 















of Trogyllium, bearing the name 
Pawul’s Port.” 

2 See what is said of the Cayszr, p 
461. 

8 See again, on these Ephesian mow 
p. 462. 

* Trogyllium, as we have seen, is at 
point where the coast projects and fo 
narrow strait between Asia Minor and 
The coast recedes northwards towards 
sus, and southwards towards Miletus 
of these places being about equidist 
Trogyllium. Up to this point from Chi 
Paul had been nearly following the line! 
Ephesian merchant-vessels up what it 
called the gulf of Scala Nuova. Bye 
ing the Admiralty Chart witn Strab 
Chandler, a very good notion is obta 
the coast and country between Ephe 
Miletas. 





gear. xx. MILETUS. — TROGYLLIUM. 593 
here (and the occurrence of the remark shows us how much regret was 
felt by the Apostle on passing by Ephesus) that his intention was, if 

: possible, to be in Jerusalem at Pentecost (v.16). Even with a ship at 

his command, he could not calculate on favorable weather, if he lost his 

: present opportunity: nor could he safely leave the ship which had con- 

yeyed him hitherto; for he was well aware that he could not be certain 

of meeting with another that would forward his progress. He deter- 
mined, therefore, to proceed in the same vessel, on her southward course 
from Trogyllium to Miletus. Yet the same watchful zeal which had 
urged him to employ the last precious moments of the stay at Troas in 
his Master’s cause suggested to his prompt mind a method of re-impress- 
ing the’ lessons of eternal truth on the hearts of the Christians at 
Ephesus, though he was unable to revisit them in person. He found that 
the vessel would be detained at Miletus! a sufficient time to enable him 
to send for the presbyters of the Ephesian Church, with the hope of their 
meeting him there. The distance between the two cities was hardly 

i thirty miles, and a good road connected them together.? Thus, though 
the stay at Miletus would be short, and it might be hazardous to attempt 
the journey himself, he could hope for one more interview,—if not 
with the whole Ephesian Church, at least with those members of it 
whose responsibility was the greatest. 

The sail from Trogyllium, with a fair wind, would require but litile 
time. If the vessel weighed anchor at daybreak on Wednesday, she 
would be in harbor long before noon. The message was doubtless sent 

Hes Ephesus immediately on her arrival ; and Paul remained at Miletus 
‘waiting for those whom the Holy Spirit, by his hands, had made “ over- 
lseers ” over the flock of Christ (v. 28). The city where we find the 
‘Christian Apostle now waiting, while those who had the care of the 
vessel were occupied with the business that detained them, has already 

referred to as more ancient than Ephesus,‘ though in the age of St. 


| 11¢ is surely quite a mistake to suppose, 
‘with some commentators, that St. Paul had 
‘the command of the movements of the vessel. 
His influence with the captain and the seamen 
igkt induce them to do all in their power to 
blige him; and perhaps we may trace some 
3 feeling in the arrangements at Assos, 
just as afterwards at Sidon (Acts xxvii. 3), 
when on his voyage to Rome. But he musé 
ecessarily have been content to take advan- 
age of such opportunities as were consistent 
with the business on which the vessel sailed. 
She evidently put in for business to Troas, 
Miletus, and Patara. At the other places she 
w Aiave touched merely for convenience 













in consequence of the state of the weather or 
the darkness. 

2 Pliny says the Magnesia is fifteen miles 
from Ephesus, and Magnesia was about equi- 
distant from Ephesu’ Tralles, and Miletus. 
For farther notices of the roads, we must refer 
to our larger editions. 

3 The distance is about seventeen nautical 
miles and a half. If the vesse: sailed at six in 
the morning from Trogyllium, she would easily 
be in harbor at nine. 

* See above, p. 410. Compare p. 462. Thus 
the imperial coins of Miletus are rare, and the 
autonomous coins begin very early. 


600 


Paul inferior to it in political and mercantile eminence. 
the “ Carian Miletus” appears as a place of renown. LHighty colon 
went forth from the banks of the Mzander, and some of them w 
spread even to the eastern shores of the Black Sea, and beyond 
It received its first blow in the Pers 
war, when its inhabitants, like the Jews, had experience of a Babylon 
It suffered once more in Alexander’s great campaign ;* 
after his time it gradually began to sink towards its present conditior 
ruin and decay, from the influence, as it would seem, of mere natt 
causes, — the increase of alluvial soil in the delta having the effec 
removing the city gradually farther and farther from the sea. 
the Apostle’s time, there was between the city and the shore a consid 
ble space of level ground, through which the ancient river meandered 
new windings, like the Forth at Stirling.’ 
history of Miletus with the transactions of the Roman Empire. W 
St. Paul was there, it was simply one of the second-rate seaports on 
populous coast, ranking, perhaps, with Adramyttium or Patara, 


Pillars of Hercules to the west. 


captivity.! 


hardly with Ephesus or Smyrna.‘ 


The excitement and joy must have been great among the Christie 
Ephesus, when they heard that their honored friend and teacher, to w 
they had listened so often in the school of Tyrannus, was in the hart 
of Miletus, within the distance of a few miles. . The presbyters m 
have gathered together in all haste to obey the summons, and gone 
eager steps out of the southern gate, which leads to Miletus. 
who travel on such an errand, a journey of twenty or thirty miles is” 
regarded long and tedious, nor is much regard paid to the differe 
between day and night. The presbyters of Hphesus might easily re 


1 Herod. yv. 30, vi. 18. 

2 Arrian, Anab. i. 19, 20. 

8 This is the comparison of Sir C. Fellows. 
The Mander was proverbial among the an- 
cients, both for the sinuosities of its course, 
and the great quantity of alluvial soil brought 
down by the stream. Pliny tells us that is- 
lands near Miletus had been joined to the 
continent, and Strabo relates that Priene, once 
a seaport, was in his time forty stadia from the 
sea. Fellows says that Miletus was once a 
headland in a bay, which is now a “ dead flat” 
ten miles in breadth. Chandler (p. 202), on 
looking down from Priene on the “ bare and 
marshy plain,” says, “‘ How different its aspect 
when the mountains were boundaries of a 
gulf, and Miletus, Myus, and Priene, maritime 
aves!" —And again (p. 207), he looks for- 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. cE 






















Even in Hon 


Even 


Few events connect | 


By th 


ward to the time when Samos and 
islands will unite with the shore, and the 
ent promontories will be seen inland. 
Kiepert’s Hellas, for a representation ¢ 
coast as it was in the early Greek times; 
for a true delineation of its present stat 
the Admiralty Chart, No. 1555. 
* For Smyrna, see again pp. 410, 462. 
5 Strabo says that Miletus had four 
bors, one of which was for vessels of 
No trace of them is to be seen now. 
6 For a notion of the scenery of this 
ney of the presbyters over or round the 
of Mycale, and by the windings of the Mi 
der, the reader may consult Chandler and Fe 
lows. The latter describes the extensive Vie! 
in each direction from the summit 
range. The former was travelling, like 


SPEECH TO THE EPHESIAN PRESBYTEBRS. 603 





\etus on the day after that on which the summons was received! And 
ugh they might be weary when they arrived, their fatigue would soon 
forgotten dt the sight of their friend and instructor ; and God, also, 
| ho comforts them that are cast down” (2 Cor. vii. 6), comforted him 
‘ the sight of his disciples. They were gathered together — probably in 
+me solitary spot upon the shore — to listen to his address. This little 
mpany formed a singular contrast with the crowds which used to as- 
nble at the times of public amusement in the theatre of Miletus.2 But 
‘ab vast theatre is now a silent ruin, — while the words spoken by a care- 
rn traveller to afew despised strangers are still living as they were that 
y, to teach lessons for all time, and to make known eternal truths to all 
10 will hea: them, — while they reveal to us, as though they were merely 
man words, all the tenderness and the affection of Paul, the individual 


ds 
Jim of his 
|b labors 
yog them. 


throughout all the time; serving the Lord Jesus® with all ® 
qliuess of mind, and with many tears ‘and trials which befell me through 
2 plotting® of the Jews. And how I kept* back none of those things 
ich are profitable for you, but declared them to you, and taught you 
i publicly and from house” to house; testifying both to Jews and 









Brethren,’ ye know yourselves,’ from the first day that I 
came into Asia, after what manner I have been with you 


tiles their" need of repentance towards God, and faith in our Lord 
us Christ. And now, as for me,” behold I go to Jerusalem ® in spirit 





sbyters, in April; and “the weather was 
ettled ; the sky was blue and the sun shone, 








+ We may remark here, in answer to those 
%) think that the érioxoro mentioned in this 
sage were the bishops of verious places in 
3 {Province of Asia, that there was evidently 
time to sammon them. On the converti- 
y of érioxorrog and mpeoirenec, see below. 

' In our larger editions is a view of Miletus 
10 Laborde. The two conspicuous features 
the great theatre and the windings of the 
jander towards the sea. 

} “Brethren” is found here in the Uncial 
Wnuseript p (Codex Beze) and in some 
iy versions; and we have adopted it, be- 
se it is nearly certain that St. Paul would 
i) have begun his address abruptly without 
“4e such word. Compare all his other re- 


“led speeches in the Acts. 








* “Ye yourselves,” emphatic. 

6 “The Lord,” as Col. iii. 24. With this 
selfcommendation Tholuck compares 1 Thess. 
ii. 10, and 2 Cor. vi. 3,4. See note on verse 
33 below. “ Felix,” says Bengel, “qui sic exor- 
diri potest conscientiam auditorum testando.” 

§ « All.” Tholuck remarks on the charac- 
teristic use of “all” in St. Paul’s Epistles. 

7 “ Tears.” Compare 2 Cor. ii. 4, and Phil. 
iii. 18. 

8 “ Plotting of Jews.” Compare 1 Cor. xv. 
$1. 
® « Kept back nothing.” Compare 2 Cor. iv. 
2, and 1 Thess. ii. 4. 

10 “<FTouse to house.” Compare 1 Thess. ii. 11. 

ll Observe that the definite article is used 
here. TH repentance (which they ought to 
have) towards God, gc. 

2 See next note. 

18 The order of the words, according to the 
true reading, gives this turn to the passages. 


Aors 
xx 


18 


me S&F 


30 


602 THE LIFE A} D EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


foredoomed to chains; yet 1 «ow not the things which shall Def 
there, save that in every city! the Holy Spirit gives the same testi 
that bonds and afflictions abideme. But none of these things mo e 
neither count I my life dear unto myself, so that I might finish my 

with joy,’ and the ministry which I received from the Lord Jesus to 
the Glad-tidings of the grace of God. 






And now, behold I know that ye all,‘ among whom I have ,,. 
gone from city to city, proclaiming the kingdom of God, shall ™ 
Wherefore I take you to witness this day, 1 
am clear from the blood ® of all. For I have not shunned to declare 
you all the counsel of God. Take heed, therefore, unto yourselves 
to all the flock in which the Holy Spirit has made you overseers,® 
the Church of God,’ which He purchased with His own blood. F 
know, that after my departure grievous wolves shall enter in among 
who will not spare the flock. And from your own selves will men 
speaking perverted words, that they may draw away the disciples 
Therefore, be watchful, and remember that for the spa 


see my face no more. 


themselves.’ 


St. Paul was “bound,” i. e. a prisoner in chains, 
but as yet only in the spirit, not inbody. This 
is not the Holy Spirit, from which it is dis- 
tinguished by the addition of “ Holy” in the 
verse below. This explanation of the passage 
(which agrees with that of Grotius and Chrys- 
ostom) seems the natural one, in spite of the 
objections of De Wette and others. 

1 We have two examples of this afterwards, 
namely, at Tyre (Acts xxi. 4) and at Ceesarea 
(Acts xxi. 10, 11). And from the present 
passage we learn that such warnings had been 
given in many places during this journey. 
St. Paul’s own anticipations of danger appear 
Rom. xy. 31. 

2 The reading adopted by Tischendorf 
here, though shorter, is the same in sense. 

8 Compare 2 Tim. iy. 7, and Phil. ii. 16. 
See the remarks which have been made in the 
early part of this chapter on this favorite 
metaphor of St. Paul, especially p. 585, nm. 1. 
[See also p. 157, n. 6. —a.] 

* This “all” includes not only the Kphe- 
sian presbyters, but also the brethren from 
Macedonia. (See Acts xx. 4.) The ‘‘ gone” 
is, literally, “gone through.” With regard to 
the expectation expressed by St. Paul, it must 











be regarded as a human inference fr 
danger which he knew to be before hi 
(as we think) he was liberated after h 
imprisonment at Rome, he did see some 
present audience again. Tholuck coi 
Phil. i. 20, i. 25, and ii. 24. 

5 See xviii. 6. “ Your blood be upo 
own heads : I am clean.” 

6 ’Emioxorove. It is scarcely necess 
remark, that in the New Testament thi 
éxicxoto¢ and mpeoBitepog are cony 
Compare verse 17 and Tit. i. 5, 7, and 
878. 'Tholuck remarks that this refere 
the Holy Spirit as the author of chure 


8, 11, and 28. 

7 We have retained the T. R. he 
the MSS. and fathers are divided be 
readings “ God” and “Lord.” At th 


authority is rather in favor of “Lor 
very candid and able outline of the e 
on each side of the question is given 
Humphry. The sentiment exactly agre 
1 Cor. vi. 20. 

8 We read “themselves” with Lael 
on the authority of some of the hest I 








GRIEF OF SEPARATION. 603 


Lnree years ' I ceased not to warn every one of you, night and day, with 





sears.” 
| And? now, brethren, I commend you to God, and to the 
guasaex, Word of His grace; even to Him who is able to build you up 
entre and to give you an inheritance among all them that are sancti- 
P< in. 


: fied. When I was with you,‘ I coveted no man’s silver or gold, 
yr raiment. Yea, ye know yourselves® that these hands ministered to 
| y necessities, and to those who were with me. And all this I did for 
our example; to teach you that so laboring ye ought to support the 
Lciptess,’ and to remember the words of the Lord Jesus, how HE said, “ It 
S MORE BLESSED TO GIVE THAN TO RECEIVE.” 


| The close of this speech was followed by a solemn act of united suppli- 
ation (Acts xx. 36). St. Paul knelt down on the shore with all those 
rh had listened to him, and offered up a prayer to that God who was 

unding His Church in the midst of difficulties apparently insuperable ; 
ind then followed an outbreak of natural grief, which even Christian 
aith and 1esignation were not able to restrain. They fell on the Apos- 
le’s neck and clung to him, and kissed’ him again and again,* sorrowing 
aost because of his own foreboding announcement, that they should 
iever behold that countenance again, on which they had often gazed® 
ith reverence and love (ib. 37,38). But no long time could be devoted 
o the grief of separation. The wind was fair, and the vessel must 



















| 1 This space of three years may either be pare 1 Thess. ii. 5-11, 2 Thess. iii. 7-9, 1 Cor. 
sed (in tne Jewish mode of reckoning) for ix. 4-15, 2 Cor. xii. 14, &. 
© two years and upwards which St. Paul * This mention of his companions and 
pent at Ephesus; or, if we suppose him, to attendants is characteristic. St. Paul seems 
to the Macedonians and Corinthians also always to have been accompanied by a band of 
ho were present), it may refer to the whole disciples, who helped him in the discharge of 
e (about three years anda half), since he the many duties in which he was involved by 
¢é to reside at Ephesus in the autumn of  “ thecare of all the churches.” Compare Gal. 
A.D. i. 2 for the expression. 
[i See p. 601, n.7. We.have much satis- 7 “The weak,” i.e. the poor. This inter- 
ction in referring here to the second of A. pretation is defended by Chrysostom, and con- 
onod’s recently published sermons. (Saint firmed by Aristophanes, quoted by Wetstein. 
aul, Cing Discours. Waris, 1851.) The interpretation of Calvin (who takes it as 
® This conclusion reminds us of that of the the weak in faith), which is supported by Ne- 
tter to the Romans so recently written. Com- ander and others, seems hardly consistent with 





Rom. xvi. 25. the context. 
* This is the force of the aorist, unless we 8 The Greek verb (v. 37) is in the imper- 
er to suppose it used (as often by St. Paul) fect. : 
T a perfect. 2 “ Gaze on his face,” v. 38. The expres- 


® This way of appealing to the recollection sion is stronger than that used by St. Paul 
his converts in proof of his disinterested- himself, v. 25. 
88 is highly characteristic of St. Paul. Com- 10 See below. 


35 


504 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8ST. PAUL. 





















depart. They accompanied the Apostle to the edge ot the 
(ib. 38).". The Christian brethren were torn away from the embre 
their friends ;? and the ship sailed out into the open sea, while the 
oyters prepared for their weary and melancholy return to Ephesus. 

The narrative of the voyage is now resumed in detail. It is 
clear, from St. Luke’s mode of expression, that the vessel sailed 
Miletus on the day of the interview. With a fair wind she would 
run down to Cos in the course of the same afternoon. The dis a 
about forty nautical miles ; the direction is due south. The phrase 
implies a straight course and a fair wind,’ and we conclude, fro, 
well-known phenomena of the Levant, that the wind was north- re 
which is the prevalent direction in those seas. With this wind the 
would make her passage from Miletus to Cos in six hours, passin 
shores of Caria, with the high summits of Mount Latmus on the af 
with groups of small islands (among which Patmos (Rev. i. 9) won 
seen at times)° studding the sea on the right. Oos is an isle nd 
twenty-three miles in length, extending from south-west to north 
and separated by a narrow channel from the mainland. But we 
rather conceive the town to be referred to, which lay at the e 
extremity of the island. It is described by the ancients as a be 
and well-built city: and it was surrounded with fortifications e ect 
Alcibiades towards the close of the Peloponnesian war. Its sy m 
had been injured by an earthquake, and the restoration had not ye 
effected ; but the productiveness of the island to which it belonge 
its position in the Levant, made the city a place of no little conseg 
The wine and the textile fabrics of Cos were well known am on 
imports of Italy. Even now no harbor is more frequented by the 
chant-vessels of the Levant.’ The roadstead is sheltered by nature 
all winds except the north-east, and the inner harbor was not then 
is now, an unhealthy lagoon. Moreover, Claudius had recently bes 


1 Prof. Hackett notices how the phrase, 6 This is to be distinguished from th 


they accompanied him to the ship, suits the place, 
which had then a long level between the town 
and the anchorage. 

* The English translation of xxi. 1, “got- 
cen from them,” is too weak. 

8 They ran before the wind, xxi. 1. See 
what has been said before on this nautical 
phrase, p. 246. 

* For what relates to this prevalent wind, 
see below. 

* Dr. Clarke describes a magnificent even- 
ing, with the sun setting behind Patmos, 
which he saw on the voyage from Samos to 
Cos. 


nel mentioned below, between the 
of Cos and Cape Crio. ; f 
7 “No place in the Archipelago is n 
quented by merchant-vessels than thik 
Purdy, p. 115. _ 
® See the description of the town and 
age in Purdy : — “ The town is shelte 
westerly winds by very high mounta 
114. “ The road is good in all winds 
the E. N. E.,” p. 115. A view of tl a 
city of Cos from the anchorage, as well 
present soundings, and the traces of 
cient port, is given in the Admi 
No. 1550 













RHODES. 605 









i 


oo. privileges on the city.’ Another circumstance made it the 
esort of many strangers, and gave it additional renown. It was the seat 
the medical school traditionally connected with Aisculapius; and the 
emple of the god of healing was crowded with votive models, so as to 
ecome in effect a museum of anatomy and pathology? The Christian 
hysician St. Luke, who knew these coasts so well, could hardly be 
znorant of the scientific and religious celebrity of Cos. We can imagine 
e thankfulness with which he would reflect—as the vessel lay at 
chor off the city of Hippocrates — that he had been emancipated from 
5 bonds of superstition, without becoming a victim to that scepticism 
‘hich often succeeds it, especially in minds familiar with the science of 
ysical phenomena.° 
| On leaving the anchorage of Cos, the vessel would have to proceed 
ugh the channel which lies between the southern shore of the island 
d that tongue of the mainland which terminates in the Point of 
jnidus. If the wind continued in the north-west, the vessel would be 
le to hold a straight course from Cos to Cape Crio (for such is the 
odern name of the promontory of Triopium, on which Cnidus was 


1 Tac. Ann. xii. 61. 

2 See p. 271, n. 1. Perhaps the fullest 
t of Cos is that given by Dr. Clarke, 
1. ii. pp. 196-213, and again after his return 
m Egypt, vol. iii. pp. 321-329. He de 
the celebrated plane-tree, and from this 
jand he brought the altar which is now in 
Public Library at Cambridge. We may 
er also to a paper on Cos by Col. Leake in 
second yolume of the Transactions of the 
Society of Literature. See Smith’s Dict. 
3 If we attached any importance to the tra- 
ion which represents St. Luke as a painter, 
might add that Cos was the birthplace of 

pelles as well as of Hippocrates. 
* We shall return again to the subject of 
north-westerly winds which prevail during 
fine season in the Archipelago, and espe- 
ly in the neighborhood of Rhodes. For the 
mt the following authorities may suffice. 
ing of Rhodes, Dr. Clarke says (vol. ii. 
223), “ The winds are liable to little varia- 
m; they are N. or N. W. during almost 
Ty month, but these winds blow with great 
lence : ” and again, p. 230, “ A N. wind has 
vailed from the time of our leaving the 
















ilt), and after rounding the point she would run clear before the wind 
the way to Rhodes.‘ Another of St. Paul’s voyages will lead us to 


Dardanelles.” Again (vol. iii. p. 378), in the 
same seas he speaks of a gale from the N. 
W. :— “It is surprising for what a length of 
time, and how often, the N. W. rages in the 
Archipelago. It prevails almost unceasingly 
through the greater part of the year,” 380. 
And in a note he adds, ‘‘ Mr. Spencer Smith, 
brother of Sir Sidney Smith, informed the 
author that he was an entire month employed in 
endeavoring to effect a passage from Rhodes te 
Stancho [Cos]: the N. W. wind prevailed all 
the time with such force that the vessel in which he 
sailed could not double Cape Crio.” We find 
the following in Norie’s Sailing Directory, p. 
127 :—“ The Etesian winds, which blow from 
the N. E. and N. W. quarters, are the mon- 
soons of the Levant, which blow constantly 
during the summer, and give to the climate 
of Greece so advantageous a temperature. At 
this season the greatest part of the Mediter- 
ranean, but particularly the eastern half, in- 
cluding the Adriatic and Archipelago, are 
subject to N. W. winds. . . . When the sun, 
on advancing from the north, has begun te 
rarefy the atmophere of southern Europe, ths 
Etesians of spring commence in the Mediter- 
ranean Sea. These blow in Italy during 


606 


make mention of Cnidus.! 


on the coast.? 


cent and Trafalgar. 


We have supposed St. Paul’s vessel to have rounded Cape = 
left the western shore of Asia Minor, and to be proceeding ¢ 
The current between Rhodes and the main runs s 
to the westward ;* but the north-westerly wind‘ would soon ¢z 
vessel through the space of fifty miles to the northern <a of 
island, where its famous and beautiful city was built. 

Until the building of its metropolis, the name of this island was” 
paratively unknown. But from the time when the inhabitants of 
earlier towns were brought to one centre,’ and the new city, bie 
Hippodamus (the same architect who planned the streets of the Pira 
rose in the midst of its perfumed gardens and its amphitheatre of 
with unity so symmetrical that it appeared like one house,’ — Rhod 
held an illustrious place among the islands of the Mediterranean. | 
the very effect of its situation, lying as it did on the verge of two o 
basins of that sea, it became the intermediate point of the easte! 
Even now it is the harbor at which most vessels t 


southern shore. 


western trade.’ 


on their progress to and from the Archipelago.® 


March and April.” In Purdy’s Sailing Direc- 
tory, p. 122, it is said of the neighborhood of 
Smyrna and Ephesus: “ The northerly winds 
hereabout continue all the summer, and some- 
times blow with unremitting violence for sev- 
eral weeks.” See again what Admiral Beanu- 
fort says of the N. W. wind at Patara. 

1 See Acts xxvii. 7. 

2 In the Admiralty Chart of the gulf of 
Cos, &e. (No. 1604), a very good view of Cape 
Crio is given. We shall speak of Cnidus 
more fully hereafter. Meantime we may refer 
to a view in Laborde, which gives an admira- 
ble representation of the passage between Cos 
and Cape Crio. 

’ Purdy. * See above. 

® Herodotus simply mentions Rhodes as 
forming part of the Dorian confederacy with 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF §8T. PAUL. 


We shall, therefore, only say, 
extremity of the promontory descends with a perpendicular p 
the sea, and that this high rock is separated by a level space f 
main, so that, at a distauce, it appears like one of the numerous i 
Its history, as well as its appearance, was well impr 
ou the mind of the Greek navigator of old; for it was the scent 
Conon’s victory ; and the memory of their great admiral made the so 
western corner of the Asiatic peninsula to the Athenians what 
south-western corner of Spain is to us, through the memories of St. ’ 























It was the point | 


Cos and Cnridus. It was about the tir 
the Peloponnesian war that the three ¢ 
cities of Lindus, Talysus, and Camiru 
centralized in the new city of Rhodes. — 
find the Rhodian navy rising in streng 
consequence towards the time of Dem 
nes ;” and, after this period, it “ makes 1 
as great a figure in history as Venice dt 
the annals of Modern Europe.” 

§ This is the phrase of Diodorus $i 

7 An interesting illustration of ¢ 
of Rhodes will be found in vol. iit 
Trans. of the Royal Society of Literature, 
paper on some inscribed handles of 
sels found at Alexandria. We — 
this paper again when we come to § 
Cnidus. 

+ “ Vessels bound to the ports of E 


RAODES. 60% 













hich the Greek geographers reckoned their parallels of latitude and 
a of longitude. And we may assert that no place has been so 
g renowned for ship-building, if we may refer to the “ benches, and 
sts, and ship-boards ” of ‘“‘ Dodanim and Chittim,” with the feeble con- 
ructions of the modern Turkish dockyard, as the earliest and latest efforts 
that Rhodian skill, which was celebrated by Pliny in the time of St. 
wl. ‘'o the copious supplies of ship-timber were added many other 
ysical advantages. It was a proverb, that the sun shone every day in 
xodes; and her inhabitants revelled in the luxuriance of the vegetation 

ich surrounded them. We find this beauty and this brilliant atmosphere 

ified in her coins, on one side of which is the head of Apollo radiated 
ie the sun, while the other exhibits the rose-flower, the conventional 
ablem which bore the name of the island.! But the interest of what is 

rely outward fades before the moral interest associated with its history. 
we rapidly run over its annals, we find something in every period, with 
1ich elevated thoughts are connected. The Greek period is the first, — 
fmous not merely for the great Temple of the Sun, and the Colossus, 
ch, like the statue of Borromeo at Arona, seemed to stand over the 
to protect it,?—-but far more for the supremacy of the seas, which 
ws employed to put down piracy, for the code of mercantile law, by 
lich the commerce of later times was regulated, and for the legislative 
Tats, framed almost in the spirit of Christianity, for the protection 
the poor. This is followed by the Roman period, when the faithful ally, 
wich had aided by her naval power in subduing the Hast, was honored 
ithe Senate and the Emperors with the name and privileges of freedom :* 
this by the Byzantine, during which Christianity was established in 
» Levant, and the city of the Rhodians, as the metropolis of a province 


islands, if no longer holding the empire of the Mediterranean, was at 














yell as to those of Syria and Hgypt gene- 
touch here for pilets or for intelligence.” 
ufort, “The southern harbor is generally 
i of merchant-vessels.” Purdy, p. 282. 
‘he chief source of what little opulence it 
enjoys is in the number of yessels which 
fh here on their passage from the Archi- 
0 to the eastward.” Ib. 

| One of these coins is given in the larger 
ons. 

The Colossus was in ruins even in Stra- 
time. It had been overthrown by an 
hguake according to Polybius. It seems 
je a popular mistake that this immense 
ae stood across the entrance of one of the 
sors, ‘The only parallel in modern times is 


bbtatne of Sen Carlo Borromeo, which has 




















Cc 







been alluded to before in reference to Athens, 
p- 326; and in height they were nearly identi- 
cal, the latter being 106 feet, the former 105 
(70 cubits). See the paper referred to, p. 606, 
n. 7. 

3 After the defeat of Antiochus, Rhodes 
received from the Roman senate some valua- 
ble possessions on the mainland, including 
part of Caria and the whole of Lycia. See 
what has been said on the province of Asia, 
pp: 206, 207, comparing p. 209. These con: 
tinental possessions were afterwards witb- 
drawn ; but the Rhodians were still regarded 
as among the allies of Rome. They rendered 
valuable aid in the war against Mithridates, 
and were not reduced to the form of a prov- 
ince till the reign of Vespasian. 


~ 


608 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


































least recognized as the Queen of the Aigean.' During the earlier 
of the middle ages, while mosques were gradually taking the pl 
Byzantine churches, Rhodes was the last Christian city to make a 
against the advancing Saracens ; and again during their later portio 
re-appears as a city ennobled by the deeds of Christian chivalry ; s¢ 
ever since the successful siege of Solyman the Magnificent, her for 
tions and her stately harbor, and the houses in her streets, continue 
the memorials of the Knights of St. John. Yet no point of R] 
history ought to move our spirits with so much exultation as the 
when the vessel that conveyed St. Paul came round the low northern 
of the island to her moorings before the city. We do not know th 
landed like other great conquerors who have visited Rhodes. I 1 
not be necessary even to enter the harbor, for a safe anchorage wou 
found for the night in the open roadstead.* “The kingdom 
cometh not with observation ;”? and the vessel which was seen b 
people of the city to weigh anchor in the morning was probably 
tinguished from the other coasting craft with which they were 
familiar. r 

No view in the Levant is more celebrated than that from Rhodes td 
the opposite shore of Asia Minor. The last ranges of Mount Ti 
come down in magnificent forms to the sea; and a long line of 
summits is seen along the Lycian coast, while the sea between is of 
unruffled expanse of water under a blue and brilliant sky. Acre 
expanse, and towards a harbor near the farther edge of these | 
mountains, the Apostle’s course was now directed (Acts xxi. 1). ' 
eastward of Mount Cragus,— the steep sea-front of which is k a 
the pilots of the Levant by the name of the “ Seven Capes,” °— th é 
Xanthus winds through a rich and magnificent valley, and past ne 
of an ancient city, the monuments of which, after a long co veal 
have lately been made familiar to the British public. The harnor 
city of Kanthus was situated a short distance from the left oank § 


sy 


river. Patara was to Xanthus what the Pireus was to Athens; 


7 


1 It was then the metropolis of the “ Proy- 5 «These capes (called in Italian, 
ince of the Islands.” language of the pilots, sette capi) are 
2 Compare Purdy’s Sailing Directory with  tremities of high and rugged moun: i 
the Admiralty Chart (No. 1639), attached to pying a space of ten miles.” Purdy, } 
which is an excellent view of Rhodes. ® The allusion is of course to the X 
3 See Purdy, p. 231. room in the British Museum. 
* Compare p. 19. For the appearance of 7 Thus Appian speaks of P: 
this magnificent coast on a nearer approach, port of Xanthus, B. C. iv. 81. In the 
see Dr. Clarke. For a description of these ing chapter he says that Andriace 
south-western mountains of Asia Minor, the same relation to Myra. (Acts xxvii. 
Travels of Spratt and Forbes may be consulted. : 





MAP. BX. PATARA. 609 
‘hough this comparison might seem to convey the idea of an importance 
which never belonged to the Lycian seaport, yet ruins still remain to 
show that it was once a place of some magnitude and splendor. The bay 
nto which the river Xanthus flowed is now a “desert of moving sand,” 
which is blown by the westerly wind into ridges along the shore, and is 
yradually hiding the remains of the ancient city ;’ but a triple archway 
mnd a vast theatre have been described by travellers.? Some have even 
hought that they have discovered the seat of the oracle of Apollo, who 
vas worshipped here, as his sister Diana was worshipped at Ephesus or 
erga: and the city walls can be traced among the sand-hills with the 
astle * that commanded the harbor. In the war against Antiochus, this 
ka was protected by a sudden storm from the Roman fleet, when 
iivius sailed from Rhodes.’ Now we find the Apostle Paul entering it 
it a fair wind, after a short sail from the same island. 

_ It seems that the vessel in which St. Paul had been hitherto sailing 
ither finished its voyage at Patara, or was proceeding farther eastward 
long the southern coast of Asia Minor, and not to the ports of Pheenicia. 
I Paul could not know in advance whether it would be “ possible ” for 


1 Admiral Beanfort was the first to describe 
atara. Karamania,chap.i. It was also visit- 

by the Dilettanti Society. It is described 
y Sir C. Fellows both in his Zycia and 
is Asia Minor. In the Travels of Spratt 
d Forbes the destruction of the harbor and 
e€ great increase of sand are attributed to the 
sing of the coast. The following passage is 
ibed at length from this work : — “‘ A day 
devoted to an excursion to Patara, which 
4s on the coast at some distance from the left 
nk of the river, about ten miles from Xan- 
us. We rode along the river-side to the 
| nd-hills, passing large straw-thatched villages 
gypsies on the way, and then crossed the 
d-hills to the seaside... . At Patara is 
e triple arch, which formed the gate of the 
y the baths, and the theatre, admirably 


ribed long ago by Captain Beaufort. The 
= scooped out of the side of a hill, and 














arkable for the completeness of the pro- 
mium and the steepness and narrowness of 
marble seats. Above it is the singular pit 
cavated on the summit of the same hill, 
th its central square column, conjectured 
h probability, by Admiral Beaufort, to have 
on the seat of the oracle of Apollo Patareus. 
e stones of which the column is built are 
placed from each other in a singwar man- 
*, a8 if by the revolving motion of an earth- 
39 


quake. A fine group of palm-trees rises 
among the ruins, and the aspect of the city 
when it was flourishing must have been very 
beautiful. Now its port is an inland marsh, 
generating poisonous malaria; and the meri- 
ner sailing along the coast would never guess 
that the sand-hills before him blocked up the 
harbor into which St. Paul sailed of old.” 

2 A drawing of the gateway is given by 
Beaufort, p. 1. Views of the theatre, &., of 
Patara will be found in the first volume of the 
Lonian Antiquities, published by the Dilettanti 
Society. 

8 See pp. 148, 144, and p. 464, &. The 
coins of Patara show the ascendency of Apollo 
in the district. One is given in the larger edi- 
tions. 

* Beaufort, p. 3. 

5 The Roman fleet had followed nearly the 
same course as the Apostle from the neighbor- 
hood of Ephesus, the following places being 
mentioned in order, — Miletus, Cnidus, Cos, 
Rhodes, Patara. Livy. xxxvii. 16. We may 
add another illustration from Roman history, 
in Pompey’s voyage, where the same places 
are mentioned in a similar order.. After de- 
scribing his departure from Mitylene, and his 
passing by Asia and Chios, Lucan proceeds to 
enumerate Ephesus, Cos, Cnidus, and Rhodes. 
Phars. viii. 


etna 


610 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


him to arrive in Palestine in time for Pentecost (xx. 16); but an op 
tunity presented itself unexpectedly at Patara. Providential cire 
stances conspired with his own convictions to forward his journe 
notwithstanding the discouragement which the fears of others had thr ¥ 
across his path. In the harbor of Patara they found a vessel which wi 
on the point of crossing the open sea to Phoenicia (xxi. 2). They we 
on board without a moment’s delay; and it seems evident from the mo¢ 
of expression that they sailed the very day of their arrival.’ Sin 
the voyage lay across the open sea,’ with no shoals or rocks to be dreade 
and since the north-westerly winds often blow steadily for several days: 
the Levant during spring? there could be no reason why the vessel shou! 
not weigh anchor in the evening, and sail through the night.‘ 7 
We have now to think of St. Paul as no longer passing through ma 
row channels, or coasting along in the shadow of great moun ains, n 
as sailing continuously through the midnight hours, with a prospe 
breeze filling the canvass, and the waves curling and sounding roun¢ 
bows of the vessel. There is a peculiar freshness and cheerfulne 
the prosecution of a prosperous voyage with a fair wind by night. T 
sailors on the watch, and the passengers also, feel it, and the feeling 
often expressed in songs or in long-continued conversation. Such ¢ 
fulness might be felt by the Apostle and his companions, not wi 
thankfulness to that God “who giveth songs in the night” (Job xm 
10), and who hearkeneth to those who fear Him, and speak often t¢ 
another, and think upon His name (Mal. iii. 16). If we remember, i 
that a month had now elapsed since the moon was shining on the sno 
of Hemus,’ and that the full moonlight would now be resting on the gre 
sail ® of the ship, we are not without an expressive imagery, which we m 
allowably throw round the Apostle’s progress over the waters bet 
Patara and Tyre. e 
The distance between these two points is three hundred and forty g 
graphical miles; and if we bear in mind (what has been mentioned m 
than once) that the north-westerly winds in April often blow like 
soons in the Levant, and that the rig of ancient sailing vessels 1 
peculiarly favorable to a quick run before the wind,’ we come at oI oe 
the conclusion that the voyage might easily be accomplished in fo 
hours. Every thing in St. Luke’s account gives a strong impression 


1 This is shown not only by the expression * For this and other points connected ¥ 
“we went aboard,” but by the omission of the navigation of the ancients, we ™ st 
any phrase for “ next day,” such as we findin to Ch. XXIII. : 


















xx. 15. 5 See above, p. 590. 
2 It is said that the ship was on the point 6 See Smith’s Voyage and Shipw 
of sailing over or “ cressing” to Phoenicia. 7 Smith, p. 180. 


8 See above, p. 605, 8 §.e. the rate would be rather more ! 





TYRE. 61} 


a 
— 


e » weather was in the highest degree favorable; and there is one pic 
resque phrase employed by the narrator, which sets vividly before us 
me of the phenomena of a rapid voyage.! That which is said in the 
iglish version concerning the “ discovering” of Cyprus, and “ leaving 
‘on the left hand,’ is, in the original, a nautical expression, implying 
at the land appeared to rise quickly,? as they sailed past it to the south- 
wd It would be in the course of the second day (probably in tie 
ening) that “the high blue eastern land appeared.” The highest 
antain of Cyprus is a rounded summit, and there would be snow upon 
Mm that season of the year.‘ After the second night, the first land in 
shit would be the high range of Lebanon ® in Syria (xxi. 3), and they 
wuld easily arrive at Tyre before the evening. 

Se much has been written concerning the past history and present con- 
tion of Tyre, that these subjects are familiar to every reader, and it is 


mecessary to dwell upon them here.‘ 


When St. Paul came to this city, 


was neither in the glorious state described in the prophecies of Ezekiel 
id Isaiah,’ when “its merchants were princes, and its traffickers the 
morable of the earth,” nor in the abject desolation in which it now ful- 
3 those prophecies, being “‘ a place to spread nets upon,” and showing 
ly the traces of its maritime supremacy in its ruined mole, and a port 


idly deep enough for boats. 


en left by the successors of Alexander, — 
city, being joined to the mainland by a causeway, — 
the north, and another on the south.° 





















en knots an hour. The writer once asked 
captain of a vessel engaged in the Medi- 
eanean trade, how long it would take to 
i@ with a fair wnd from the Seven Capes to 
‘e; and the answer was, “‘ About thirty 
rs, or periaps it would be safer to say 
y-eight.” Now, vessels rigged like those 
the ancients, with one large mainsail, would 
shor the wind more quickly than our own 
: ‘Those who have sailed before 
h monsoons m the China seas have seen 
tks (which are rigged in this respect like 
rek and Roman merchantmen) behind them 
the norizon in the morning, and before 
a in the horizon in the evening. 

| The word, in reference to ee 
ams “to see lanu, to bring land into view,” 

4 similar figure uf speech to that in which 
sailors speak ot “making land.” So “ape- 
is used in Gein, and “open” by our 






sailors. The geammatical construction 
he Greek is peculiar; but confusions of 


It was in the condition in which it had 


the island, which once held 
with a harbor 
In honor of its ancient great- 


grammar are common in the language of sail- 
ors. Thus an English seaman speaks of 
“rising the land,” which is exactly what is 
meant here. 

2 Mr. Smith says in a MS. note: “The 
term indicates both the rapid approach to 
land, and that it was seen at a distance by 
daylight.” 

8 We shall hereafter point out the contrast 
between this voyage and that which is men- 
tioned afterwards in Acts xxvii. 4. 

* The island is traversed by two chains 
running nearly east and west, and they are 
covered with snow in winter. Norie, p. 144. 
The writer has been informed by Captain 
Graves, R. N., that the highest part is of a 
rounded form. 5 Compare pp. 19, 49. 

§ One of the fullest accounts of Tyre will 
be found in Dr. Robinson’s third volume. 

7 Ezek. xxvi., xxvii., Isa. xxiii. 

5 Sailing Drrectory, p. 259. 


® Old Tyre was destroyed. New Tyre was 





























i 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8T. PAUL. 


612 ’ 
ness, the Romans gave it the name of a free city ;* and it still comm 
some commerce, for its manufactures of glass and purple were 1 
decayed,? and the narrow belt of the Pheenician coast between the n 
tains and the sea required that the food for its population should be) 
brought from without.’ It is allowable to conjecture that the ship, ¥ 
we have just seen crossing from Patara, may have brought grain fro1 
Black Sea, or wine from the Archipelago,‘ — with the purpose of 
on from Tyre a cargo of Phenician manufactures. We know that, 
ever were the goods she brought, they were unladed at Tyre (v. 3) 
that the vessel was afterwards to proceed® to Ptolemais (v.7). Fo 
task of unlading, some days would be required. She would be taker 
the inner dock ;* and St. Paul had thus some time at his disposal, 
he could spend in the active service of his Master. He and his com a 
lost no time in “ seeking out the disciples.” It is probable that the 
tians at Tyre were not numerous ;‘ but a Church had existed 
ever since the dispersion consequent upon the death of Steph 
75, 109), and St. Paul and himself visited it, if not on his miss 
charity from Antioch to Jerusalem (p. 118), yet doubtless on h 
to the Council (p. 187). There were not only disciples at 
prophets. Some of those who had the prophetical power foress 
danger which was hanging over St. Paul, and endeavored 
suade him to desist from his purpose of going to Jerusalem. Y¥ 
that different views of duty might be taken by those who had the 
spiritual knowledge, though that knowledge were supernatural. St 
looked on the coming danger from a higher point. What to othel 
an overwhelming darkness, to him appeared only as a passing ¢ 
‘And he resolved to face it, in the faith that He who had protect 
hitherto would still give him shelter and safety. 


built on a small island, separated by a very  ward-bound Alexandrian ship in on 


narrow channel from the mainland, with which 
it was united by a dam in Alexander’s siege; 
and thenceforward Tyre was on a peninsula. 

1 For the general notion of a free city 
(libera civitas) under the Empire, see p. 288. 
Tyre seems to have been honored, like Athens, 
for the sake of the past. 

2 For the manufactures of Tyre at a much 
later period, see p. 188, n. 2. 

8 The dependence of Pheenicia on other 
countries for grain is alluded to in Acts xii. 
20. (See p. 118, n. 8.) 

* For the wine trade of the Archipelago, 
see what has been said in reference to Rhodes. 
We need not suppose that the vessel bound 
for Pheenicia sailed in the first instance from 
Patara. St. Paul afterwards found a west- 


harbors of Lycia. Acts xxvii. 5, 6. — 

5 We infer that St. Paul proceede 
same vessel to Ptolemais, partly beca 
phrase in y. 6 means “we went on t 
ship,” and partly because it is not 5 
the vessel was bound for Tyre, but sit 
she was to unlade there. | 

® Scylax mentions a harbor 
walls. 

7 “Having sought out the di 
the literal translation. Some se 
quired before the Christians we 
Perhaps the first inquiries would be 
the synagogue. [See p. 388, n. 5.J 
notice of the Jews at Tyre in later t 
may again refer to p. 188, n. 2. ; 











7 


HAP. XX. PTOLEMAIS. 613 


The time spent at Tyre in unlading the vessel, and probably taking in 
. new cargo, and possibly, also, waiting for a fair wind,! was “ seven 
ays,” including a Sunday.’ St. Paul “ broke bread” with the disciples, 
nd discoursed as he had done at Troas (p. 256) ; and the week-days, 
90, would afford many precious opportunities for confirming those who 
rere already Christians, and for making the Gospel known to others, both 
ews and Gentiles. When the time came for the ship to sail, a scene 
ras witnessed on the Pheenician shore like that which had made the 
.postle’s departure from Miletus so impressive and affecting.’ There 
ttended him through the city gate,‘ as he and his companions went out 
) join the vessel now ready to receive them, all the Christians of Tyre, 
nd even their “wives and children.” And there they knelt down and 
yed together on the level shore.* We are not to imagine here any 
ia place of worship, like the proseucha at Philippi ;* but simply that 
ey were on their way to the ship. The last few moments were precious, 
d could not be so well employed as in praying to Him who alone can 
ve true comfort and protection. The time spent in this prayer was 
ie passed. And then they tore themselves from each other’s embrace ; 
e strangers went on board,’ and the Tyrian believers returned home 
jrrowful and anxious, while the ship sailed southwards on her way to 
tolemais. 
| There is a singular contrast in the history of those three cities on the 
enician shore, which are mentioned in close succession in the conclud- 
g part of the narrative of this Apostolic journey. Tyre, the city from 
hich St. Paul had just sailed, had been the seaport whose destiny 
firmed the burden of the sublimest prophecies in the last days of the 
lebrew monarchy. Csarea, the city to which he was ultimately bound, 
mas the work of the familv of Herod, and rose with the rise of Chris- 
ity. Both are fallen now into utter decay. Ptolemais, which was the 
termediate stage between them, is an older city than either, and has 
Ktlived them both. It has never been withdrawn from the field of 
story; and its interest has seemed to increase (at least in the eyes of 












These suppositions, however, are not 5 The word here used is the same as in 
; for the work of taking the cargo Acts xxvii. 39, 40, and denotes a sandy or 
the hold of a merchant-vessel might pebbly beach, as opposed to a rocky shore. 
y Occupy six or seven days. 6 Hammond supposes that there was a pro- 
This, however, need not mean more than seucha near the place of embarkation. But 
days.’’ Some think that'by “‘accomplish- we need not suppose any reference to a Jewish 
the days” is meant that they “employed place of worship either here or at Miletus, 
time in making ready for the journey,” though it is interesting to bear in mind the 
paring 2 Tim. iii.17. [See on v. 15.] orationes littorales of the Jews. See p. 256. 
See above, p. 603. 7 See above, p. 612. 
The Greek expresses this more fully and 


. 1s 




























614 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


Englishmen) with the progress of centuries. Under the ancient 
of Acco, it appears in the book of Judges (i. 31) as one of the OW 
the tribe of Assher. It was the pivot of the contests between Pe 
Egypt. Not unknown in the Macedonian and Roman periods, 
appears with brilliant distinction in the middle ages, when the Cru 
called it St. Jean d@’Acre. It is needless to allude to the events) 
have fixed on this sea-fortress, more than once, the attention of ow 
generation.’ At the particular time when the Apostle Paul visited 
place, it bore the name of Ptolemais?— most probably given to 
Ptolemy Lagi, who was long in possession of this part of Syria,’ — 
had recently been made a Roman colony by the Emperor Claudius 
shared with Tyre and Sidon,’ Antioch and Cmsarea, the trade ¢ 
eastern coast of the Mediterranean Sea. With a fair wind, a short 
voyage separates it from Tyre. To speak in the language of ¢ ; 
sailors, there are thirteen miles from Tyre to Cape Blanco, and f 
from thence to Cape Carmel; and Acre—the ancient Ptolem i 
situated on the farther extremity of that bay, which sweeps with | 
curvature of sand to the northwards, from the headland of Carme 
is evident that St. Paul’s company sailed from Tyre to Ptolemais' 
the day. At the latter city, as at the former, there were Christi 
ciples.6 who had probably been converted at the same time and und 
same circumstances as those of Tyre. Another opportunity was afi 
for the salutations and encouragement of brotherly love; but t 
sionary party staid here only one day.? Though they had accomp 
the voyage in abundant time to reach Jerusalem at Pentecos 
hastened onwards, that they might linger some days at Omsarea.” 

One day’s travelling by land" was sufficient for this part of 
journey. The distance is between thirty and forty miles.” At © 





1 The events at the close of the last cen- 
tury and others still more recent. It is surely 
well that we should be able to associate this 
place with the Apostle of the Gentiles as much 
ss with Sir Sidney Smith and Sir Charles 
Nspier. 

2 So it is called in 1 Macc. v. 15, x. 1, &. 

8 See his life in Smith’s Dictionary of Biog- 
raphy. * Pliny, v. 19, 17. 

5 In the Acts of the Apostles, we find Tyre 
mentioned in connection with the voyages of 
merchantmen, xxi. 3, and Sidon, xxvii. 8. 

6 For a nautical delineation of this bay, 
with the anchorage, Kaifa, &c., see the Admi- 
ralty Chart. The travellers who have described 
the sweep of this bay from Carmel are so nu- 
merous, that they need not be specified. 


7 V. 7. Instead of the words “1 
were of Paul’s company,” the best M 
simply “‘ we,” which seems to have beet 
into the longer phrase, as being the 
of a separate section for reading in ¢ 
The meaning of what begins the 7 
seems to be “ thus accomplishing our 
The rest of the journey was by land. 

8 Both here and in v. 4 the Greek 
definite article. 

OWT: © See belo 

ll “ The next day we departed,” 
may observe, that the word used 
more suitable to a departure by land 
sea. 

12 The Jerusalem Itinerary gives 
tance as thirty-one miles, the re 













CASARLA. 615 





here was a Christian family, already known to us in the earlier passages 
f the Acts of the Apostles, with whom they were sure of receiving a 
yelcome. The last time we made mention of Philip the Evangelist 
p. 74) was when he was engaged in making the Gospel known on 
e road which leads southwards by Gaza towards Egypt, about the 
ime when St. Paul himself was converted on the northern road, when 
ravelliug to Damascus. Now, after many years, the Apostle and the 
lvangelist are brought together under one roof. On the former occa- 
lon, we saw that Cesarea was the place where the labors of Philip on 
rat j journey ended.' Thenceforward it became his residence if his life 
‘as stationary, or it was the centre from which he made other missionary 
ireuits through Judea.” He is found, at least, residing in this city by 
ne sea, when St. Paul arrives in lig year 58 from Achaia and Mace- 
onia. His family consisted of four daughters, who were an example 
f the fulfilment of that prediction of Joel, quoted by St. Peter, which 
iid, that, at the opening of the new dispensation, God’s Spirit should 
me on His “ handmaidens” as well as His bondsmen, and that the 
daughters,” as well as the sons, should prophesy.’ The prophetic 
ower was granted to these four women at Czsarea, who seem to have 
2en living that life of single devotedness* which is commended by 
t. Paul in his first letter to the Corinthians (1 Cor. vii.), and to have 
ercised their gift in concert for the benefit of the Church. 

It is not improbable that these inspired women gave St. Paul some 
timation of the sorrows which were hanging over him.’ But soon a 
ore explicit voice declared the very nature of the trial he was to 
cpect. The stay of the Apostle at Caesarea lasted some days (v. 10). 
e had arrived in Judza in good time before the festival, and haste was 
w unnecessary. Thus news reached Jerusalem of his arrival; and a 
ophet named Agabus— whom we have seen before (p. 117) coming 
m the same place on a similar errand—went down to Czsa- 
a, and communicated to St. Paul and the company of Christians 
whom he was surrounded a clear knowledge of the impending 
nger. His revelation was made in that dramatic form which im- 
sses the mind with a stronger sense of reality than mere words can 

























tslve, three, eight, and eight. The Anto- 1 Cor. xiv. 34; 1 Tim. ii. 12; and see p. 
eé Itinerary makes the distance greater, viz. 375. 

2nty-four and twenty. * It is difficult not to see some emphasis in 
2 Acts viii. 40. See p. 75, n. 1. the word “virgins.” See Matt. xix. 12. 

The term “ Evangelist” seems to have 5 Perhaps the force of “who did prophesy” 
n almost synonymous with our word (v. 9) is to be found in the fact that they did 
issionary.” It is applied to Philip and to foretell what was to come. The word, how- 
othy. See p. 381; also p. 380, note. ever, has not necessarily any relation to the 
Joel ii. 28, 29; Acts ii. 17,18. Compare  foture. 































616 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


do, and which was made familiar to the Jews of old by the practi 
the Hebrew prophets. As Isaiah (ch. xx.) loosed the sackcloth 
his loins, and put off his shoes from his feet, to declare how the | 
tian captives should be led away into Assyria naked and barefoot 
as the girdle of Jeremiah (ch. xiii.), in its strength and its decay 
made a type of the people of Israel in their privilege and their fa 
Agabus, in like manner, using the imagery of action,! took the girt 
St. Paul, and fastened it round his own? hands and feet, a 
“ Thus saith the Holy Ghost: So shall the Jews at Jerusalem bin 
man to whom this girdle belongs, and they shall deliver him int 
hands of the Gentiles.” 

The effect of this emphatic prophecy, both on Luke, Arista 
Trophimus,’ the companions of St. Paul’s journey, and those Chris 
of Cesarea, who, though they had not travelled with him, had | 
to love him, was very great. They wept, and implored him not to 
Jerusalem.’ But the Apostle himself could not so interpret the 
natural intimation. He was placed in a position of peculiar t 
voice of authentic prophecy had been so uttered, that, had he 
timid and wavering, it might easily have been construed into av 
to deter him. Nor was that temptation unfelt which arises frox 
sympathetic grief of loving friends. His affectionate heart was a 
broken’? when he heard their earnest supplications and saw the x 
that was caused by the prospect of his danger; but the mind of the} 
had been so revealed to him in his own inward convictions, that he 
see the Divine counsel through apparent hinderances. His resolutio 
“no wavering between yea and nay, but was yea in Jesus Christ.” * 
deliberate purpose did not falter fora moment.? He declared th 
was “ready not only to be bound, but to die at Jerusalem for the t 
of the Lord Jesus.” And then they desisted from their entre 
Their respect for the Apostle made them silent. They recognize¢ 
will of God in the steady purpose of His servant, and gave 
acquiescence in those words in which Christian resignation is 
expressed: “ The will of the Lord be done.” 

The time was now come for the completion of the journey. 


. 
nV 


1 See another striking instance in Ezek. iv. 8 For the companions of St. Paul i 
Compare what has been said before in refer- moment, see p. 589, and n. 5. j 
ence to the gestures of Paul and Barnabas * “ Both we and they of the place,” ¥ 
when they departed from Antioch in Pisidia, 5 «“ What mean ye to weep,” &c., v. 18. 


p. 162. * Vv. 12, 

2 It would be a mistake to suppose that 7 V. 18. 
Agabus bound Paul’s hands and feet. Besides, ’ 2 Cor. i. See above, p. 487. 
Agabus says, not “the man whom I bind,” ® This is implied in the present te 


but “ the man whose girdle this is.” 14. 


JOURNEY TO JERUSALEM. 617 






fra was close at hand. Having made the arrangements that were 
ecessary with regard to their luggage,1— and such notices in Holy 
cripture *® should receive their due attention, for they help to set before 
s all the reality of the Apostle’s journeys, — he and the companions 
ho had attended him from Macedonia proceeded to the Holy City 
ie of the Christians of Czsarea went along with them, not merely, as 
» would seem, to show their respect and sympathy for the Apostolic com- 
any,! but to secure their comfort on arriving, by taking him to the house 
f Mnason. a native of Cyprus, who had been long ago converted to 
hristianity,‘ — possibly during the life of our Lord Himself,’ — and 
ho may have been one of those Cyprian Jews who first made the Gospel 
own to she Greeks at Antioch. 

Thus we have accompanied St. Paul on his last recorded journey to 
erusalem. It was a journey full of incident; and it is related more 
inutely than any other portion of his travels. We know all the places 
which he passed, or at which he staid; and we are able to connect 
em all with familiar recollections of history. We know, too, all the 
ct of the scenery. He sailed along those coasts of Western Asia, and 
pone those famous islands, the beauty of which is proverbial. The very 
me of the year is known to us. It was when the advancing season was 
thing every low shore, and the edge of every broken cliff, with a beau- 
and refreshing verdure ; when the winter storms had ceased to be 
= and the small vessels could ply safely in shade and sunshine 





tween neighboring ports. Even the state of the weather and the direc- 
n of the wind are known. We can point to the places on the map where 
vessel anchored for the night,® and trace across the chart the track that 
followed,‘when the moon was full.’ Yet more than this. We are 

e fully aware of the state of the Apostle’s mind, and of the burdened 


bl weran made redi.” Wich... “We * “ An old disciple.” The Greek adjective 
oure selfes redy.” Tyndale. “Wee reminds us of Acts vi. 15. 

e es oure burthens.” Cranmer. “ We 5 He can hardly have been converted by St. 

sed up our fardeles.” Geneva. “ — Paul during his journey through Cyprus, or 

.’ Rheims. The word “carriage” St. Paul would have been acquainted with him, 

the Authorized Version is used as in Judg. which does not appear to have been the case. 

i, 21, 1 Sam. xvii. 22. Greswell sees, m He may have been converted by Barnabas 

aliusion to the baggage, some indication (See Acts xv. 39.) But he was most probably 

jhaste; but the contrary seems rather im- one of the earliest disciples of Christ. As to 

the construction, see the article on this name 


See, for instance, 2 Tim. iv. 13. in the Dict. of the Bible. [See p. 109, and Ch. 
The aed use of the word denoting V.] 

conduct” or “to accompany,” in the ac- § See pp. 597, 598. 
ts of the movements of the Apostles and 7 See p. 610. 


companions, is worthy of observation. 
| Acts xv 3, xx. 38; Rom. xv. 24, &. 





Sy 
~~ 


618 THR LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8T. PAUL. a 


































feeling under which this journey was accomplished. The exp: ossi 
this feeling strikes us the more from its contrast with all the out 
cireumstances of the voyage. He sailed in the finest season, by 
brightest coasts, and in the fairest weather; and yet his mind was | 
pied with forebodings of evil from first to last ; —so that a peculiar s 
of sadness is thrown over the whole narration. If this be true, we st 
expect to find some indications of this pervading sadness in the k 
written about this time; for we know how the deeper tones of fe 
make themselves known in the correspondence of any man witl 
friends. Accordingly, we do find in The Epistle written to the Re 
shortly before leaving Corinth, a remarkable indication of discow 
ment, and almost despondency, when he asked the Christians at Ro 
pray that, on his arrival in Jerusalem, he might be delivered fron 
Jews who hated him, and be well received by those Christians whe 
regarded his authority. The depressing anxiety with which he 
looked forward to the journey would not be diminished, when the 
moment of his departure from Corinth was beset by a Jewish plot ag 
his life And we find the cloud of gloom, which thus gathered a 
frst, increasing and becoming darker as we advance. At Philippi 
at Troas, indeed, no direct intimation is given of coming calamities; 
it is surely no fancy which sees a foreboding shadow thrown over 
midnight meeting, where death so suddenly appeared among those 
were assembled there with many lights in the upper chamber, whil 
Apostle seemed unable to intermit his discourse, as “ ready to depai 
the morrow.” For indeed at Miletus he said, that already “ im 
city”’* the Spirit had admonished him that bonds and imprisonme 
were before him. At Miletus it is clear that the heaviness of spi 
under which he started had become a ccutirmed anticipation of r 
When he wrote to Rome, he hoped to be delivered from the danger 
hed too much reason to fear. Now his fear predominates over ke 
and he looks forward, sadly but calmly, to some imprisonment ne 
distant. At Tyre, the first sounds that he hears cn landing are the ec 
of his own thoughts. He is met by the same voice of warning, andt 
same bitter trial for himself and his friends. At Cesarea his vague fo 
bodings of captivity are finally made decisive and distinct, and he 


1 Rom. xv. 31. We should remember that 8 See p. 602. 
he had two causes of apprehension, — one * Acts xx. 28 should be closely ec 
arising from the Jews, who persecuted him with Rom. xv. 30. 31. See also 
everywhere; the other from the Judaizing above (p. 601) on “<bound in spirit.” St t 
Christians, who sought to depreciate his apos- seems to have suftered extremely bows 
tolic authority. anticipation ana the exwenenca or im 

2 See p. 589. ment. 


PAUL’S TRUST IN GOD. 613 







struggle with the remonstrances of those whom he loved. Never 
he gone to Jerusalem without a heart full of emotion,— neither in 
jose early years, when he came an enthusiastic boy from Tarsus to the 
b ool of Gamaliel, — nor on his return from Damascus, after the greatest 
ange that could have passed over an inquisitor’s mind, — nor when he 
ent with Barnabas from Antioch to the Council, which was to decide an 
,xious controversy. Now he had much new experience of the insidious 
poses of error, and of the sinfulness even of the converted. Yet his 

in God did not depend on the faithfulness of man; and he went to 
| calmly and resolutely, though doubtful of in reception among 
te Christian brethren, and not knowing what would happen on the 







. 
q 


| 


} 
} 
} 
| 





——— 





——— 


CHAPTER XXL 

















Reception at Jerusalem. — Assembling of the Presbyters.— Advice given to St. Paul.- 
Four Nazarites.— St. Paul seized at the Festival. —The Temple and the G on. 
brew Speech on the Stairs.— The Centurion and the Chief Captain. — St. Paul t 
Sanhedrin. — The Pharisees and Sadducees.— Vision in the Castle. — Conspiracy. 
Paul’s Nephew. — Letter of Claudius Lysias to Felix.—Night Journey to Anr 
Csesarea. 


3 HEN we were come to Jerusalem, the Brethren received us 
ly.” Such is St. Luke’s description of the weleome which m 
Apostle of the Gentiles on his arrival in the metropolis of Judaism. 
we shall find afterwards! “ the brethren” hailing his approach to 
and “coming to meet him as far as Appii Forum.” Thus wherevys 
went, or whatever might be the strength of hostility and persec 
which dogged his footsteps, he found some Christian hearts who love 
Glad-tidings which he preached, and loved himself as the messeng 
the grace of God. , 
The Apostle’s spirit, which was much depressed, as we have seel 
anticipations of coldness and distrust on the part of the Church at 
salem, must have been lightened by his kind reception. He see 
have spent the evening of his arrival with these sympathizing breth 
but on the morrow, a more formidable ordeal awaited him. He 
encounter the assembled Presbyters of the Church; and he might 
doubt whether even the substantial proof of loving interest in their 
fare, of which he was the bearer, would overcome the antipathy 
which (as he was fully aware) too many of them regarded him. 
experiment, however, must be tried; for this was the very end a 
coming to Jerusalem at all, at a time when his heart called him to BR 
His purpose was to endeavor to set himself right with the Ch c 
Jerusalem, to overcome the hostile prejudices which had already so 
impeded his labors, and to endeavor, by ‘he force of Christian love 
forbearance, to win the hearts of those whom he regarded, in spite 


1 Acts xxviii. 15. The same expression is 3 See the preceding chapter, pp. 588 
used in both cases. This is sufficient to refute $03, 612, 615, 616, 617, 619. 
the cavils which have been made, as though 8 See Acts xix. 21, Rom. i 10-15, x 
this verse (xxi. 17) implied unanimous cordi- 9. 
ality on the part of the Church at Jerusalem. 

620 


ASSEMBLING OF THE PRESBYTEBS. 621 






jeir weaknesses and errors, as brethren in Christ Jesus. Accordingly, 

‘hen the morning came,! the Presbyters or Elders of the Church were 

dalled together by James” (who, as we have before mentioned, presided 

cer the Church of Jerusalem) to receive Paul and his fellow-travellers, 
fe messengers of the Gentile Churches. We have already seen how 
érefully St. Paul had guarded himself from the possibility of suspicion 

i the administration of his trust, by causing deputies to be elected by 

te several churches whose alms he bore, as joint trustees with himself 
the fund collected. These deputies now entered together with him’ 

the assembly of the Elders, and the offering was presented,—a 
of love from the Churches of the Gentiles to the mother Church, 
mee their spiritual blessings had been derived. 
'The travellers were received with that touching symbol of brotherhood, 
kiss of peace,* which was exchanged between the Christians of those 
$ on every occasion of public as well as private meeting. Then the 
in business of the assembly was commenced by an address from St. 
hul. This was not the first occasion on which he had been called to 
e a similar part, in the same city, and before the same audience. Our 
ughts are naturally carried back to the days of the Apostolic Council, 
jen he first declared to the Church of Jerusalem the Gospel which he 
reached among the Gentiles, and the great things which God had 
yought thereby. The majority of the Church had then, under the in- 

ence of the Spirit of God, been brought over to his side, and had 
fified his views by their decree. But the battle was not yet won; he 
still to contend against the same foes with the same weapons. 

‘We are told that he now gave a detailed account ® of all that “ God had 
ught among the Gentiles by his ministry” since he last parted from 

: em four years before.’ The foundation of the great and flourish- 

uz Church of Ephesus doubtless furnished the main interest of his nar- 

tive ; but he would also dwell on the progress of the several Churches 
yPhrygia, Galatia, and other parts of Asia Minor, and likewise those in 

edonia and Achaia, from whence he was just returned. In such a 

urse, he could scarcely avoid touching on subjects which would 

srite painful feelings, and rouse bitter prejudice in many of his audience. 
could hardly speak of Galatia without mentioning the attempted per- 
ion of his converts there. He could not enter into the state of 




















“The day following,” v. 18. § See p. 191, &e. 
See p. 190. § « Particularly,” v. 19. 
“Paul with us,” ib. ~ 7 He had then endeavored to reach Jerusa- 


So we. understand when he had saluted lem by the feast of Pentecost (Acts xviii. 21, 
y.19. See 1 Thess. v. 26, and the note and see Wieseler), as on the present occa 
7 sion. 


622 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 
















Corinth without alluding to the emissaries from Palestine, who had ii 
duced confusion and strife among the Christians of that city. Ye 
cannot doubt that St. Paul, with that graceful courtesy which di 
guished both his writings and his speeches, softened all that was’ 
agreeable, and avoided what was personally offensive to his audience, 
dwelt, as far as he could, on topics in which all present would a 
Accordingly, we find that the majority of the assembled Elders we 
favorably impressed by his address, and by the tidings which he brong 
of the progress of the Gospel. The first act of the assembly ws 
glorify God for the wonders He had wrought.’ They joined in s 
thanksgiving with one accord; and the Amen (1 Cor. xiv. 16) whic 
followed the utterance of thanks and praise from apostolic lips w: 
swelled by many voices. ‘i 
Thus the hope expressed by St. Paul on a former occasion,’ concernit 
the result of this visit to Jerusalem, was in a measure fulfilled. Bi 
beneath this superficial show of harmony there lurked elements of 
cord, which threatened to disturb it too soon. We have already 
occasion to remark upon the peculiar composition of the Church at 
salem, and we have seen that a Pharisaic faction was sheltered imi 
bosom, which continually strove to turn Christianity into a sec 
Judaism. We have seen that this faction had recently sent emissari 
into the Gentile Churches, and had endeavored to alienate the minds « 
St. Paul’s converts from their converter. These men were res 
agitators, animated by the bitterest sectarian spirit; and although 
were numerically a small party, yet we know the power of a turk 
minority. But besides these Judaizing zealots, there was a large pr 
tion of the Christians at Jerusalem, whose Christianity, though mo 
sincere than that of those just mentioned, was yet very weak and impe 
fect. The “ many thousands of Jews which believed” had by no 2 
all attained to the fulness of Christian faith. Many of them still kne 
only a Christ after the flesh, — a Saviour of Israel,—a Jewish Messia 
Their minds were in a state of transition between the Law and t 
Gospel, and it was of great consequence not to shock their prejudices 6 
rudely, lest they should be tempted to make shipwreck of their faith, a 
renounce their Christianity altogether. Their prejudices were @ 
wisely consulted in things indifferent by St. James ; who accommodat 
himself in all points to the strict requirements of the Law, and thus di 
armed the hostility of the Judaizing bigots. He was, indeed, divine 
ordained to be the Apostle of this transition-Church. Had its counc 
been less wisely guided, had the Gospel of St. Paul been really repudiati 


1 V, 20 4 2 Cor. ix. 12 





ILL-FEELING AGAINST ST. PAUL. 625 





| the Church of Jerusalem, it is difficult to estimate the evil which 
ight have resulted. This class of Christians was naturally very much 
Edie by the declamation of the more violent partisans of Judaism. 
heir feelings would be easily excited by an appeal to their Jewish 
triotism. They might without diffcult be roused to fury against one 
;om they were taught to regard as a despiser of the Law, and a reviler 
jthe customs of their forefathers. Against St. Paul their dislike haa 
en long and artfully fostered; and they would from the first have 
éked on him perhaps with some suspicion, as not being, like themselves, 
Hebrew of the Holy City, but only a Hellenist of the Dispersion. 
Such being the composition of the great body of the Church, we cannot 
iubt that the same elements were to be found amongst the Elders also. 
id this will explain the resolution to which the assembly came, at the 
ise of their discussion on the matters brought before them. They 
xan by calling St. Paul’s attention to the strength of the Judaical party 
iong the Christians of Jerusalem. They told him that the majority 
en of the Christian Church had been taught to hate his very name, and 
(believe that he went about the world “ teaching the Jews to forsake 
(ses, saying that they ought not to circumcise their children, neither to 
ilk after the customs.” They further observed that it was impossible 
j arrival should remain unknown; his renown was too great to allow 
in to be concealed: his public appearance in the streets of Jerusalem 
uuld attract a crowd! of curious spectators, most of whom would be 
ently hostile. It was therefore of importance that he should do 
pare to disarm this hostility, and to refute the calumnies which had 
pn circulated concerning him. The plan they recommended was, that 
should take charge of four Jewish Christians,? who were under a 
zaritic vow, accompany them to the temple, and pay for them the 
essary expenses attending the termination of their vow. Agrippa L., 
; long before, had given the same public expression of his sympathy 
th the Jews, on his arrival from Rome to take possession of his throne.’ 
id what the King had done for popularity it was felt that the Apostle 
ght do for the sake of truth and peace. His friends thought that he 
uld thus, in the most public manner, exhibit himself as an observer of 
} Mosaic ceremonies, and refute the accusatious of his enemies. They 
ed, that, by so doing, he would not countenance the errors of those 


j 
> multitude,” vy. 22. Not “the multi- 2 That these Nazarites were Christians 1s 
5” nor the laity of the Church, as some evident from the words “ We have.” 

2 imagined. Were such the meaning, the 8 “On arriving at Jerusalem, he offered 
pek would have had the definite article. many sacrifices of thanksgiving: wherefore 
Pre seems to be some doubt about the also he ordered that many of the Nazarites 
Komeness of the clause. See Tischen- should have their heads shorn.” Joseph. Ant 
: “6 a 

: 

| 





624 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 

























who sought to impose the Law upon Gentile converts; because 
been already decided by the Church of Jerusalem, that the cere 
observances of the Law were not obligatory on the Gentiles.! 

It is remarkable that this conclusion is attributed expressly, ' 
Scriptural narrative, not to James (who presided over the meetin; 
to the assembly itself. The lurking shade of distrust implied in the 
of the admonition was certainly not shared by that great Apostle w 
long ago given to St. Paul the right hand of fellowship. We have a 
seen indications, that, however strict might be the Judaical observar 
St. James, they did not satisfy the Judaizing party at Jerusalem 
attempted, under the sanction of his name,’ to teach doctrines and ¢ 
practices of which he disapproved. The partisans of this faction, i 
are called by St. Paul (while anticipating this very visit to Jeru 
“the disobedient party.”* It would seem that their influence wi 
unfelt in the discussion which terminated in the resolution recorded. 
though St. James acquiesced (as did St. Paul) in the advice gi 
appears not to have originated with himself. . 

The counsel, however, though it may have been suggested by sus} 
prejudice, or even by designing enmity, was not in itself unwise 
Paul’s great object (as we have seen) in this visit to Jerusale 
to conciliate the Church of Palestine. If he could win over that C 
to the truth, or even could avert its open hostility to himself, he 
be doing more for the diffusion of Christianity than even by the e 
sion of Ephesus. Every lawful means for such an end he was 
gladly to adopt. His own principles, stated by himself in his E 
required this of him. He had recently declared that every comp 
in ceremonial observances should be made, rather than cast a stum 
block in a brother’s way. He had laid it down as his principle o! 
to become a Jew to Jews that he might gain the Jews, as willin 
he became a Gentile to Gentiles that he might gain the Gentiles! 
had given it as a rule, that no man should change his external o 
ances because he became a Christian ; that the Jew should remain 
in things outward. Nay more, he himself observed the Jewish fes 
had previously countenanced his friends in the practice of Nazaritic 
and had circumcised Timothy, the soa of a Jewess. So false 


1 VY. 25, comparing xv. 28 7 Acts xviii. 18, which we conceive 

2 Acts xv. See Gal. ii. 12 to Aquila. (See p. 368.) But mam 

® Rom. xv. 81. preters of the passage think that St. Pa 

* Rom. xiv. 5 See 1 Cor. ix. 20. self made the vow. We cannot pe 

§ 1 Cor. vii. 17-19. Such passages are the sent to Mr. Lewin’s view, that St. Ps 
best refutation of those who endeavor to repre- still, on his arrival at Jerusalem, wi 
sent the conduct here assigned to St. Paul as obligation of a vow taken in conseqt 
inconsistent with his teaching. See the dis- his escape at Ephesus. : 
cussion pp. 229, 230. 


A 


NATURE OF THE NAZARITIC VOW. 625 





arge that he had forbidden the Jews to circumcise their children.! In 
ct, the great doctrine of St. Paul concerning the worthlessness of cere- 
onial observances rendered him equally ready to practise as to forsake 
em. A mind so truly catholic as his was necessarily free from any 
pugnance to mere outward observances ; a repugnance equally super- 
itious with the formalism which clings to ritual. In his view, circum- 
sion was nothing, and uncircumcision was nothing; but faith, which 
orketh by love. And this love rendered him willing to adopt the most 
irdensome ceremonies, if by so doing he could save a brother from stum- 
. Hence he willingly complied with the advice of the assembly, and 
ereby, while he removed the prejudices of its more ingenuous members, 
ubiless exasperated the factious partisans who had hoped for his refusal. 
Thus the meeting ended amicably, with no open manifestation of that 
e feeling towards St. Paul which lurked in the bosoms of some who 

re present. On the next day, which was the great feast of Pentecost,? 
. Paul proceeded with the four Christian Nazarites to the Temple. It 
‘necessary here to explain the nature of their vow, and of the office 
ich he was to perform for them. It was customary among the Jews 
* those who had received deliverance from any great peril, or who from 
ner causes desired publicly to testify their dedication to God, to take 
ion themselves the vow of a Nazarite, the regulations of which are 
pseribed in the sixth chapter of the book of Numbers.’ In that book no 
-e is laid down as to the time during which this life of ascetic rigor 
s to continue:* but we learn from the Talmud and Josephus® that 





















It has been argued that this charge was 
because the logical inference from St. 
’s doctrines was the uselessness of circum- 
m. But it might as well be said that the 
al inference from the decree of the Coun- 
f Jerusalem was the uselessness of cireum- 
mn. The continued observance of the law 
} of course only transitional. 
This mode of settling the vexed question 
F ie “seven days”’ entirely removes the difii- 
y arising out of the “twelve days,” of 
h St. Paul speaks (xxiv. 11) in his speech 
pre Felix. Yet it cannot be denied that, 
geading consecutively the twenty-sixth and 
F ty-seventh verses of the twenty-first chap- 
Fait is difficult (whether or not we identify 
@ days of purification” with “the seven 
a|”’) to believe that the same day is referred 
each yerse. And when we come to xxiv. 
ve shall see that other modes of reckoning 
ime are admissible. 
“When either man or woman shall sepa- 
40 


t 
















rate themselves to vow a vow of a Nazarite, to 
separate themselves unto the Lord, he shall 
separate himself from wine and strong drink. 
. . - All the days of the vow of his separation 
there shall no razor come upon his head: until 
the days be fulfilled in the which he sepa- 
rateth himself unto the Lord, he shall be 
holy, and shall let the locks of the hair of his 
head grow.” Numb. vi. 2-5. 

* Sometimes the obligation was for life, as 
in the cases of Samson, Samuel, and John the 
Baptist. That “seven days” in the instance 
before us was the whole duration of the vow, 
seems impossible, for this simple reason, that 
so short a time could produce no perceptible 
effect on the hair. Hemsen makes a mistake 
here in referring to the “seven days” in 
Numb. vi. 6, which contemplates only the ex- 
ceptional case of defilement in the course of 
the vow. 

5 Josephus states this after mentioning 
Berenice’s vow, War, ii. 15, 1. 


' ee 

626 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 
thirty days was at least a customary period. During this time ne: 
rite was bound to abstain from wine, and to suffer his hair to grow 
At the termination of the period, he was bound to present himself i 
Temple with certain offerings, and his hair was then cut off and ) 
upon the altar. The offerings required’ were beyond the means ¢ 
very poor, and consequently it was thought an act of piety for 
man? to pay the necessary expenses, and thus enable his poorer co 
men to complete their vow. St. Paul was far from rich; he gain 
daily bread by the work of his own hands; and we may therefo 
rally ask how he was able to take upon himself the expenses of 
four Nazarites. The answer probably is, that the assembled Elder 
requested him to apply to this purpose a portion of the fund whi 
had placed at their disposal.. However this may be, he now made 
self responsible for these expenses, and accompanied the Nazarites 
Temple, after having first performed the necessary purifications tog 
with them. On entering the Temple, he announced to the priest 
the period of the Nazaritic vow which his friends had taken was a 
plished, and he waited‘ within the sacred enclosure till the nee 
offerings were made for each of them, and their hair cut off and! 








m the sacred fire. 


1 “And this is the law of the Nazarite, 
when the days of his separation are fulfilled : 
he shall be brought unto the door of the tab- 
ernacle of the congregation; and he shall offer 
his offering unto the Lord, one he-lamb of the 
first year without blemish for a burnt-offering, 
and one ewe-lamb of the first year without 
blemish for a sin-offering, and one ram with- 
out blemish for peace-offerings, and a basket 
of unleavened bread, cakes of fine flour 
mingled with oil, and wafers of unleavened 
bread anointed with oil, and their meat-offer- 
ing, and their drink-offerings. And the priest 
shall bring them before the Lord, and shall 
offer his sin-offering and his burnt-offering : 
and he shall offer the ram for a sacrifice of 
peace-offerings unto the Lord, with the basket 
of unleayened bread: the priest shall offer also 
his meat-offering and his drink-offering. And 
the Nazarite shall shave the head of his separa- 
tion at the door of the tabernacle of the con- 
gregation, and shall take the hair of the head 
of his separation, and put it in the fire which 
is under the sacrifice of the peace-offerings.” 
Numb. vi. 13-18. 

2 Compare the case of Agrippa mentioned 
ahove. 


8 Purify thyself with them (xxi. 
purified he went in (26), they found 
(xxiv. 18). We do not agree with th 
mentators who interpret the first expres 
mean “dedicate thyself as a Nazarit 
with them.” We doubt whether it cor 
this meaning. At all events, the oth 
far the most natural and obvious, and 
responds with the Septuagintal use 
same verb in Numbers xix. 12. 

* The obvious translation of y. 26 § 
be, “He entered into the Temple, givil 
lic notice that the days of purificati 
fulfilled [and staid there] till the off 
each one of the Nazarites was brought. 
emphatic force of each one should be 
Publicity is implied in the word 
notice. The persons to whom notice 
were the priests. 

This interpretation harmonizes ¥ 
ler’s view of the whole subject. If 
that several days were yet to elapse be 
expiration of the Nazaritic cerem on 
must translate, with Mr. Humphry 
ing it known that the days of separ tion 
must be fulfilled before the offering sh 
made were in the course of completion: 















xm. 8ST. PAUL SEIZED AT THE FESTIVAL. 627 
be might well have hoped, by thus complying with the legal cere. 
mial, to conciliate those, at least, who were only hostile to him because 
ey believed him hostile to their national worship. And, so far as the 
eat body of the Church at Jerusalem was concerned, he probably suc- 
eded. But the celebration of the festival had attracted multitudes to 
e Holy City, and the Temple was thronged with worshippers from 
Fi land; and amongst these were some of those Asiatic Jews who 
d been defeated by his arguments in the Synagogue of Ephesus, 
d irritated against him during the last few years daily more and more, 
the continual growth of a Christian Church in that city, formed in 
eat part of converts from among the Jewish Proselytes. These men, 
om a zealous feeling of nationality had attracted from their distant 
me to the metropolis of their faith, now beheld, where they least ex- 
bted to find him, the apostate Israelite, who had opposed their teach- 
and seduced their converts. An opportunity of revenge, which they 
nid not have hoped for in the Gentile city where they dwelt, had 
denly presented itself. They sprang upon their enemy, and shouted 
ile they held him fast, ‘“‘ Men of Israel, help. This is the man that 
icheth all men everywhere against the People and the Law, and this 
sce.”! Then as the crowd rushed tumultuously towards the spot, they 
ited them yet further by accusing Paul of introducing Greeks into 
b Holy Place, which was profaned by the presence of a Gentile. The 
st multitude which was assembled on the spot, and in the immediate 
ghborhood, was excited to madness by these tidings, which spread 
yidly through the crowd. The pilgrims who flocked at such seasons 
Jerusalem were of course the most zealous of their nation; very 
ubrews of the Hebrews. We may imagine the horror and indignation 
rich would fill their minds when they heard that an apostate from the 
ah of Israel had been seized in the very act of profaning the Temple 
this holy season. A furious multitude rushed upon the Apostle; and 
vas only their reverence for the holy place which preserved him from 
mg torn to pieces on the spot. They hurried him out of the sacred 
losure, and assailed him with violent blows.2 Their next course might 
e been to stone him or to hurl him over the precipice into the valley 
ow. They were already in the Court of the Gentiles, and the heavy 
es* which separated the inner from the outer enclosure were shut by 





















“This place,” vy. 28, “this holy place,’”— must have remembered Stephen, and felt as 
We should compare here the accusation though this attack on himself were a retribu- 
rast Stephen, vi.13. “He ceaseth not to tion. See below on xxii. 20. Cf. p. 65. 

hz blasphemous words against this holy 2 See Acts xxi. 31, 32. 

le.” The two cases are in many respects 8 For an account of these gates, see be 
bel. We cannot but believe that Pani low. 


ee ee eee ee 


_ — 


628 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 















the Levites, — when an unexpected interruption prevented the mur 
purpose. 

It becomes desirable here to give a more particular description 
we have yet done of the Temple-area and the sanctuary which it en 
Some reference has been made to this subject in the account 
Stephen’s martyrdom (p. 65), especially to that “ Stone Chamt 
the Hall Gazith— where the Sanhedrin held their solemn cc 
Soon we shall see St. Paul himself summoned before this tribuné 
hear his voice in that hall where he had listened to the eloquence 
first martyr. But meantime other events came in rapid success 
the better understanding of which it is well to form to ourselves 
adtion of the localities in which they occurred. 

The position of the Temple on the eastern side of Jerusalem, 
tion of Mount Moriah to the other eminences on which the city was 
the valley which separated it from the higher summit of Moun) 
and the deeper ravine which formed a chasm between the whole ¢i 
the Mount of Olives, — these facts of general topography are to 
known to require elucidation.! On the other hand, when we turn ~ 
description of the Temple-area itself and that which it contained, 
met with considerable difficulties. It does not, however, belong ~ 
present task to reconcile the statements in Josephus’ and the Ts 
with. each other and with present appearances.‘ Nor shall we ai 
to trace the architectural changes by which the scene has been mo 
in the long interval between the time when the Patriarch built 
on Moriah for his mysterious sacrifice, and our own day, when the 
spot ® is the “ wailing-place ” of those who are his children after th 
but not yet the heirs of his faith. Keeping aloof from all difficult « 
and withdrawing ourselves from the consideration of those events 
have invested this hill with an interest unknown to any other spot 
earth, we confine ourselves to the simple task of depicting the 
of Herod as it was when St. Paul was arrested by the infuriated 


1 Among the materials used in our account 
of the Temple, we may particularly mention 
Dr. Robinson’s Researches, the memoir on 
Jerusalem with the plan of the Ordnance Sur- 
vey, published separately by Mr. G. Williams, 
and Mr. Thrupp’s Ancient Jerusalem. 

2 The two places in Josephus where 
Herod’s Temple is described at length are 
Ant. xv. 11, and War, v. 5. See also Ant. 
po. Fy f 

8 The tract Middoth (Measures) in the 
Mischna treats entirely of this subject. 

* Mr. Thrupp argues in favor of Josephus, 


because of his general accuracy, an¢ 
Middoth, because the Rabbis could wi 
from tradition. 

5 Gen. xxii. 

5 See Robinson, i. 350. “It is th 
point in which the Jews can ventut 
proach their ancient temple; and, for 
for them, it is sheltered from obse! 
the narrowness of the land and the d 
around.” It seems that the custe 
tioned even by Benjamin of 
twelfth century. 








THE TEMPLE OF HEROD. 6238 


- 
‘That rocky summit, which was wide enough for the threshing-floor of 
raunah,! was levelled after David’s death, and enlarged by means of 
: substructions, till it presented the appearance of one broad 
ym area.” On this level space the temples of Solomon and Zerub 
el were successively built: and in the time of the Apostles there were 
ymains of the former work in the vast stones which formed the support- 
ig wall on the side of the valley of Jehoshaphat; and of the latter in 
ie eastern gate, which in its name and its appearance continued to be 
monument of the Persian power.‘ The architectural arrangements 
| Herod’s Temple were, in their general form, similar to the two which 
ud preceded it. When we think of the Jewish sanctuary, whether in 
s earlier or later periods, our impulse is to imagine to ourselves some 



























ar to its north-western corner.'® 


1 Chron. xxi. 18; 2 Chron. iii. 1. 

See the description of this work im Jose- 
8, War, v.5,1. Ant. xv. 11, 3. 

The lower courses of these immense 
s still remain, and are described by all 


ed representation of the city of Susa, and 
| preserved from the time of Zerubbabel. 
dot That which is now called the 
Pden Gate, “a highly ornamental double 
way of Roman construction,” is doubtless 


iy. 9, it is ealled the Great Court. 

The term with which we are most famil- 
i “The Court of the Gentiles,” —is 
ex applied to this space by Jewish writers. 





like a synagogue or a church: but the first effort of our 
aagination should be to realize the a 
nich is spoken of by the prophets as the ‘‘ Outer Court” or the “ Court 

the Lord’s House ;”’ * and is named by Josephus the “ Outer Temple,” 
id, both in the Apocrypha and the Talmud, the “ Mountain of the 
use.””* That which was the “‘ House” itself, or the Temple, properly 
s called,’ was erected on the highest of a series of successive terraces, 


ppearance of that wide open space, 


ich rose in an isolated mass from the centre of the Court, or rather 


a form, the Outer Court was a square; a strong wall enclosed it; the 
des corresponded to the four quarters of the heavens, and each was a 
sdium or a furlong in length.’ Its pavement of stone was of various 
lors: ” and it was surrounded by a covered colonnade, the roof of which 
§ Of costly cedar, and was supported on lofty and massive columns of 
Corinthian order, and of the whitest marble." On three sides there 


7 In the LXX. we find olxoc and vate used 
for that which was properly the Temple. The 
expression 7d Jepdv, in the N. T., is a general 
term, inclusive of the whole series of couris. 
So it is used by Josephus, who speaks of the 
Outer Court as the jirst ispdv, the outer iepov, 
while he uses vad for the Temple itself. 

8 In Middoth it is distinctly said that the 
space from the east and south is greater than 
that from the west and north. 

® We do not venture to touch the difficul 
ties connected with the dimension of the Tem- 
ple. Josephus is inconsistent both with the 
Talmud and himself. In one of his estimaies 
of the size of the whole area, the ground on 
which Antonia stood is included. 

0 War, v. 5, 2. 

Ant. xv. 11,5. He adds that the heigh: 


— 










630 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. s 
were two rows of columns: but on the southern side the cloister deepe 
into a fourfold colonnade, the innermost supports of the roof being pi 
ters in the enclosing wall. About the south-eastern angle, where 
valley was most depressed below the plateau of the Temple, we are 
look for that “ Porch of Solomon” (John x. 23, Acts ili. 11) which 
familiar to us in the New Testament: ! and under the colonnades, or on” 
open area in the midst, were the “ tables of the money-changers and 
seats of them who sold doves,’”’ which turned that which was intended fe 
house of prayer into a “ house of merchandise” (John ii. 16), and “a‘ 
of thieves” (Matt. xxi. 13). Free access was afforded into this wide 
closure by gates? on each of the four sides, one of which on the east} 


called the Royal Gate, and was perhaps identical with the “ Beaut 
Gate ” of Sacred History,’ while another on the west was connected 
the crowded streets of Mount Zion by a bridge over the interven 


valley.‘ 


Nearer (as we have seen) to the north-western corner than the ce 
of the square, arose that series of enclosed terraces on the summit 
which was the sanctuary. These more sacred limits were fenced off I 
low balustrade of stone, with columns at intervals, on which inseripti 
in Greek and Latin warned all Gentiles against advancing beyond tl 
It was within this boundary that St. Paul was aceu 
of having brought his Heathen companions. Besides this balustrad 
separation was formed by a flight of fourteen steps leading up to the 1 
platform, which in its western portion was a narrow terrace of fifteen 


on pain of death.’ 


of the columns was 25 cubits (?), and their 
number 162, while each column was so wide 
that it required three men with outstretched 
arms to embrace it. 

1 See Joseph. Ant. xx. 9, 7. 

2 The statements of Josephus and Middoth 
with regard to the gates into the Outer Court 
are absolutely irreconcilable. 

8 The Shushan Gate, mentioned above. 

4 The supposed remains of this bridge, 
with some of the different theories respecting 
them, have been alluded to before. See p. 25, 
and the engraving. 

5 Joseph. War, v. 5,2. In the Antiquities 
(xv. 11, 7) he does not say that the inscription 
was in different languages, but he adds that 
it announced death as the penalty of trans- 
gression. A similar statement occurs in 
Philo. - 

This fence is mentioned again by Josephus 
in a striking passage, where Titus says to the 
Jews, after a horrible scene cf bloodshed with- 





























in the sacred limits: “ Was it not 
ye wretches, who raised this fence before 
sanctuary? Wasit not yourselves that se 
pillars therein at intervals, inscribed 
Greek characters and our characters, and 
bidding any one to pass the boundary? — 
was it not we that allowed you to kill 
so transgressing, though he were a Roms 
War, vi. 2,4. From this it appears 
Jews had full permission from the Roms 
kill even a Roman, if he went beyond 
boundary. These inscriptions have been 
luded to before in this work, p. 3. | = 
6 With this platform begins what is called 
“the second /epdv” by Josephus. 1 
fourteen steps see War, v. 5, 2. In Mi 
the steps are twelve. Leaving aside tht 
cordance as to numbers, we may remark th 
we are left in doubt as to whether the b 
trade was above or below the steps. ™ 
Thrupp places the steps within the barrier, p 
328. 


our 





THE TEMPLE OF HEROD. §31 





wide round the walls of the innermost sanctuary, — while the eastern 
_ portion expanded into a second court, called the Court of the Women.! 
| By this term we are not to understand that it was exclusively devoted to 
| that sex, but that no women were allowed to advance beyond it. This 
_ court seems to have contained the treasury? (Mark xii. 41, Luke xxi. 1) 
| and various chambers, of which that at the south-eastern corner should 
| be mentioned here, for there the Nazarites performed their vows; * and 
_ the whole court was surrounded by a wall of its own, with gates on each 
| side, — the easternmost of which was of Corinthian brass, with folding- 
_ doors and strong bolts and bars, requiring the force of twenty men to 
_ elose them for the night. We conceive that it was the closing of these 
| doors by the Levites, which is so pointedly mentioned by St. Luke (Acts 
| xxi. 30): and we must suppose that St. Paul had been first seized within 
them, and was then dragged down the flight of steps into the Outer 
_ Court. 
| The interest, then, of this particular moment is to be associated with 
| the eastern entrance of the Inner from the Outer Temple. But to com- 
| plete our description, we must now cross the Court of the Women to its 
| western gate. The Holy Place and the Holy of Holies were still within and 
| above the spaces we have mentioned. Two courts yet intervened between 
| the court last described and the Holy House itself. The first was the 
| Court of Israel, the ascent to which was by a flight of fifteen semicircular 
steps ;* the second, the Court of the Priests, separated from the former 
| by a low balustrade. Where these spaces bordered on each other, to the 
| south, was the hall Gazith,’ the meeting-place of the Sanhedrin, partly in 
one court and partly in the other. A little farther towards the north 
were all those arrangements which we are hardly able to associate with 
| the thoughts of worship, but which daily reiterated in the sight of the 
i 


1 War, v. 5,2. See Ant. xv. 11, 5. 

2 In Joseph. War, v. 5, 2, we find “ Treas- 
| uries” in the plural. Compare vi. 5, 2. 
| L’Empereur, who edited the tract Middoth, 


Srom the east, by Ant. xv. 11. Such is the 
position assigned to the gate of Corinthian brass 
by L’Empereur and Winer. Others (Light- 
foot, De Wette, Williams) makes it the west- 


| places the treasury, or treasuries, in the wall 
of the Court of the Women, but facing the 
Outer Court. 

8 Middoth. 

* We can hardly doubt that this is the gate 
mentioned by Josephus, War, vi. 5,3: “The 
Eastern gate, made of brass, and very strong, 

| shut at nightfall with difficulty by twenty 
) men.” And this, we think, must be identical 
with that of War, v. 8, 3: “One gate outside 
the Temple, made of Corinthian brass.” 
This again is determined to be the gate by 
which the Court of the Women was entered 


ip. 
! : , 
s 


ern gate of the Court of the Women. 

& War, v. 5, 3, also Middoth. 

6 The information which Josephus gives 
concerning these two courts (or rather two 
parts of one court) is scanty. Under the 
Court of Israel were rooms for the musical 
instruments of the priests. Middoth. 

7 Middoth. Reference has been made be- 
fore to this hall, in the narrative of Stephen’s 
trials. P.65,n.4. See below, p. 642. Rab- 
binical authorities say that the boundary-line 
of Judah and Benjamin passed between Gazith 
and the Holy Place. 


- Holy Place and the Holy of Holies was comparatively small: but a 


tions :* and it was separated by a richly-embroidered curtain or veil f 


= 




















632 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


Israelites that awful truth that “ without shedding of blood there i 
remission,” — the wings at which the victims were slaughtered, — 
beams and hooks from which they were suspended when dead, — and 
marble tables at which the entrails were washed : !— here, above all, 
the Altar, the very place of which has been plausibly identified by 
bore in the sacred rock of the Moslems, which appears to corresp 
exactly with the description given in the Mischna of the drain and cess 
which communicated with the sewer that ran off into the Kedron? — 

The house itself remains to be described. 1t was divided into # 
parts, the Vestibule, the Holy Place, and the Holy of Holies. From 
Altar and the Court of the Priests to the Vestibule was another flighi 
twelve steps, the last of the successive approaches by which the 
was ascended from the east. The Vestibule was wider ® than the re: 
the House: its front was adorned with a golden vine of colossal pre 


the Holy Place, which contained the Table of Show-bread, the Car 
stick, and the Altar of Incense. After this was the “ second veil ” ‘i 
ix. 3), closing the access to the innermost shrine, which in the day 
the Tabernacle had contained the golden censer and the ark of the | 
nant, but which in Herod’s Temple was entirely empty, though 
regarded as the “‘ Holiest of All.” (1b.) The interior height of 


them and on each side were chambers so arranged that the ger 
exterior effect was that of a clere-story ° rising above aisles : and the w 
was surmounted with gilded spikes,’ to prevent the birds from se 
the sacred roof. q 

Such is a bare outline of the general plan of the Jewish Ten 
Such was the arrangement of its parts, which could be traced, as 
map, by those who looked down from the summit of the Mount of Ol 


1 Middoth. The position of these rings, 
&c., was on the north side of the altar of 
burnt-oftering, — to which the ascent was by a 
gradual slope on the south side. 

2 This is the view of Prof. Willis. See 
Williams’ Memoir, p. 95. But it cannot be 
egarded as absolutely certain. Mr. Thrupp 
(p. 317) objects that it is difficult to under- 
stand how so elevated a rock can be identical 
with the threshing floor of Araunah, which 
must have been levelled. He thinks the per- 
foration was the secret passage made by Herod 
from Antonia. Joseph. Am. xv. 11, 7. The 
only anthentic account of the “Rock of the 


Sakrah ” is that of Mr. Catherwood, given in | 


Bartlett’s Walks about Jerusalem. See Stan- 
1 Palestine, p. iiare 


feete: Sinas an 


3 Josephus says that there were shor 
on each side. 

* Ant. xv. 11,8. War, v. 5,4. Con 
Middoth: “ Vitis aurea expandebatur 
portam templi;” also Tactius: “ Vitis 
templo reperta.” Hist. y. 5. ; 

5 Williams, p. 97. 4 

6 War, v.5,6. Lightfoot (ch. xi.) th 
that the roof had pinnacles, “as King’s 
ledge Chapelle in Cambridge is decke 
like manner, to its great beauty:” amt 
adds that the roof was not flat, but ri 
the middle, “as King’s Colledge Chapeile 
be herein a parallel also.” 










THE FORTRESS ANTONIA. 683 



































‘the modern traveller looks now from the same place upon the Mosque 
f Omar and its surrounding court. As seen from this eminence, — 
hen the gilded front of the vestibule flasbed back the rays of the sun, 
d all the courts glittered (to use the comparison of Josephus) with 
6 whiteness of snow,— while the column of smoke rose over all, as a 
rpetual token of acceptable sacrifice,— and worshippers were closely 
ywded on the eastern steps and terraces in front of the Holy House. 
id Pilgrims from all countries under heaven were moving through the 
iter Court and flocking to the same point from all streets in the city, — 

he Temple at the time of a festival must have been a proud spectacle to 
hereligious Jew. It must have been with sad and incredulous wonder 
at the faur Disciples heard from Him who wept over Jerusalem, that © 
il this magnificence was presently to pass away." None but a Jew can 
aderstand the passionate enthusiasm inspired by the recollections and 
he glorious appearance of the national Sanctuary. And none but a 
ew can understand the bitter grief and deep hatred which grew out of 
e degradation in which his nation was sunk at that particular time. 
is ancient glory was now under the shadow of an alien power. The 
nary was all but trodden under foot by the Gentiles. The very 
ship was conducted under the surveillance of Roman soldiers. W 

mot conclude this account of the Temple without describing the for 
ress which was contiguous, and almost a part of it. 

Tf we were to remount to the earlier history of the eee we might 
thaps identify the tower of Antonia with the “palace” of which we 
id in the book of Nehemiah (ii. 8, vii. 2). It was certainly the buiid- 
¢ which the Asmonean princes erected for their own residence under 
@ name of Baris.2. Afterwards rebuilt with greater strength and 
endor by the first Herod, it was named by him, after his Romanizing 
ion, in honor of Mark Antony.’ Its situation is most distinctly 
arked out by Josephus, who tells us that it was at the north-western ‘ 
orner of the Temple-area, with the cloisters of which it communicated 
iy means of staircases (Acts xxi. 35, 40).* It is difficult, however, to 
fine the exact extent of ground which it covered in its renewed form 
uring the time of the Herods. There is good reason for believing that 
; extended along the whole northern side of the great Temple court, 


| } Matt. xxiv. 2,3; Mark xiii. 2, 3; Luke * Compare War, v. 5, 8, with Ant. xv. 11, 

=iL6 2 Joseph. Ant. xv 11, 4. 4, and War, i. 5,4; i. 21,1; also v. 4, 2. 

| * Josephus says of it: —“It was of old 5 See the next note but two for the clear 

ed Baris, but afterwards named Antonia description which Josephus gives of this com- 

luring the time of Antoay’s ascendency, munication between the fortress and the clois 
st as Sebaste and Agrippias gained their ters. 

ie names from Sebastus | Augustus] and 

” War,i.5,4. See p. 25. 





634 


trom the north-western corner where it abutted on the city, to the n 
eastern where it was suddenly stopped by the precipice which fronte¢ 
valley: and that the tank, which is now popularly called the Poo 
Bethesda, was part of the fosse which protected it on the no 
Though the ground on which the tower of Antonia stood was lower | 
that of the Temple itself, yet it was raised to such a height, that at ] 
the south-eastern of its four turrets? commanded a view of all that 
on within the Temple, and thus both in position and in elevation 

in ancient Jerusalem what the Turkish governor’s house is nd 
whence the best view is obtained over the enclosure of the Mosqu 
Omar. But this is an inadequate comparison. If we wish to 
the influence of this fortress in reference to political and re 
interests, we must turn rather to that which is the most humilia 
spectacle in Christendom, the presence of the Turkish troops 
Church of the Holy Sepulchre, where they are stationed to control 
fury of the Greeks and Latins at the most solemn festival of the OI 
tian year. Such was the office of the Roman troops that were quart 
at the Jewish festivals in the fortress of Antonia.? Within its walls t 
were barracks for at least a thousand soldiers.‘ 
pose that all the garrison in Jerusalem was always posted there. 
probable that the usual quarters of the “ whole cohort” (Matt. xxvii. 
or the greater part of it, were towards the western quarter of the | 
in that “ pratorium ” (John xviii. 28) or official residence® where J 
was mocked by the soldiers, and on the tessellated pavement ® in fror 
which Pilate sat, and condemned the Saviour of the world. But 

time of the greater festivals, when a vast concourse of people, ft 
religious fanaticism and imbittered by hatred of their rulers, flocked 


1 This view is ably advocated by Dr. Robin- 
son in his account of Antonia (Res. 1. pp. 431- 
436), and, as Mr. Williams remarks (Memoir, 
p. 100), this reservoir (the Birket-Israel) may 
still be the Bethesda of the Gospel. See a 
confirmation of Dr. Robinson’s hypothesis, 
from the observations of Mr. Walcott, Bid. 
Sac. 1. p. 29. 

? It had four smaller towers rising from its 
angles, like the Tower of London, save that 
that on the S. E. was higher than the others. 
War, v. 5, 8. 

® Where it joined the two colonnades of 
the Temple, it had passages leading down to 
them both, through which the guard (for a 
Roman legion was always quartered in the 
fort) went down, so as to take various posi- 
tions along the colonnades, in arms, at festi- 


‘ 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


Ob ie a 





















Not that we are to. 


vals watching the people, lest any ins: 
tionary movement should arise. Ib. | 
word Tayua seems to be loosely used it 
phus and elsewhere. See 1 Cor. xv. 23.] 

* See below, p. 647, note on oveipa. 

5 This Pretorium seems to have be 
old palace of Herod, connected with the 
called Hippicus, which is identified by ex 
remains. It was on the western side | 
city, and is one of our fixed points in t& 
the course of the ancient walls. 

® He took his seat on a tribunal at 
called “the Pavement,” and in Hebrew, “ 
batha.” John xix. 13. Something t 
said before (p. 364, n. 7) on the @jua ort 
nal as the symbol of Roman power i 
provinces. 





omar. xx. THE FORTRESS ANTONIA. 635 


the Temple courts, it was found necessary to order a strong military 
force into Antonia, and to keep them under arms, so that they might act 
immediately and promptly in the case of any outbreak. 
A striking illustration of the connection between the Fortress and the 
Temple is afforded by the history of the quarrels which arose in reference 
to the pontifical vestments. These robes were kept in Antonia during 
the time of Herod the Great. When he died, they came under the super 
intendence of the Roman procurator. Agrippa I., during his short reign, 
exercised the right which had belonged to his grandfather. At his death 
the command that the Procurator Cuspius Fadus should take the vest- 
ments under his care raised a ferment among the whole Jewish people; 
and they were only kept from an outbreak by the presence of an 
overwhelming force under Longinus, the Governor of Syria. An embassy 
Rome, with the aid of the younger Agrippa, who was then at the 
imperial court, obtained the desired relaxation: and the letter is still 
extant in which Claudius assigned to Herod, King of Chalcis, the privi- 
lege which had belonged to his brother.’ But under the succeeding 
Procurators, the relation between the fortress Antonia and the religious 
sremonies in the Temple became more significant and ominous. -The 
hatred between the imbittered Jews and those soldiers who were soon to 
e part in their destruction grew deeper and more implacable. Under 
Ventidius Cumanus,’ a frightful loss of life had taken place on one occa- 
ion at the passover, in consequence of an insult perpetrated by one of 
the military. When Felix succeeded him, assassination became frequent 
in Jerusalem: the high priest Jonathan was murdered, like Becket, in 
ie Temple itself, with the connivance of the Procurator:* and at the 
very moment of which we write, both the soldiers and the populace were 
great excitement in consequence of the recent “ uproar” caused by 
Egyptian impostor (Acts xxi. 38), who had led out a vast number of 
fanatic followers “into the wilderness” to be slain or captured by the 





















This imperfect description of the Temple-area and of the relations 
ubsisting between it and the contiguous fortress is sufficient to set the 
cene before us, on which the events we are now to relate occurred in 
rapid succession. We left St. Paul at the moment when the Levites had 


1 Joseph. Ant. xx. 1, 2. The letter is shall recur to the series of procurators in the 
oted in the fifteenth chapter of Mr. Lewin’s beginning of the next chapter. 
k on the Life and Epistles of St. Paul, a 8 Joseph. Ant. xx. 5, 2. War, ii. 12, 1. 
pter which contains much miscellaneousin- In this narrative the tower of Antonia and its 
rmation concerning Jerusalem and the Jews guards are particularly mentioned. 
it this time. * War, ii. 18, 8. 
2 Tibermus Alexander, a renegade Jew, in- 5 The passages in Josephus, which relate to 
ervened between Fadus and Cumanus. We this Hgyptian, are Ant. xx. 8,6; War, ii. 13, & 


i 

























636 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 
closed the gates, lest the Holy Place should be polluted by murd 
and when the infuriated mob were violently beating the Apostle, wit 
full intention of putting him to death. The beginning and rapid 
ress of the commotion must have been seen by the sentries on 
cloisters and the tower: and news was sent up immediately to Cla 
Lysias, the commandant of the garrison, that “all Jerusalem was 
uproar” (vy. 31). The spark had fallen on materials the most in 
mable, and not a moment was to be lost if a conflagration was 1 
averted. lLysias himself rushed down instantly, with some of his 
ordinate officers and a strong body of men, into the Temple court. 
the sight of the flashing arms and disciplined movements of the im 
soldiers, the Jewish mob desisted from their murderous violence. “! 
left off beating of Paul.” They had for a moment forgotten tha 
eyes of the sentries were upon them: but this sudden invasion by 
hated and dreaded tyrants reminded them that they were “in dai 
be called in question for that day’s uproar.” (Acts xix. 40.) 

Claudius Lysias proceeded with the soldiers promptly and di 20 
St. Paul,’ whom he perceived to be the central object of all the e: 
ment in the Temple court: and in the first place he ordered him 
chained by each hand to a soldier: * for he suspected that he mig 
the Egyptian rebel,’ who had himself baffled the pursuit of the R 
force, though his followers were dispersed. This being done, he pr 
ed to question the bystanders, who were watching this summary 
ceeding, half in disappointed rage at the loss of their victim, and hs 
satisfaction that they saw him at least in captivity. But “when L 
demanded who he was and what he had done, some cried one : 
some another, among the multitude” (v. 33, 34); and when he 
that he could obtain no certain information in consequence of the tm 
he gave orders that the prisoner should be conveyed into the bar 
within the fortress. The multitude pressed and crowded on the sol 
as they proceeded to execute this order: so that the Apostle was ac 
‘carried up” the staircase in consequence of the violent pressure 
below.?’ And meanwhile deafening shouts arose from the stairs and 
the court,—the same shouts, which, nearly thirty years before, 


Oe. 
nines 





' Literally “came up,” v. 31. Compare * “ Two chains.” 


this with “ran down,” in the next verse, and 
the “ stairs,” mentioned below. 

2 y. 32. If the word (chiliarch) translated 
“chief captain” is to be understood literally 
of the commander of 1,000 men, the full com- 
plement of centurtons in the castle would be 
ten. 

¢ “ Then the chief captain drew near.” 


So St. Peter was b 

Acts xii. - 
- 8 This is evident from his question 

y. 38. i 
® The word used here, y. 34, and ! 
Xxii. 24, xxiii. 16, denotes, not “ the es 
but soldiers’ “ barracks ” within it. It i 
word used of the camp of the Israelites i 
Wilderness. (LXX.° TV. 







HEBREW SPEECH TO THE PEOPLE. 637 


the pretorium of Pilate, — “Away with him, away with 























£ this moment,’ the Apostle, with the utmost presence of mind, turned 
he commanding officer who was near him,— and, addressing him in 
sk, said respectfully, “‘ May Ispeak with thee?” Claudius Lysias was 
Hed when he found himself addressed by his prisoner in Greek, and 
fed him whether he was then mistaken in supposing he was the Egyp 

ringleader of the - rebellion. _ St. Paul replied calmly that he was 


at the ine time oe his claim to respectful treatment,’ by caying 
he was a native of “ Tarsus in Cilicia, a citizen of no mean city:’ 

ad he proceeded to request that he might be allowed to address the peo 
= The request was a bold one; and we are almost surprised that 
aysias sould have granted it: but there seems to have been something 
3 Paul’s aspect and manner, which from the first gained an influence 
wer tne mind of the Roman officer; and his consent was not refused. 
And now the whole scene was changed in a moment. St. Paul stood 
pon the stairs and turned to the people, and made a motion with the 
and.‘ as about to address them. And they too felt the influence of his 
resence. Tranquillity came on the sea of heads below: there was “a 
meat silence: ” and he began, saying, — Siow 


xx 
en and Fathers,° hear me, and let me now defend myself before 1 


Phe language which he spoke was Hebrew.* Had he spoken in Greek, 

majority of those who heard him would have understood his words: 
ihe sound of the holy tongue in that holy place fell like a calm on the 
roubled waters. The silence became universal and breathless: and the 
postle proceeded to address his countrymen as follows : — 


I am myself? an Israelite, born indeed at Tarsus in Cilicia, 3 
yet brought up in this city, and taught at the feet of Gamaliel, 


re Luke xxiii. 18, John xix. 15. 


Dé perhaps members of the Sanhedrin, ancient 
en he was on the point of being led 


Seribes and Doctors of the Law, who were 
stirrmg up the people against the heretic. 
The phrase generally translaied m A. V. 
“ Men and brethren,” literally, “ Men who are 
my Orethren,” may be equally translated 
“ Brethren.” 

® Thai is, it was the Hebraic dialect popu- 


e need not repeat all that has been said 
BFE concernine the importance of Tarsus. 
. 20, 45-48, 98, 99, 290, 291. 





Isrly spoken in Judza, which we now call 
S 5 
T The pronoun is emphatic. 


10 


fl 


12 


13 


14 
15 


633 


exj, © the strictest doctrine of the law of our fathers; and was : 
4 the cause of God, as ye all are this day. And I persecuted this ms: e 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8ST. PAUL. — 


ar 
2 





sect unto the death, binding with chains and casting into Obristia 


prison both men and women. 








And of this the High Priest is my wit 


and all the? Sanhedrin ; from whom, moreover, I received letters 0 


brethren,’ and went‘ to Damascus, to bring those also who were th On 
Jerusalem, in chains, that they might be punished. 
But it came to pass that as I journeyed, when I drew nigh 





to Damascus, about mid-day, suddenly there shone from heaven “™ 


a great light round about me. 


reth,> whom thou persecutest. 
unto me. 


are appointed for thee to do. 


And when I could not see, from the brightness of that light, His = 
my companions led me by the hand, and so I entered into 
And a certain Ananias, a devout’ man according to the! 
well reported of by all the Jews who dwelt there, came and stood k : 
me, and said to me, Brother Saul, receive thy sight ; and in that i 
received my sight,’ and looked upon him. And he said, The Godg 
Fathers hath ordained thee to know His will, and to behold the Just One, 
hear the voice of His mouth. For thou shalt be His witness to all the 


Damascus. 


1 See the note on Gal. i. 14. 

2 The Presbytery. Compare Luke xxii. 
66. The high priest here appealed to was the 
person who held that office at the time of St. 
Paul’s conversion, probably Theophilus, who 
was high priest in 37 and 38 A. D. 

8 i. e. the Jews resident at Damascus. 

* Literally, J was on my road (imperf.). 

5 Literally, Jesus the Nazarene. Saul was 
going to cast the Nazarenes (so the Christians 
were called, see Acts xxiv. 5) into chains and 
cungeons when he was stopped by the Lord 
announcing Himself from heaven to be Jesus 
the Nazarene. 

© The clause “and were terrified ” is omit- 
ted in some of the best MSS. 


And I fell to the ground, and hear 
voice saying unto me, Saul, Saul, why persecutest thou me? And I 
swered, Who art thou, Lord? and He said unto me, J am Jesus of 
And the men who were with me s 
light, and were terrified ;* but they heard not the voice of Him that 
And Isaid, What shall Ido, Lord? And the Lord said ux io 
Arise and go into Damascus, and there thou shalt be told of all things w 


























7 The corresponding Greek word is om 
in some of the best MSS. (and 
others), probably because the copyists 
perplexed at finding it not here used i 
usual technical sense of a Jewish P 

8 The verb here has the double n ! 
to recover sight and to look up; in the: 0 
of which it is used in the accounts of 
men healed in the Gospels. Here the A 
translates the same verb by two d@ 
words. 
® The meaning rather stronger than 


men.” 


























‘Ot h 2 Gentiles. 


sion to Damascus. 


rally, cause thyself to be baptized (mid.). 
¢ following compare 1 Cor. vi. 11. 

he best MSS. read “His name,” and 
i¢ Lord’s name.” The reference is to 
on of faith in Jesus, which pre- 
nl expected at first that the Jews 
n (the members of his own party) 
to him readily, because they could 
@ violent against the Nazarenes 
Knew him to have been: and he 
thought that they must feel that 
hort of irresistible truth could have 
join the sect which he had hated. 
lly, I was imprisoning, I kept on im- 


word (literally Witness) had not yet 
technical sense, but here it may be 

Martyr, because the mode in which 

e testimony was by his death. 

e Rom. i. 32. 


HIS ADDRESS SUDDENLY INTERRUPTED 


for they will not receive thy testimony concerning me. 


and scourged in every synagogue the believers in Thee. 


639 


hast seen and heard. And now, why dost thow delay? Arise 
ptized' and wash away thy sins, calling on the name of Jesus.” 

And it came to pass, after I had returned to Jerusalem, and 
while I was praying in the Temple, that I was in a trance, and 


And I 


said,’ Lord, they themselves know that I continually* imprisoned 


And 


@ blood of thy martyr *® Stephen was shed, I myself also was standing 
consenting gladly ® to hiz death,’ and keeping the raiment of them who 
. And He said unto me, Depart; for I will send thee far hence 


nese words St. Paul’s address to his countrymen was suddenly in- 
ed. Up to this point he had riveted their attention.* They listened, 
e spoke to them of his early life, his persecution of the Church, 
Many were present who could testify, on their 
idence, to the truth of what he said. Even when he told them of 
ulous conversion, his interview with Ananias, and his vision in 
mple, they listened still. With admirable judgment he deferred 
he last all mention of the Gentiles.’ 
at man according to the law” (v. 12), as one “ well reported of by 
Jews ” (ib.), as one who addressed him in the name of “ the God 


He spoke of Ananias as a 


7 “To his death,” though omitted in the 
best MSS.., is implied in the sense. 

8 The verb for listening is in the imperfect ; 
that for the outbreak is in the aorist. See the 
remarks on Stephen’s speech, p. 66. 

® As an illustration of St. Paul’s wisdom, it 
is instructive to observe that in xxvi. 17 itis 
distinctly said that Jesus himself announced 
from heaven Paul’s mission to the Gentiles; 
and that in ix. 15 the same announcement is 
made to Ananias, — whereas in the address te 
the Jews this is kept out of view for tne mo- 
ment, and reserved till after the vision in the 
Temple is mentioned. And again we should 
observe that while, in ix. 10, Ananias is spoken 
of as a Christian (see 13), here he is deseribed 
as @ strict and pious Jew. He was, in fact, 
beth the one and the‘other. But, for the pur- 
poses of persuasion, St. Paul lays stress here 
on the latter point. 


xii. 


16 


24 


640) 


THE LIFE AND EP _STLES OF 8T. PAUL 


a | 
~”_ 


ae > 





of their Fathers” (v. 14). He showed how in his vision he rad 


before that God the energy of his former persecution as a proof b 
countrymen must surely be convinced by his conversion: and 





.S. 


alluded to the death of Stephen, and the part which he had taken hi 


in that cruel martyrdom (vy. 20), all the associations of the place ¥ 
they stood! must (we should have thought) have brought the memo 
that scene with pathetic force before their minds. But when his 
to the Gentiles was announced, — though the words quoted were the’ 
of Jehovah spcken in the Temple itself, even as the Lord had once 
to Samuel,? — one outburst of frantic indignation rose from the Te 
area and silenced the speaker on the stairs. 
down every argument which could influence their reason or the 
They could not bear the thought of uncircumcised Heathens | 


ence. 
made equal to the sons of Abraham. 


ought not to pollute the earth with his presence — that it was as 
have preserved his life:* and in their rage and impatience they to OSS 
their outer garments (as on that other occasion, when the garment: 
laid at the feet of Saul himself), and threw up dust into the , 
frantic violence.2 This commotion threw Lysias into new pepe city 
had not been able to understand the Apostle’s Hebrew speech : 
he saw its results, he concluded that his prisoner must be guilty of 
He ordered him therefore to be taken imme 
from the stairs into the barracks;* and to be examined by tortu 
order to elicit a confession of his guilt. j 
cessary for this kind of scrutiny would be in readiness within a E 
fortress; and before Jong the body * of the Apostle was “ stretched 
like that of a common malefactor, “to receive the lashes,” 
officer standing by,’ to whom Lysias had intrusted the superinte 


enormous crime. 


this harsh examination. 


1 See above, p. 627, n. 1. 

2 1 Sam. iii. 

8 The correct reading appears to put the 
verb in the past. It will be remembered that 
they were on the point of killing St. Paul, 
when Claudius Lysias rescued him, xxi. 31. 

* Compare xxii. 23 with vii. 58. We need 
not, however, suppose that this tossing of the 
garments and throwing of dust was precisely 
symbolical of their desire to stone Paul. It 
denoted simply impatience and disgust. 

5 “ Sir John Chardin, as quoted by Harmer 
(Obs. iy. 203), says that it is common for the 
peasants in Persia, when they have acomplaint 
to ke before their governors, to repair to them 
by ondreds, or a thousand, at once. They 

































Their national pric 


They cried out that such ay 


Whatever instruments 


place themselves near the gate of the 
where they suppose they are most ikel } 
seen and heard, and then set up a he 
cry, rend their garments, and throw d 
the air, at the same time demanding _ 
Hackett. q 
5 See above, p. 636. 
7 y. 24. 7 
® We take the phrase to mean “ 
thongs,” i. e. the straps of which the | 
were made. Others consider the wo 
note the thongs or straps with which 
fender was fastened to the post or pil 
either case, the use of the article is expl 
° We see this from v. 25, “he 
centurion, who stood by.” Claudius 


HIS IMPRISONMENT. §4) 


mus St. Paul was on the verge of adding another suffering and disgrace 
hat long catalogue of afflictions, which he had enumerated in the last 
er he wrote to Corinth, before his recent visit to that city (2 Cor. xi. 
5). Five times scourged by the Jews, once beaten with rods at Phil- 
¥ i twice on other unknown occasions, he had indeed been “im stripes 
s measure.” And now he was in a Roman barrack, among rude 
ers, with a similar indignity’ in prospect; when he rescued himself, 
at the same time gained a vantage-ground for the Gospel, by that ap 
| to his rights as a Roman citizen under which he had before sheltered 
his sacred cause at Philippi.* He said these few words to the centurion 

> stood by: “Is it lawful to torture one who is a Roman citizen, and 

pndemned?” The magic of the Roman law produced its effect in a 
ment. The centurion immediately reported the words to his com- 
manding officer, and said significantly, “ Take heed what thou doest: for 

‘man is a Roman citizen.” Lysias was both astonished and alarmed. 
He knew full well that no man would dare to assume the right of citizen- 
sb it did not really belong to him ;* and he hastened in person to his 
omer. A hurried dialogue took place, from which it appeared, not 
that St. Paul was indeed a Roman citizen, but that he held this 


















rivil age under circumstances far more honorable than his interrogator ; 








hile Claudius Lysias had purchased‘ the right for “a great sum,” 
gl® “was freeborn.” Orders were instantly given‘ for the removal of 
instruments of torture: and those who had been about to conduct the 


mation retired. lLysias was compelled to Keep the Apostle still in 







; for he was ignorant of the nature of his offence: and indeed 
s evidently the only sure method of saving him from destruction 


he Jews. But the Roman officer was full of alarm: for im his treaé- 














f was mot on the spot (see y. 26), but 


We must distinguish between the seour- 
ng her ec abet ih rei (Act 
= Cm. xi. 25). In the present in- 
2 object was not punishment, but ex- 


* See p. 269. 

Such pretensions were liable to capital 
fe learn from Dio Cassius, that the 
va is Rome was, in the early part of the 
ey Clandius, sold at a high rate, and 
ver ards for a mere trifle. 

. Ss 4 


t of the prisoner? he had already been guilty of s flagrant violation 


* Is is ummecessary to repeat here what has 
been said concerning the citizenship of Paal 
and his father. See pp. 42,43. For the laws 
relating to the privileges of citizems, see again 
p- 269. 

es a 
bey, what, elineen, “ Immediately they went 
away,” Ge. 

7 Lysias was afraid, because he had so 
“bound” the Apostie, as he could not have 
ventured to do, hsd he known he was a Roman 
Citizen. It seems, that im any case i would 
bave been Hlegal to have had immediate re 
course to torture. Certainly it was contrary 
to the Roman law to pat any Romaa citizen 
te the torture, either by scourging or m any 


642 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


On the following day! the commandant of the garrison adopted 
milder method of ascertaining the nature of his prisoner’s offence. 
summoned a meeting of the Jewish Sanhedrin with the high priests, ar 
prought St. Paul down from the fortress and set him before them, 
doubtless taking due precautions to prevent the consequences whi 
might result from a sudden attack upon his safety. Only a narrow sp 
of the Great Temple Court intervened’ between the steps which led 
down from the tower Antonia and those which led up to the hall 
Gazith, the Sanhedrin’s accustomed place of meeting. If that hall was 
used on this occasion, no Heathen soldiers would be allowed to enter if; 
for it was within the balustrade which separated the sanctuary from 
Court. But the fear of pollution would keep the Apostle’s life in safi 
within that enclosure. There is good reason for believing that the § 
drin met at that period in a place less sacred,’ to which the soldiers we 
be admitted; but this is a question into which we need not enter. Whi 
ever the council sat, we are suddenly transferred from the interior o 
Roman barrack to a scene entirely Jewish. 

Paul was now in presence of that council, before which, whe 
was himself a member of it, Stephen had been judged. That moment 
could hardly be forgotten by him: but he looked steadily at his ing ui 
tors;‘ among whom he would recognize many who had been his fell 
pupils in the school of Gamaliel, and his associates in the persecution j 
the Christians. That unflinching look of conscious integrity offend 
them,—and his confident words —“ Brethren, I have always live 
conscientious ® life before God, up to this very day’’—so enraged | 
high priest, that he commanded those who stood near to strike him on | 

mouth. This brutal insult roused the Apostle’s feelings, and he exclai 
“God shall smite thee, thou whited wall:7 sittest thou to judall 
according to the law, and then in defiance of the law dost thou comm 
me to be struck?” If we consider these words as an outburst of na 
indignation, we cannot severely blame them, when we remeunil 
Paul’s temperament, and how they were provoked. If we regard th 


other way. Under the Imperial régime, how- 6 This assertion of habitual c 


ever, so early as the time of Tiberius, this rule 
was violated ; and torture was applied to citi- 
zens of the highest rank, more and more 
freely. 

1 V. 30. 

2 See above. 3 Bee p. 65. 

* Acts xxiii. 1. See p. 184, n. 1. 

5 It should be observed, that, both here and 
below (vv. 5, 6), he addresses the Sanhedrin as 
equals, — “ Brethren,” — whereas in xxii. 1 he 
says, “ Brethren and Fathers.” 


ness is peculiarly characteristic of 
See 2 Tim. i. 8, where there is also a refer 
to his forefathers, as in v. 6 below. Com 
ch. xxvi. 


7 With “whited wall” compare Our Ss 


viour’s comparison of hypocrites with “wh 
sepulchres ” (Matt. xxiii. 27). Lightfo 


so far here as to say that the wos he 


selves mean that Ananias had the semb 


of the high priest’s office without the reall . 


8 See p. 46. 








ST. PAUL BEFORE THE SANHEDEIN. 644 





s a prophetic denunciation, they were terribly fulfilled when this hypo 
ritical president of the Sanhedrin was murdered by the assassins in the 
ewish war.' In whatever light we view them now, those who were 
resent in the Sanhedrin treated them as profane and rebellious. ‘“ Revi- 
gst thou God’s high priest?” was the indignant exclamation of the 
ystanders. And then Paul recovered himself, and said, with Christian 
ncekness and forbearance, that he did not consider” that Ananias was 
igh priest; otherwise he would not so have spoken, seeing that it is 
written in the Law,’ “Thou shalt not revile the ruler of thy people.’ But 
he Apostle had seen enough to be convinced that there was no prospect 
efore this tribunal of a fair inquiry and a just decision. He therefore 
droitly adopted a prompt measure for enlisting the sympathies of those 
rho agreed with him in one doctrine, which, though held to be an open 
uestion on Judaism, was an essential truth in Christianity. He knew 
hat both Pharisees and Sadducees were among his judges, and well 
ware that, however united they might be in the outward work of perse- 

jon, they were divided by an impassable line in the deeper matters of 
eligious faith, he cried out, “ Brethren, 1 am a Pharisee, and all my 

efathers were Pharisees:* it is for the hope of a resurrection from the 
ead that I am to be judged this day.” This exclamation produced 
‘instantaneous effect on the assembly. It was the watchword which 
iarshalled the opposing forces in antagonism to each other. The Phari- 
ves felt a momentary hope that they might use their ancient partisan as 
new weapon against their rivals ; and their hatred against the Sadducees 
as even greater than their hatred of Christianity. They were vehement 
\ their vociferations ;‘ and their language was that which Gamaliel had 
sed more calmly many years before*® (and possibly the aged Rabban may 
ave been present himself in this very assembly) :* “If this doctrine be 












1 He was killed by the Sicarii. Joseph. 













mething of the ambiguity of the original. 
is diffieult to decide positively on the mean- 
iz of the words. Some think that St. Paul 
ant to confess that he had been guilty of a 
Mat of due reflection, — others that he spoke 
fnically, as refusing to recognize a man like 
tanias as high priest,—others have even 
yught that there was in the words an in- 
Pred reference to the abolition of the sacerdo- 
| System of the Jews, and the sole priesthood 
| Christ. Another class of interpreters re- 
bd St. Paul as ignorant of the fact that An- 
as was high priest, or argue that Ananias 
Not really installed in his office. And we 


know from Josephus, that there was the great- 
est irregularity in the appointments about this 
time. Lastly, it has been suggested (p. 134, 
n. 1), that the imperfection of St. Paul’s vision 
(supposed to be implied in xxiii. 1) was the 
cause of the mistake. 5 Ex. xxii. 28. 

* For these two sects, see the early part of 
Ch. Il. 

® “ Pharisees,” not ‘‘ Pharisee,” is the read- 
ing best supported by MSS., and the plural is 
far more forcible. See pp. 31, 32. 

® “ There arose a discussion, . . 
multitude was divided,” vy. 7. 
strove,” vy. 9. 

7 “ There arose a great ery,” v. 9. 

® Acts vy. 39. 

9 It appears that he died about two yeara 


- and the 
Compare “ they 


644 


of God, ye cannot destroy it: beware lest ye be found to be igl 
against God.” “ We find no fault in this man: what, if (as he says) 
angel or a spirit have indeed spoken to him ”»____ The sentence 
left incomplete or unheard in the uproar? The judgment-hall becan 
scene of the most violent contention; and presently Claudius | 
ceived information of what was taking place, and fearing lest the Re 
citizen, whom he was bound to protect, should be torn in pieces bety 
those who sought to protect him, and those who thirsted for his dest 
tion, he ordered the troops to go down instantly, and bring him back 
the soldiers’ quarters within the fortress.’ 
So passed this morning of violent excitement. In the evening, W 
~Paul was isolated both from Jewish enemies and Christian friends, 
surrounded by the uncongenial sights and sounds of a soldier’s bar 
— when the agitation of his mind subsided, and he was no longer sti 
up by the presence of his persecutors, or supported by sympatl 
brethren, — can we wonder that his heart sank, and that he looked 
dread on the vague future that was before him? Just then it wa : 
be had one of those visions by night, which were sometimes vouch 
to him at critical seasons of his life, and in providential conformi iy 
the circumstances in which he was placed. The last time when we 
informed of such an event was when he was in the house. of Aquila 
Priscilla at Corinth, and when he was fortified against the intimi¢ 
of the Jews by the words, “ Fear not: for 1 am with thee.” (Acts: 
9,10.) The next instance we shall have to relate is in the worst pa 
the storm at sea, between Fair Havens and Malta, when a similar 4 
ance was given to him: “ Fear not: thou must stand before Ce 
(ib. xxvii. 24.) On the present occasion, events were not suiiicl 
matured for him to receive a prophetic intimation in this explicit | 
He had, indeed, long looked forward to a visit to Rome: but the 


after this time. See p. 53. We may refer 
here to the observations of Mr. Birks in the 
Hore Apostolic (No. xvi.) appended to his re- 
cent edition of the Hore Pauline, where he 
applies the jealousy and mutual antipathy of 
the Sadducees and Pharisees, to explain the 
conduct of Gamaliel at the former trial, and 
thus traces “an unobtrusive coincidence ” be- 
tween this passage and the narrative in Acts 
v. “First, the leaders in the persecution were 
Sadducees (v.17). In the next place, it was 
a doctrinal offence which was charged upon 
them (v. 28). Again, the answer of Peter, 
while an explicit testimony to the claims of 
Jesus, is an equally plain avowal of the 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


Bul 2 
Bas. 










































+ 
a 





doctrine of the resurrection (v. 30). 
Gamaliel interposes, it is noted that - 
Pharisee, &«.” (v. 34). 
1 There is probably a tacit reference' 
St. Paul had said, in his speech on th 
concerning his vision in the Temple. ~ 
2 There seems no doubt that the we 
us not fight against God,” ought not 
the text; and that there is an 
either voluntary for the sake of emphi 
compulsory because of the tumult. 4 
the phrase “ fighters against God,” in. 
89, may have led to the interpolation, 
8 xxiii. 10. q 








AP, XXI. 


CONSPIRACY. 


645 


pect now seemed farther off than ever. And it was at this anxious time 
that he was miraculously comforted and strengthened by Him who is 


























ou testify also at Rome.” 


Last 


mid compare closely the account given by 
's nephew, vv. 20, 21. 

So we are told by Josephus that ten Jews 
= themselves by a solemn oath to as- 
| issmate Herod, and that before their execution 
ey maintained “that their oath had been 
{ell and picusly taken.” Ant. xv. & 3, 4. 
Jackett quotes from Philo a formal justifica- 
) such assassinations of apostates. In 
|justmation of the form of the oath, Lightfoot 
age from the Talmud that those who were 
| aplieated in such an oath could obtain absols- 


Most of the commentators are of opinion 
jato the Sadducean party is contemplated 
‘pre, the Pharisees having espoused St. Paul’s 
| \ase But it is far more natural to suppose 
Weiter enthusiasm in his behalf hed been 


| 


he confidence of all the ends of the earth, and of them that are afar 
upon the sea ; who by His strength setteth fast the mountains; who 
sth the noise of the seas and the tumult of the people.” 
ms of the night, the Lord himself stood by him, and said, “ Be of 
od cheer, Paul; for as thou hast testified of me at Jerusalem, so must 
ho (ib. xxiii. 11.) 

The contrast is great between the peaceful assurance thus secretly 
given to the faith of the Apostle in his place of imprisonment, and the 
ctive malignity of his enemies in the city. When it was day, more than 
tty of the Jews entered into a conspiracy to assassinate Paul:} and, 
at they might fence round their crime with all the sanction of religion, 
bound themselves by a curse, that they would eat and drink nothing 
Hil the deed was accomplished.? Thus fortified by a dreadful oath, they 
tame before the chief priests and members of the Sanhedrin? and pro 
sed the following plan, which seems to have been readily adopted. 
he Sanhedrists were to present themselves before Claudius Lysias, with 
e request that he would allow the prisoner to be brought once more 
fore the Jewish Court, that they might enter into a further investiga. 
m:‘ and the assassins were to lie in wait, and murder the Apostle on 
s way down ° from the fortress. The plea to be brought before Lysias 
s very plausible: and it is probable, that, if he had received no 
fther information, he would have acted on it: for he well knew thai 


In the 


only momentary, and that the temporary 
schism had been healed in the common wish to 
destroy him. The Pharisees really hated him 


«the most. It would seem, moreover, from 


xxiv. 15, that Pharisees appeared as accusers 
before Felix. 

* Or rather “that he might enter, &c.” 
Such seems the true reading. See the next 
note but two. 

5 “ Bring down,” v. 15 and v.20. So “take 
daen,” vy. 10, and “bringing down,” xxii. 30. 
The sccurate use of these words should be 
compared with what is said by Josephus and 
by St. Luke himself of the stairs between the 
Temple and the fortress. They present us 
with an undesigned consistency in a matter of 
topography ; and they show that the writer 
was familiar with the place he is deseribing. 

5 See above. 


646 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. on, 






results of a new ingquiry.! The danger to which the Apostle was expos 
was most imminent: and there has seldom been a more horrible exam 
of crime masked under the show of religious zeal. 

The plot was ready :? and the next day* it would have been i 
into effect, when God was pleased to confound the schemes of the cons} 
ators. The instrument of St. Paul’s safety was one of his own relatio 
the son of that sister whom we have before mentioned (p. 46) as 
companion of his childhood at Tarsus. It is useless to attemp if 
draw that veil aside which screens the history of this relationship fir 
our view, though the narrative seems to give us hints of domestic in 
course at Jerusalem,’ of which, if it were permitted to us, we we 
gladly know more. Enough is told to us to give a favorable impress: 
both of the affection and discretion of the Apostle’s nephew: nor i 
the only person the traits of whose character are visible in the ¢ : 
simplicity of the narrative. The young man came into the ba 
and related what he knew of the conspiracy to his uncle; to whom 
seems to have had perfect liberty of access. Paul, with his usual prom 
tude and prudence, called one of the centurions to him, and requeé 
him to take the youth’ to the commandant, saying that he had a com 
nication to make to him. The officer complied at cnce, and took 
young man with this message from “ the prisoner Paul” to Claud 
Lysias ; who—partly from the interest he felt in the prisoner, 
partly, we need not doubt, from the natural justice and benevolence 
his disposition — received the stranger kindly, “ took him by the ha 
and led him aside, and asked him in private ” to tell him what he hat 
say. The young man related the story of the conspiracy in full de 
and with much feeling. Lysias listened to his statement and ear 
entreaties ;° then, with a soldier’s promptitude, and yet with the cau 
of one who felt the difficulty of the situation, he decided at once on 


Paul’s sister and nephew resiird at Je! 
and, if so, why he lodged, nos with th 
with Mnason (above, p. 617). 
6 So afterwards at Castrea xxiv. 
“ Felix commanded to let bin hive lit 
and that he should forbid none of his acqt 
ance to minister or come to him.” 
next chapter for a description of he 
of the Custodia, in which St. Paul 
both at Jerusalem and Casarea. q 
7 The word for “young man” is naa 


1 If the Sanhedrin were about to investi- 
gate (see v. 15), it would be in order that 
Clandius Lysias might obtain more informa- 
tion: and it would be more natural for the 
young man to put the matter before him in this 
point of view. 

2 Observe the young man’s words, v. 21: 
“and now are they ready, looking for a prom- 
ise from thee.” 

8 « To-morrow,” v. 20. Itis in the young 
man’s statement that this precise reference to 


time occurs. In y. 15, the word appears to be 
an interpolation. 

* vv. 16-22, 

& Two questions easily asked, but not easily 
answered, suggest themselves—whether St. 


minate, but the whole narrative gives # 
pression that he was a very young man. Be 
p. 99, n. 4. 
8 vv. 17, 18. 
* “But do not thou yield unto them,” ¥ 2 





A NIGHT JOURNEY. 647 





ne would do, but without communicating the plan to his informant. He 
imply dismissed him, with a significant admonition, —“ Be careful that 
hou tell no man that thou hast laid this information before me.” 

When the young man was gone, Claudius Lysias simmoned one or two 
f his subordinate officers,! and ordered them to have in readiness two 
yundred of the legionary soldiers, with seventy of the cavalry, and 
wo hundred spearmen;? so as to depart for Cesarea at nine in the 
yening,’ and take Paul in safety to Felix the governor. The journey 
yas long, and it would be requisite to accomplish it as rapidly as possible. 
He therefore gave directions that more than one horse should be provided 
or the prisoner.* We may be surprised that so large a force was sent to 
ecure the safety of one man; but we must remember that this man was 
, Roman citizen, while the garrison in Antonia, consisting of more than a 
housand men,* could easily spare such a number for one day on such @ 


ervice ; 


and further, that assassinations, robberies, and rebellions were 


equent occurrences at that time in Judza,’ and that a conspiracy also 
a formidable aspect to those who are responsible for the public 
. The utmost secrecy, as well as promptitude, was evidently re- 


Light would be already past. 


; and therefore an hour was chosen, when the earliest part of the 
At the time appointed, the troops, with St. 


in the midst of them, marched out of the fortress, and at a rapid 


took the road to Cesarea. 













1 The full complement of centurions would 

ten. See below, p. 650, n. 8. 

| 2 The rendering in the Authorized Version 
og as near as any other to the true 

jeaning. The singular word used here dis- 


less means ie reed troops. Moreover 
‘ word seems to imply the use of some wea- 
simply carried in the right hand. As to 
le mixture of troops in the escort sent by 
audius Lysias, we may remark that he sent 
irees adapted to act on all kinds of ground, 
|\d fom the imperfect nature of his informa- 
m he could not be sure that an ambuscade 
not be laid in the way; and at least 
i were to be feared. See p. 656. 
8 “ And at she third hour of the night,” y. 


* V.24, 
| © The omeipa was a cohort. There were 


~ 


: 


Té is to the quick journey and energetic researches of an American 
raveller that we owe the power of following the exact course of this 
ight-march from Jerusalem to Czsarea.’ 


In an earlier part of this 


ten cohorts in a legion; and each legion con- 
tained more than 6,000 men, besides an equal 
number of auxiliaries and a squadron of 
horse: but see the next chapter, especially ». 
656. § See the next chapter. 

7 See “A Visit to Antipatris,” by the Rev. 
Eli Smith, missionary in Palestine, in the 
Bibliotheca Sacra, vol. i. pp. 478-496. The 
journey was expressly taken (on the way from 
Jerusalem to Joppa) for the purpose of ascer- 
taining St. Paul’s route to Antipatris; and 
the whole of this circuitous route to Joppa 
was accomplished in two days. The article is 
followed by some valuable remarks by Dr. 
Robinson, who entirely agrees with Mr. E. 
Smith, though he had previously assumed 
(Bol. Res. iii. 46, 60) that St. Paul’s escort 
had gone by the pass of Bethoron, a ronie 
sometimes used, as by Cestius Gallius on his 
march from Czsarea by Lydda to Jerusalem. 
Joseph. War, ii. 19, 1. 


648 


work, we have endeavored to give an approximate representatic 1 
Roman roads as they existed in Palestine;' and we have had ¢ 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 









more than once to allude to the route which lay between the religi 7 


political capitals of the country? To the roads previously menti 
must add another, which passes, not by Lydda* (or Diospolis), b 
directly across the intermediate space from Gophna to Antips 
have thus the whole route to Cesarea before us; and we are er 
picture to ourselves the entire progress of the little army, which t 
Paul in safety from the conspiracies of the Jews, and placed him 
the protection of Felix the governor. 

The road lay first, for about three hours, northwards,* sone 
mountainous region which divides the valley of the Jordan frot 
About midnight they wot d 
Here, after a short halt, they quitted the northern re 
leads to Neapolis* and Damascus, once travelled by St. Paul under 
and turned towards the coast on th 
Presently they began to descend among the western eminence 
valleys of the mountain-country;* startling the shepherd on the b 
Ephraim, and rousing the village peasant, who woke only to our 


great western plain of Judza.’ 
Gophna.® 


different circumstances, — 


1 Ch. Ii. In the larger editions these roads 
are shown in a map. 

2 Pp. 50, 97, 370, 617. 

8 See Acts ix. 32. For geographical illus- 
tration, we may refer to the movements of 
Peter in reference to Lydda, Joppa, Czsarea, 
and Jerusalem (ix. 38, x. 23, 24, xi. 2), and 
also those of Philip in reference to Sebaste (*) 
in Samaria, Azotus, Gaza, and Cesarea (viii). 

* This part of the road has been mentioned 
before (p. 78) as one where Dr. Robinson fol- 
lowed the line of a Roman pavement. With 
the very full descption in his third volume, 
pp. 75-80, the map in the first volume should 
be compared. Mr. E. Smith mentions this 
part of the route briefly, B. S. pp. 478, 479. 

5 P. 78. 

6 “ We rode hastily to Bireh . . . reached 
Bireh in 2 h. 20 m.... 35 m. from Bireh, 
we came to ruins. Here we found we had 
mistaken our path. . . . 30 m. from hence we 
took the following bearings, &. . . . reached 
Jufna in 30 m.” B. S. 479. Compare the 
time in Dr. Robinson’s accouut. 

7 P. 78. 

* “We started [from Jufna] by the oldest 
road to Keir Saba. . . . In 20 m. reached Bir 
Zeit. In this distance. we found evident re- 












































a 


é 
‘ 


mains of the pavement of a Roman 1 
fording satisfactory proof that we I 
mistaken our route.” B. S.480. “TI 
of our way down the mountain was “ 
practicable, and, for the most part, a ve 
descent. It seemed formed by natur 
road; and we had not descended far 6 
point where our observations were 
fore we came again upon the 
ment. This we continued to find at i 
during the remainder of the day. — 
places, for a considerable dista 
nearly perfect; and then, again, it 
tirely broken up, or a turn in our p 
us lose sight of it. Yet we t 
half an hour at any time without 
tinct traces of it. I do not 
ing anywhere before so extensive rem 
a Roman road,” p. 482. “A few 
yond the village [Um Sufah], a 
road led off to the right, where, ace 
our guides, it furnishes a more directs 
Kefr Saba. But just at this point t 
road was fortunately seen following # 
on the left; and thus informed us ve 
tinctly that this was the direction 
take,” p. 483. 





ANTIPATRIS 





oppressor, as he heard the hoofs of the horses on the pavement, and the 
well-known tramp of the Roman soldiers. A second resting-place might 
perhaps be found at Thamna,'a city mentioned by Josephus in the Jewish 
wars, and possibly the “‘ Timnath Heres,” where Joshua? was buried “ in 
Mount Ephraim, in the border of his inheritance.” And then they 
proceeded, still descending over a rocky and thinly-cultivated tract,’ tll 
avout daybreak they came to the ridge of the last hill,* and overlooked 
“the great plain of Sharon coming quite up to its base on the west.” 

he road now turned northwards,° across the rich land of the plain 
of Sharon, through fields of wheat and barley,® just then almost ready 
for the harvest. ‘‘On the east were the mountains of Samaria, rising 
radually above each other, and bounding the plain in that direction: 
























1 One of the collateral results of Mr. Eli 
$mith’s journey is the identification of the 
ite of this city—not the Timnath of Josh. 
‘y. 10 — but a place mentioned in the follow- 
Pes passages of Josephus, Ant. xiv. 11, 2; 
War, iii. 3,5, iv. 8, 1: also 1 Mace. ix. 50. 
“he ruins are now called Tibneh. 
| 2 Josh. xix. 49, 50, xxiv. 30; Judg. ii. 8, 
Mr. E. Smith observed some remarkable 


The traveller was still 
ided by the same indications of the ancient 
“ Hastening on {from Tibneh], and pass- 
g occasionally portions of the Roman road, we 
ached in 40 m. the large town of Abud. 

'o the left of our road we passed aL se- 
| al excavations, marking this as an an- 
lent place. Our path led us fora considera- 
@ distance down a gentle but very rocky 
eseent, which was the beginning of a Wady. 
| hrough nearly the whole of it, we either rode 
|pon or by the side of the Roman road. At 
agth the Wady became broader, and with its 
elivities was chiefly occupied with fields of 
fain and other cultivation. . . . After clear- 
Wg the cultivation in the ein tied! we 
assed over a hilly tract, with little cultivation, 
id thinly sprinkled with shrubbery. ... In 
ir descent, which was not great, we thought 


| the left lay a line of low wooded hills, shutting it in from the 
sea.” Between this higher and lower range, but on the level ground, in 
2 place well watered and richly wooded, was the town of Antipatris. 
Both its history and situation are described to us by Josephus. 

meient Caphar-Saba, from which one of the Asmonean princes had dug 
trench and built a wall to Joppa, to protect the country from inva- 


The 


road. But it was nearly dark, and we may 
possibly have been mistaken.” 

* At this point is the village of Mejdel 
Yaba in the province of Nablous. “It stands 
on the top of a hill, with the valley of Belat on 
the south, a branch Wady running into it 
on the east, and the great plain of Sharon 
coming quite up to its base on the west,” p. 
488. Mr. E. Smith arrived there at eight in 
the evening, having ridden about thirty miles 
since the morning. The next day he says: 
“T was disappointed in not procuring so many 
bearings from Mejdel Yaba as I had hoped 
The rising sun shooting his rays down the 
side of the mountain prevented our seeing 
much in that direction,” p. 490. 

5 From Mejdel Yaba Mr. E. Smith did not 
take the direct route to Kefr Saba, “which 
would have led northward, probably in the 
direction of the Roman road,” but went more 
to the west, by Ras-el-Ain, and across the river 
Anjeh near its source, and then by Jiljulieh. 

§ «Tts soil is an inexhaustible black loam, 
and nearly the whole of it was now under 
cultivation, presenting a scene of fertility and 
rural beauty rarely equalled. Immense fields 
of wheat and barley, waving in the breeze, 
were advancing rapidly to maturity,” p. 491. 
This was on the 27th of April, almost the 
exact time of St. Paul’s journey. 


650 


sion,’ was afterwards rebuilt by Herod, and named in honor of his fa 
Antipater.’ It is described in one passage as being near the mountai 
and in another, as in the richest plain of his dominions, with abund 
In the narrative of tha Jewish war, Antip 
is mentioned as one of the scenes of Vespasian’s first military proc 
It afterwards disappears from history ;* but the ancient nam 
still familiarly used by the peasantry, and remains with the phys 
features of the neighborhood to identify the site.” 

The foot-soldiers proceeded no farther than Antipatris, but retur 
from thence to Jerusalem (xxiii. 32). They were no longer necess 


both of water and wood.! 


ings.® 


THE LIFE AND SPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. cH 


= 











secure St. Paul’s safety ; for no plot by the way was now to bed ap 


hended; but they might very probably be required in the fo 
It would be in the course of the afternoon that the remai 
soldiers with their weary horses entered the streets of Caesarea. - ‘ 
centurion who remained in command of them ® proceeded at once to 
governor, and gave up his prisoner; and at the same time presented 


Antonia.® 







despatch,” with which he was charged by the commandant of the gar 


at Jerusalem. 


We have no record of the personal appearance of Felix ; ‘ball f 
may yield to the impression naturally left by what we know of his se 
and ferocious character," we can imagine the countenance with whic 
“Claudius Lysias sends greeting t 
most Excellent Felix the governor. 
Jews, and on the point of being killed by them, when I came and 
him with my military guard: for I learnt that he was a Roman citi: 
And wishing to ascertain the charge which they had to allege against hi 


read the following despatch.” 


1 Joseph. Ant. xiii. 15, 1; War, i. 4, 7. 

2 Ant. xvi.5,2; War,i.21,9. * War,i.4,7. 

* Ant. xvi. 5,2; War, i. 21, 9. 

5 Hearing of the revolt of Vindex from 
Nero, “he moved his forces in spring from 
Cwxsarea towards Antipatris.” — War, iv. 8, 1. 

® It is mentioned by Jerome as a “small 
town half ruined.” It occurs in Jerusalem 
Itinerary between Cwsarea and Jerusalem; 
and the distances are given. 

7 The existence of a place called Kafar 
Saba in this part of the plain was known to 
Prokesch, and its identity with Antipatris 
was suggested by Raumer, Rob. Bib. Res. iii. 
+547. This identity may be considered now 
as proved beyond a doubt. For some remarks 
ou minor difficulties, see our note here in the 
larger editions. 

S It is explicitly stated that they came back 
to their quarters at Jerusalem. 

* One centurion would remain while the 


















This man was apprehended & 


others returned. Possibly he is the same 
who is mentioned xxiv. 23. 1 Acts xxii 

U See next chapter. 2 Acts xx 

18 “His Excellency the Governor.” 
is apparently an official title. Tertullus 
the same style, in addressing Felix, xxi 
and Paul himself, in addressing Festus, 
25. Hence we may suppose Theophilus | 
is thus addressed, Luke i. 3) to have be 
man holding official rank. 

1 In A. V. (through forgetfulness © 
definite article) this is unfortunately tran: 
“with an army.” 

15 This statement was dexteronsly ir 
by Claudias Lysias to save himself from 
grace. But it was false; for it is impossib 
to see “TI learnt” intends to convey 
pression that Paul’s Roman citizenship 
cause of the rescue, whereas this fact did 
come to his knowledge till afterwards. 
of the commentators have iustiv observed 


FELIX. , 651 
























him down’ to their Sanhedrin: and there I found that the charge had 
-eference to certain questions of their law, and that he was accused of no 

ence worthy of death or imprisonment. And now, having received infor- 
fine that a plot is about to be formed against the man’s life, I send? him 
thee forthwith, and I have told his accusers that they must bring their 
e before thee Farewell.” * 

Felix raised his eyes from the paper, and said, “ To what province does 
1e belong.?” It was the first question which a Roman governor would 
aturally ask in such a case. So Pilate had formerly paused, when he 
und he was likely to trespass on ‘“‘ Herod’s jurisdiction.” Besides the 
elicacy required by etiquette, the Roman law laid down strict rules for 
ll inter-provincial communications. In the present case there could be 
) great difficulty for the moment. A Roman citizen with certain vague 
harges brought against him was placed under the protection of a pro- 
acial governor, who was bound to keep him in safe custody till the 

se should be heard. Having therefore ascertained that Paul was a 
tive of the province of Cicilia,’ Felix simply ordered him to be kept in 
rod’s pretorium,” and said to Paul himself, “‘ I will hear and decide 
cause® when thy accusers are come.” Here, then, we leave the Apos- 
oratime. A relation of what befell him at Czsarea will be given in 
jnother chapter, to which an account of the political state of Palestine, 
nd a description of Herod’s city, will form a suitable introduction. 


is dexterous falsehood is an incidental proof balanced, we should decide in its favor; for it 
the genuineness of the document. is exactly the Latin “ Vale.” Such despatches 
1 “Took down.” Here we may repeat what from a subordinate to a commanding officer 
been said above concerning the topography would naturally be in Latin. See p. 2. 

Antonia and the Temple. 5 The word here is émapyia, vy. 34. It has 
: This is the natural English translation. already been observed (pp. 130, 181) that this 
BP ictters are expressed as from the writer’s is a general term for both the Emperor’s and 
int of view : those of the ancients were adapt- the Senate’s provinces, just as 7yeudv is a 







d te the position of the reader. general term for the government of either. 
3 “Before thee,” at the termination,emphatic. For the province of Cilicia, see p. 214. 
1“ Farewell. ”” The MSS. vary as to the gen- § Such is the meaning of the phrase, v. 35. 


ineness of this word. If the evidence isequally So in xxiv. 22. 




























































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































CHAPTER XXIL 


History of Judssa resumed. — Roman Governors. — Felix.— Troops quartered in E 





Description of Cxsarea.— St. Paul accused there. — Speech before Felix. — Conti 
prisonment. — Accession of Festus. — Appeal to the Emperor. — Speech before Agri 


E have pursued a long and varied narrative since we last t 

general view of the political history of Judwa. 

part of the Empire in the year 44 was briefly summed up in a previ 
It was then remarked that this year and the ye 

were the two only points which we can regard as fixed in the annals 

the earliest Church, and, therefore, the two best chronological 


chapter (Ch. IV.). 













The state of 


of the Apostolic history.1_ We have followed the life of the Apostle I 

through a space of fourteen years from the former of these dates; 
now we are rapidly approaching the second. Then we recountec 
miserable end of King Agrippa I. Now we are to speak of Agripps 







who, like his father, had the title of King, though his kingdom was 


identically the same.? 


The life of the second Agrippa ranges over the last period of né i 
Jewish history, and the first age of the Christian Church; and both 
life and that of his sisters Drusilla and Berenice are curiously conne 
by manifold links, with the general history of the times. 
saw the destruction of Jerusalem, and lived till the first century 
closed in the old age of St. John, —the last of a dynasty eminen 
Berenice concluded a life of profligacy | 


magnificence and intrigue. 


criminal connection with Titus, the conqueror of Jerusalem.* 


1 We assume that Festus succeeded Felix 
in the year 60. In support of this opinion we 
must refer to the note (C) upon the Chrono- 
logical Table, Appendix III. 

2 Agrippa II. was made king of Chalcis 
A.D. 48 —he received a further accession of 
territory A. D. 53, and died, at the age of 70, 
4. D. 99. He was intimate with Josephus, and 
was the last prince of the Herodian house. 


8 Titus seems to have been only prevented . 


from marrying this beautiful and profligate 

princess by the indignant feeling of the Ro- 

mans. See Dio Cass. lxvi. 15. The name of 
652 


















Berenice is so mixed up with the histo 
the times, and she is so often mentioned, 
by Josephus and by Roman writers, th 
desirable to put together here some of 
principal notices of her life and 
She was first married to her uncle, B 
of Chalcis; and after his death she lives 
her brother, Agrippa, not without suspicic 
the most criminal intimacy. (Joseph. Ant. 
7,3.) Compare Juvenal, vi. 155. 

It was during this period of her life tha 
made that marriage with Polemo, kinj 
Cilicia, which has been alluded to in the € 






he eruption of Vesuvius. 


ith that of his father. 


JUDAA, 


653 


pecame the wife of Felix, and perished with the child of that union in 


We have said that the kingdom of this Agrippa was not coincident 
He was never, in fact, King of Judea. 
epolnic during which Agrippa I. reigned at Cwsarea were only an 


The 


lation in the long series of Roman procurators who ruled Judza, 








irs at Cxsarea.! 


in subordination to the governors of Syria, from the death of Herod the 
eat to the final destruction of Jerusalem. In the year 44, the second 
Agrippa was only sixteen years old, and he was detained about the court 
of Claudius, while Cuspius Fadus was sent out to direct the provincial 

fi It was under the administration of Fadus that those 
eligious movements took place, which ended (as we have seen above, 


9. 635) in placing under the care of the Jews the sacred vestments kept 




























is providence.”’ 


Palestine, became more distinct. 


art of this work. (p. 28.). Soon she left 
olemo, and returned to her brother: and 
hen it was that St. Paul was brought before 
jnem at Czsarea. After this time, she became 

partisan of Vespasian. Tac. Hist. ii. 81. 
er connection with Vespasian’s son is men- 
oned by Suetonius and by Tacitus, as well as 
iy Dio Cassius. The one redeeming passage 
| her life is the patriotic feeling she displayed 








Alexandrian Jew, and the nephew of the celebrated Philo.? 
the life of this official in Judza, there are no incidents worth record- 
: at a later period we see him at the siege of Jerusalem in command 
Roman forces under Titus:* and the consequent inscriptions in his 
nor at Rome served to point the sarcasm of the Roman satirist.‘ 
er the arrival of Ventidius Cumanus to succeed him as governor ° in 
eyear 48, Herod king of Chalcis died, and Agrippa II. was placed on 
is throne, with the same privileges in reference to the Temple and its 
ship which had been possessed by his uncle. 
nent of Cumanus, the low and sullen murmurs which announced the 
spproaching eruption of the dark volcano, now gathering its strength in 
The people and the Roman soldiery 


nthe tower of Antonia, and which gave to Herod king of Chalcis the 
inagement of the Temple and its treasury, and the appointment of the 
priests. And in other respects the Jews had reason to remember 
§ administration with gratitude; for he put down the banditti which 
i been the pest of the country under Agrippa; and the slavish com- 


a. essed to him with truth, — that “ by fia the Jews enjoyed great 
quietness, and that very worthy deeds had been done to the nation by 
He was succeeded by Tiberius Alexander, a renegade 


In relation 


Soon 


“ During the govern- 


on the occasion alluded to, p. 625. (Ses 
Joseph. War, ii. 15, 16.) 
1 Joseph. Ant. xix. 9, xx. 5,1. War, ii. 


11, 6. 

2 Joseph. Ant. xx. 5, 2. 

3 War, v.1,6. Compare ii 18,7; and ty. 
10, 6. 

* Juv. i. 129. 


6 Ant. xx. 5,2. War, ii. 12, 1. 


654 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 




























began to display mutual animosity.” ! One indication of this animo 
has been alluded to before,’ — the dreadful loss of life in the Temple wi 
resulted from the wanton insolence of one of the soldiers in Anton’ : 
the time of a festival. Another was the excitement which ensued 
the burning of the Scriptures by the Roman troops at Beth-Horon, on 
road between Jerusalem and Cwsarea. An attack made by the Sam 
tans on some Jews who were proceeding through their country t 
festival led to wider results.’ Appeal was made to Quadratus, govel 
of Syria; and Cumanus was sent to Rome to answer for his condt ot 
the Emperor. In the end he was deposed, and Felix, the broth 
Pallas the freedman and favorite of Claudius, was (partly by the i 
ence of Jonathan the high priest) appointed to succeed him.‘ 

The mention of this governor, who was brought into such intim 
relations with St. Paul, demands that we should enter now more clo 
into details. The origin of Felix and the mode of his elevation 
prepare us to expect in him such a character as that which is conder 
into a few words by Tacitus,° — that, “in the practice of all kinds of ] 
and cruelty, he exercised the power of a king with the temper a 
slave.” The Jews had, indeed, to thank him for some good services 
their nation. He cleared various parts of the country from robbe 
and he pursued and drove away that Egyptian fanatic,’ with 
Claudius Lysias too hastily identified St. Paul. But the same histo 
from whom we derive this information gives us a terrible illustration 
his cruelty in the story of the murder of Jonathan, to whom Felix’ 
partly indebted for his own elevation. The high priest had presumes 
expostulate with the.governor on some of his practices, and assa 
were forthwith employed to murder him in the sanctuary of the Tem 
And as this crime illustrates one part of the sentence, in which Tae 
describes his character, so we may see the other parts of it justified 
elucidated in the narrative of St. Luke ;— that which speaks of him 
voluptuary, by his union with Drusilla, whom he had enticed from 
husband by aid of a magician, who is not unreasonably identified by 
with Simon Magus,'’—and that which speaks of his servile mear 


Felix, it has been supposed that he was 


‘a 


1 Milman’s Hist. of the Jews, ii. 208. 


' 


2 See the preceding chapter, p. 635. For 
Beth-Horon, see p. 647, n. 7. 


8 Ant. xx.6. War, ii. 12. 

* Josephus and Tacitus differ as to the cir- 
cumstances of his first coming into the East. 
According to one account, he was joint-pro- 
curator for a time with Cumanus, the latter 
holding Galilee, the former Samaria. From 
the circumstance of his being called Antonius 


mitted by Antonia, the mother of Clandiw 

5 Hist. v.9. See Ant. xii. 54. ; 

® War, ii. 18, 2. 

7 Ant. xx. 8,6. War, ii. 18, 5. 

® See the preceding chapter. 

® Ant. xx. 8,5. His treachery to Eleasat. 
the arch-robber, mentioned by Josephus in & 
same section, should not be unnoticed 

10 See p. 74, n. 8. 






THE ROMAN ARMY, 603 





7 his trembling without repentance at the preaching of Paul, and by 
tion of him in prison from the hope of a bribe. When he 
nally left the Apostle in bonds at Cesarea, this also (as we shail see) 
as dene from a mean desire to conciliate those who were about to 
him at Rome of mal-administration of the province. The final 
seach between him and the provincials seems to have arisen from 4 
aarrel at Czsarea between the Jewish and Heathen population, which 
so serious, that the troops were called out into the streets, and both 
aughter and plunder was the result. 
‘The mention of this circumstauce leads us to give some account of 
e troops quartered in Palestine, and of the general distribution of the 
ee army, without some notion of which no adequate idea can be 
stained of the Empire and the Provinces. Moreover, St. Paul is 
ht, about this part of his life, into such close relations with different 
of that military service, from which he draws some of his most 
ible imagery,! that our narrative would be incomplete without some > 
sount both of the Pretorian guards and the legionary soldiers. The 
sr force may be fitly described in connection with Cesarea, and we 
see that it is not out of place to allude here to the former also, 
ugh its natural association is with the city of Rome. 
‘That division between the armed and unarmed provinces, to which 
tention has been called before (pp. 129-131),? will serve to direct us to 
e principle on which the Roman legions were distributed. They were 
iefly posted in the outer provinces or along the frontier, the immediate 
ighborhood of the Mediterranean being completely subdued under the 
ray of Rome. The military force required in Gaul and Spain was much 
haller than it had been in the early days of Augustus. Even in Africa 
le frontier was easily maintained ; for the Romans do not seem to have 
n engaged there in that interminable war with native tribes which 
apies the French in Algeria. The greatest accumulation of legions 
on the northern and eastern boundaries of the Empire,— along the 
of the three frontier rivers, the Rhine, the Danube, and the 
uphrates ;* and, finally, three legions were stationed in Britain, and 
ree in Juda. We know the very names of these legions. Just as we 
fd memorials of the second, the ninth, and the twentieth in connection 

























! See especially Eph. vi. 10-18; also 1 Cor. 3 In the time of Augustus we find four 
r. 8; 1 Thess. v. 8; and 2 Tim. ii. 8, 4. legions in the neighborhood of the Euphrates, 
* We may add here, that the division of eight on the Rhine frontier, and six along the 
i pepvinces under the Emperors arose out of Danube (two in Mesia, two in Pannonia, and 
tearlier division under the Republic, when a two in Dalmatia). In that of Hadrian, the 
Pconsul with a large military force was sent force on each of these rivers was considerably 


‘some provinces, and a Propretor with a greater. 







:) 


os ey 


oof 





























656 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


with Chester! or York, so by the aid of historians or historic m onu 
we can trace the presence of the fifth, the tenth, and the fiftee: 
Cesarea, Ptolemais, or Jerusalem.? And here two principles mt 
borne in mind which regulated the stations of the legions. They di 
move from province to province, as our troops are taken in suce 
from one colony to another; but they remained on one station for: 
number of years. And they were recruited, for the most part, fro 
provinces where they were posted: for the time had long passed 
when every legionary soldier was an Italian and a freeborn 2 
citizen.? Thus Josephus tells us repeatedly that the troops quarter 
his native country were re-enforced from thence ;* not indeed fro 
Jews, — for they were exempt from the duty of serving, — but fre 
Greek and Syrian population. | 
But what were these legions? We must beware of comps ing 
too exactly with our own regiments of a few hundred men; 
ought rather to be called brigades, each consisting of more than 
infantry, with a regiment of cavalry attached. Here we see the ex 
tion of one part of the force sent down by Claudius Lysias to Anti 
Within the fortress of Antonia were stables for the horses of the tr 
as well as quarters for a cohort of infantry. But, moreover, every 7 
had attached to it a body of auxiliaries levied in the province, of ¢ 
equal number; and here, perhaps, we find the true account of tk 
“ spearmen,” who formed a part of St. Paul’s escort, with the 200 
ary soldiers. Thus we can form to ourselves some notion of those 
(amounting, perhaps, to 35,000 men), the presence of which } 
familiar a thing in Judea, that the mention of them appears in th 


\ Antiquarians acquainted with the monu- 
ments of Chester are familiar with the letters 
Lea. xx. vy. v. (Valens Victrix). 

2 In the History of Tacitus (v. 1) these three 
legions are expressly mentioned. Compare i. 
10, ii. 4. The same legions are mentioned by 
Josephus. See, for instance, War, v. 1, 6, ¥. 
2,3. We have also notices of them on Syrian 
coins and inscriptions. 

It should be noticed that the passages just 
addueed from Josephus and Tacitus refer to 
the time when the Jewish war was breaking 
out. Judea may have been garrisoned, not by 
iegions, but by detached cohorts, during the 
rule of Felix and Festus. 

8 At first under the Republic all Roman 
soldiers were Roman citizens. “‘ Butin propor- 
tion as the public freedom was lost in extent of 
conquest, war was gradually improved into an 
art and degraded into a trade,” The change 


began with Marius. The alauda of Cx 
formed of strangers: but these trooj 
wards received the Roman citizenship. ¥V 
distinction between the Preetorian and le; 
soldiers, all necessary connection be 
zenshi and military service ceased t 
In strict conformity with this state ol 
we find that Claudius Lysias was a ¢il 
purchase, not because he was a milit ry 

4 Ant. xiv. 15,10. War, i. 17, 1. 

5 Jos. Ant. xiv. 10, 11-19. - 

6 What is written here and in the pn 
chapter is based on the assumption # 
cohort under the command of Claudius 
was a legionary cohort. But it is by no 
certain that it was not an indepe x 
like those called “ Augustan” and “; 
It appears that such cohorts really co 
1,000 men each. * 

















THE ROMAN ABMY. 657 







A) 

emn passages of the Evangelic and Apostolic history, while a Jewish 
jan gives us one of the best accounts of their discipline and exer- 
co 2 

mt the legionary soldiers, with their cavalry and auxiliaries, were not 
only military force in the Empire, and, as it seems, not the only one 
udea itself. The great body of troops at Rome (as we shall see 
n we have followed St. Paul to the metropolis) were the Pretorian 































1 It must be borne in mind that some of 
Iidiers mentioned in the Gospels belonged 
zod’s military force: but since his troops 
disciplined on the Roman model, we need 
make this distinction. 
|? War, iii. 5. 
Under Augustus there were nine cohorts. 
r Tiberius they were raised to ten. The 
was not increased again till after St. 
time. 
i ha general rule would have excep- 
ys,—as in the case of our own Guards at 
terloo and Sebastopol. 
This is a question of some difficulty. 
9 Opinions held by various commentators 
i we mak, readily be dismissed. 1. This 
Augusta was not a partof any legio Au- 
2. ess not identical with the Sebastent 
ed from Sebaste in Samaria) men- 
by Josephus : for, in the first place, this 
troop of horse; and secondly, we should 
a different term to be used. 
Vieseler thinks this cohort was a special 
a by Nero under the name of 
stant. They were the clite ef the Pre- 


s, amounting at this period to «0,000 men.’ 
entirely recruited from Italy ; their pay was higher, and their time 
rice shorter; and, for the most part, they were not called out on 
ign service. Yet there is much weight in the opinion which regards 
Augustan Cohort of Acts xxvii. 1 as a part of this Imperial Guard.‘ 

ieibly it was identical* with the Jtalic Cohort of Acts x.1. It might 
el be that the same corps might be called “ Italic,” because its men 
exclusively Italians; and “ Augustan,” because they were properly 
;of the Emperer’s guard, though some of them might occasionally be 
shed to the person of a provincial governor. 
e Cornelius (x. 1) and Julius (xxvii. 1) are both Roman names, it 
Czsarea that each of these cohorts is said to have been stationed. 
ds the Augustan cohort, if the view above given is correct, one 
I ‘of it is singularly interesting ; for it seems that Julius the centu- 
m, who conducted the Apostle Paul to Rome, can be identified with a 


These favored forces 


And we observe that, 


torians, and accompanied Nero to Greece. 
The date of their enrolment constitutes a diffi- 
culty. But might not the cohort in question 
be some other detachment of the Pretorian 
Guards ? 

It appears from Joseph. War, iii. 4, 2, 
that five cohorts (independently of the le 
gions) were regularly stationed at Czsarea, and 
the Augustan cohort may very well have been 
one of them. But we are not by any means 
limited to those. Dean Alford remarks, very 
justly, that we must not assume, as too many 
commentators have done, that this cohort was 
resident at Czsarea. 

® See p. 26, n. 4, also p. 108, n. 3, (in the 
account of Cornelius,) where it is shown that 
this corps cannot have been a cohort of Nero’s 
Legio prima Italica. One objection to the 
view of Meyer, who identifies the two, is that 
Jud#a was not under procurators at the 
time of the conversion of Cornelius. But 
there is great obscurity about the early dates 
in the Acts. If the “ Augustan cohort” is 
identical with the Augustani of Nero, it is clear 
that the “Italic cohort” is not the same. 


% 
« Te 
‘A 





































658 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 
high degree of probability with Julius Priscus, who was afterwa 
fect of the Praetorian Guards under the Emperor Vitellius.’ 3 
This brief notice may suffice, concerning the troops quartered in 1 
tine, and especially at Czsarea. The city itself remains to be des 
Little now survives on the spot to aid us in the restoration of this 
some metropolis. On the wide area once occupied by its busy popu! 
there is silence, interrupted only by the monotonous washing of 1 
and no sign of human life, save the occasional encampment of E 3a 
Arabs, or the accident of a small coasting vessel anchoring off t 
The best of the ruins are ingulfed by the sand, or concealed byl 
croaching sea. The nearest road passes at some distance, so th: t 
paratively few travellers have visited Czsarea.? Its glory was short- 
Its decay has been complete, as its rise was arbitrary and vada 
in the reign of Augustus, describes at this part of the inhospitable eo: 
Palestine nothing but a landing-place, with a castle called Strato’s 1 
Less than eighty years afterwards we read in Tacitus and Pliny of 
here, which was in possession of honorable privileges, which wa 
“Head of Judea,” as Antioch was of Syria. Josephus explain i 
the change which took place in so short an interval, by des 
work which Herod the Great began and completed in swell 
Before building Antipatris in honor of his father (see p. 650), he b 
the shore between Dora and Joppa, where Strato’s castle stood, ne: 
boundary of Galilee and Samaria, a city of sumptuous palaces in | 
of Augustus Cesar. The city was provided with every thing that coul 
tribute to magnificence,‘ amusement, and health. But its g 
was its harbor, which provided for the ships which visited that dang 
coast a safe basin, equal in extent to the Pireus.’ Vast stones were 
in the sea to the depth of twenty fathoms,’ and thus a stupendous” 
water ® was formed, curving round so as to afford complete protectic 


1 The argument is given in full by Wieseler. (p. 119). Some traces of it are sa 

2 Thus Dr. Robinson was prevented from main. y, 
visiting or describing whatremains. The full- 6 The arrangement of the sewers is 
est account is perhaps that in Buckingham’s ularly mentioned by Josephus. The 
Travels (i. 197-215). See also Irby and Man- of the aqueducts are still visible. 
gles, and Lamartine. There is an excellent 7 This is the comparison of Joi 
deseription of the place, with illustrations, at | Antig. In the “War” he says it * 
the end of the first volume of Dr. Traill’s than the Pirzus. 


Josephus. We may refer now to the views in 8 Most of the stones were 50 feet | 

Van de Velde’s Pays d’Israél. feet broad, and 9 feet deep. Josep ‘ 
8 Antig. xv. 9,6. War, i. 21, 5-8. ever, is not quite consistent with h a 
* The buildings were of white stone. his statement of the dimensions. 


5 Tt contained both a theatre and an amphi- ® This breakwater has been ¢ 
theatre. The former possesses greatinterest for that of Plymouth: but it was more Bk 
ua, as being the scene of the death of Agrippa of Cherbourg, and the whole harbor 





- | 


» 


Se ee ae 


hy’ 





659 


CHXSAREA. 


the south-westerly winds,' and open only on the north. Such is an im- 
perfect description of that city, which in its rise and greatest eminence is 
exactly contemporaneous with the events of which we read in the Gospels 
and the Acts of the Apostles. It has, indeed, some connection with later 
history. Vespasian was here declared emperor, and he conferred on it the 
title of a colony, with the additional honor of being called by his own 
name. Here Eusebius? and Procopius were born, and thus it is linked 
with the recollections of Constantine and Justinian. After this time its 
annals are obscured, though the character of its remains— which have 
been aptly termed “ ruins of ruins” — show that it must have long been 
a city of note under the successive occupants of Palestine.* Its chief 
association, however, must always be with the age of which we are writing. 
Its two great features were its close connection with Rome and the empe- 
rors, and the large admixture of Heathen strangers in its population. 
Not only do we see here the residence of Roman procurators,‘ the quar- 
ters of imperial troops,* and the port by which Judea was entered from 
the west, but a Roman impress was ostentatiously given to every thing that 
belonged to Czsarea. The conspicuous object to those who approached 
bos the sea was a temple dedicated to Cesar and to Rome: § the harbor 
was called the “ Augustan harbor:’’’ the city itself was “ Augustan 
Casarea. ”8 And, finally, the foreign influence here was so great, that 
‘the Septuagint ei aan of the Scriptures was read in the Synagogues.* 
| was a standing quarrel between the Greeks and the Jews, as to 





be compared to the harbors of refuge 
w (1852) i in construction at Holyhead and 




















2 Josephus particularly says that the places 
on this part of the coast were “ bad for anchor- 

ze on account of the swell towards (i. e. 
from) the S. W.”—-a passage which deserves 
careful attention, as illustrating Acts xxvii. 
12. 

2 He was the first biblical geographer (as 
/Forbiger remarks in his account of Cssarea), 
and to him we owe the Onomasticon, translated 
byJerome. This place was also one of the 
seenes of Origen’s theological labors. 

® See the Appendix of Dr. Traill’s Jose- 
phus, vol. 1. xlix-lvi, where a very copious 
account is given of the existing state of Casa- 
tea, F's ruins are described as “remains from 
|which obtrude the costly materials of a sueces- 
sion of structures, and which furnish a sort 
of condensed commentary upon that series of 
historical evidence which we derive from 
.” Of late years they have been used as 


a quarry, furnishing shafts and ready-wrought 
blocks, &c., for public buildings at Acre and 
elsewhere. 

* We are inclined to think that the “‘ pre- 
torium” or “palace” of Herod (Acts xxiii. 
35) was a different building from the official 
residence of Felix and Festus. This seems to 
be implied in xxiv. 24 and xxv. 23. We shall 
have occasicn again to refer to the word 
mpatopiov, Ch. XX VI. 

5 See above on the Augustan cohort. 

§ This temple has been alluded to before, 
p- 107. Josephus says that in the temple were 
two statues, one of Rome and one of Cesar. 
Ant. In War, he says that the statues were 
colossal, that of Cssar equal in size to the 
Olympian Jupiter, and that of Rome to the 
Argive Juno. 

7 We find this term on coins of Agrippa I. 
One of them is given in our larger editions. 

® So it is called by Josephus. Ant. xv. l, 
51. 


% Lightfoot on Acts vi.1. See p. 34, n. 8 


A 


a: 




























660 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. oO 


whether it was a Greek city or a Jewish city. The Jews appealed to 
fact that it was built by a Jewish prince. The Greeks pointed to 
temples and statues.' This quarrel was never appeased till the great 
broke out, the first act of which was the slaughter of 20,000 Jews in 
streets of Czsarea.’ j 

Such was the city in which St. Paul was kept in detention among 
Roman soldiers, till the time should come for his trial before that 
scrupulous governor, whose character has been above described. q 
accusers were not long in arriving. The law required that causes sh 
be heard speedily ; and the Apostle’s enemies at Jerusalem were 
wanting in zeal. Thus, “after five days,” * the high priest Ananias 
certain members of the Sanhedrin‘ appeared, with one of those 
cates who practised in the law courts of the provinces, where the fe 
of Roman law were imperfectly known, and the Latin language iz 
fectly understood.’ The man whose professional services were engi 
on this occasion was called Tertullus. The name is Roman, and 
is little doubt that he was an Italian, and spoke on this occasio 
Latin. The criminal information was formally laid before the go 
or.’ The prisoner was summoned, and Tertullus brought forwe d 
charges against him in a set speech, which we need not quote at 
He began by loading Felix with unmerited praises,’ and then pro ce 
to allege three distinct heads of accusation against St. Paul, — char 
him, first with causing factious disturbances among all the Jews thre 
out the Empire (which was an offence against the Roman Govern 
and amounted to Majestas or treason against the Emperor), — secc 
with being a ringleader of “ the sect of the Nazarenes » 1 (which inve 


the law courts in every part of the 
See p. 2. q 


1 Ant. xx. 8,7. War, ii. 18, 7. 
2 War, ii. 18,1. See p. 665. 


8 It is most natural to reckon these five 
days from the time of St. Paul’s departure 
from Jerusalem. ¢ 

4 « With the Elders; ” by which we are to 
understand representatives or deputies from 
the Sanhedrin. 

5 The accuser and the accused could plead 
in person, as St. Paul did here: but advocati 
(jnropec) were often employed. It was a cora- 
mon practice for young Roman lawyers to go 
with consuls and preetors to the provinces, and 
to “ qualify themselves by this’ provincial prac- 
tice for the sharper struggles of the forum at 
home.” We have an instance in the case of 
Celius, who spent his youth in this way in 
Africa. Cie. pro Cel. 30. It must be remem- 
sered that atin was the proper language of 


6 See again p. 2, for remarks on 
and the peculiarly Latin character 6 
speech here given. q 

7 “They laid information before the” 
nor against Paul,” xxiv. 1. See xxv. ! 

8 « When he was summoned,” v. 2. 
presence of the accused was required I 
Romar law. 

® See above. It is worth while 
here one phrase which is exactly the 
providentid. It may be illustrated by 
scription : PROVID. AUG. on the coin ¢ 
modus in the titlepage of this edition. 

10 A mover of sedition among all th 
throughout the world. 

1 A ringleader of the sect of the Naz 
On the word for sect, see below, note, 9m 



















SPEECH BEFORE FELIX. 661 























resy against the law of Moses),— and thirdly with an attempt to 
fane the Temple at Jerusalem! (an offence not only against the 
fish, but also against the Roman Law, which protected the Jews in 
‘exercise of their worship). He concluded by asserting (with serious 
ations from the truth) that Lysias, the commandant of the garrison, 
forcibly taken the prisoner away, when the Jews were about to 
ige him by their own ecclesiastical law, and had thus improperly 
ght the matter before Felix.2 The drift of this representation was 
dently to persuade Felix to give up St. Paul to the Jewish courts, in 
ich case his assassination would have been easily accomplished.? And 
Jews who were present gave a vehement assent to the statements of 
' us, making no secret of their animosity against St. Paul, and 
asserting that these things were indeed so. 

he governor now made a gesture‘ to the prisoner to signify that he 
ght make his defence. The Jews were silent; and the Apostle, after 
iy expressing his satisfaction that he had to plead his cause before 
one so well acquainted with Jewish customs, refuted Tertullus step by 
He said that on his recent visit to Jerusalem at the festival (anc 
added that it was only “twelve days” since he had left Czsarea for 
[ purpose),” he had caused no disturbance in any part of Jerusalem, 
hat, as to heresy, he had never swerved from his belief in the Law 
(the Prophets, and that, in conformity with that belief, he held the 
ine of a resurrection, and sought to live conscientiously before the 
of his fathers,° — and as to the Temple, so far from profaning it, he 
een found in it deliberately observing the very strictest ceremonies. 
3 Jews of “ Asia,” he added, who had been his first accusers, ought to 


Authorized Version unfortunately renders 
we same Greek word, in one case by “sect,” 

he other “heresy,” and thus conceals the 
connection. As regards “‘ Nazarene,” 
is the only place where it occurs in this 
. In the mouth of Tertullus it was a 
reproach, as “ Christian ” below (xxvi. 














2 We have before observed that the Sanhe- 
s still allowed to exercise criminal 

on over ecclesiastical offenders. 

pare the two attempts, xxiii. 15 and 


@ scene in our imagination, if we re- 
that Felix was seated on the tribunal 
like Gallio (xviii. 12) and Festus (xxv. 


§ In reckoning these twelve days (vy. 11) it 
would be possible .o begin with the arrival 
in Jerusalem instead of the departure for 
Csesarea, — or we might exclude the days after 
the return to Cesarea. Wieseler’s arrange- 
ment of the time is as follows. Ist day: De 
parture from Czsarea. 2d: Arrival at Jeru- 
salem. 3d: Meeting of the Elders. 4th 
(Pentecost): Arrest in the Temple. 5th: Tri- 
al before the Sanhedrin. 6th (at night): De 
parture to Cesarea. 7th: Arrival. 12th (five 
days after): Ananias leaves Jerusalem. 13th: 
Ananias reaches Cesarea. Trial before Felix. 

® It has been well observed that the classi- 
cal phrase “our hereditary God” (vy. 14) was 
judiciously employed before Felix. “ The 
Apostle asserts that, according to the Romar 
law which allowed all men to worship the gods 
of their own nation, he 1s not open to any 
charge of irretigion.”. Humphre 


ozs 


iv. 
10 


14 


17 


662 


have been present as witnesses now. 


well that no other charge was brought home to him before the San 
drin, except what related to the belief that he held in common with ' 
But, without further introduction, we quote St. Luke’s st 


Pharisees. 
mary of his own words : — 


Knowing, as I do, that thou hast been judge over this nation \ 
for many years, I defend myself in the matters brought against ——_ 
11 me with greater confidence. For! it is in thy power to learn that o 
12 twelve days have passed since I went up to Jerusalem to worship: A 
neither in the temple, nor in the synagogues, nor in the streets, did t 
find me disputing with any man, or causing any disorderly concourse 
13 people; nor can they prove against me the things whereof they n 


accuse me. 


But this I acknowledge to thee, that I follow the opinion,’ mn 
which they call a sect,‘ and thus worship the God of my “® 
fathers. And I believe all things which are written in the Law 2 ad 
15 the Prophets; and I hold a hope towards God, which my accusers h 
selves ® entertain, that there will be a resurrection of the dead, 
46 the just and of the unjust. Wherefore* I myself also’ strive earn 
to keep a conscience always void of offence * towards God and man. 

Now after several® years I came” hither, to bring alms” to my nai 


1 The connection of this with the pre- 
ceding is that Felix, having so long gov- 
erned the province, would know that 
Paul had been resident there before, dur- 
ing several years; besides which he could 
easily ascertain the date of his recent 
arrival. 

This is a Pauline word found no- 
where else in N. T. except 2 Cor. xi. 28. 
The literal translation would be a mob. 

3 Way, i. e. a religious opinion or sect. 
(See chap. xxii. 4.) 

4Properly a sect or religious party; 
not used in a bad sense. See Acts v. 17 
and xy. 5, and especially xxvi. 5, where 
the same word is used. St. Paul means 
to say (or rather did say in the argu- 
ment of which St. Luke here gives the 
outline): “Our nation is divided into 
religious parties which are called sects; 
thus there is the sect of the Pharisees 
and the sect of the Sadducees, and so 
now we are called the sect of the Naza- 
renes. I do not deny that I belong to 
the latter sect; but I claim for it 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAOL. 

































Those who were present knew | 


the same toleration which is extended 
the Roman law to the others. I els 
the right which you allow to all 
nations under your government, of Ww 
shipping their national gods.” q 
>This shows that the Pharisees w 
the principal accusers of St. Paul; | 
that the effect produced upon them by 
speech before the Sanhedrin was ¢ 
momentary. ‘ 
® Compare 2 Cor. v. 9, where the si 
conclusion is derived from the : 
premises. 
7 The best MSS. have also. 
8 Literally, containing no cause 
stumbling. This also is a Pauline W 
occurring only 1 Cor. x. 32, and Ph 
10, in N. T. 
°* Several,” not so strong as “ 
2 T came into this country.” 
“This is the only mention of this 
lection in the Acts, and its oceurr 
here is a striking undesigned coineid! 
between the Acts and Epistles. 


CONTINUED IMPRISONMENT. 663 





and offerings to the Temple.! And they found me so doing in the 
‘Zample, after I had undergone purification; not gathering together a 
multitude, nor causing a tumult ; but certain Jews from Asia discovered 
me, who ought to have been here before thee to accuse me, if they had 
any thing to object against me. 
Heappesis to —_— Or let these my accusers themselves say whether they found 
| me guilty of any offence when I stood before the Sanhedrin ; 
except it be for these words only which I cried out as I stood in the 
midst of them: “ Concerning the resurrection of the dead, I am called 
in question before you this day.” 
? 

There was all the appearance of truthfulness in St. Paul’s words; and 
they harmonized entirely with the statement contained in the despatch 

‘Claudius Lysias. Moreover, Felix had resided so long in Casarea,? 

aere the Christian religion had been known for many years,’ and had 

etrated even among the troops,‘ that “he had a more accurate 
cmowledge of their religion” (v. 22) than to be easily deceived by the 
misrepresentations of the Jews.5 Thus a strong impression was made 
on the mind of this wicked man. But his was one of those characters 
which are easily affected by feelings, but always drawn away from right 
iction by the overpowering motive of self-interest. He could not make 
up his mind to acquit St. Paul. He deferred all inquiry into the case 
lor the present. ‘“ When Lysias comes down,” he said, “I will decide 
imally* between you.” Meanwhile he placed the Apostle under the 

















1 Offerings. We need not infer that St. 
brought offerings to the temple with him 
foreign parts; this in itself would have 
not unlikely, but it seems inconsistent 

jith St. James’s remarks (Acts xxi. 23, 24). 
present is only a condensation for “I 
to Jerusalem to bring alms to my nation, 

d I entered the traple to make offerings to 

temple.” 

2 Tf these events took place in the year 58 

D., he had been governor six years. 

8 See Acts viii. 40. 

|| * Acts x. Besides other means of infor- 

we must remember that Drusilla, his 
ent wife, was a Jewess. 

_* Such is the turn given to the words by 


of the centurion who had brought him to Czsarea,’ with directions 
it he should be treated with kindness and consideration. 
ent was indeed necessary, both to keep him in safety from the Jews, 


Close con- 


some of the best commentators. Or they may 
be taken to denote that he was too well in- 
formed concerning the Christian religion to re- 
quire any further information that might be 
elicited by the trial: it was only needful to 
wait for the coming of Lysias. 

§ This is more correct than the A. V. 

7 Not “a centurion,” asin A. V. A natu- 
ral inference from the use of the article is, that 
it was the same centurion who had brought St. 
Paul from Antipatris (see above), and Mr. 
Birks traces here an undersigned coincidence. 
But no stress can be laid on this view. The 
officer might be simply the centurion who was 
present and on duty at the time 


xxiv 


18 


19 


yx 


664 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 






































and because he was not yet acquitted; but orders were given tha 
should have every relaxation which could be permitted in such a ¢ 
and that any of his friends should be allowed to visit him, and to min 
to his comfort.’ P 

We read nothing, however, of Lysias coming to Casarea, or of 
further judicial proceedings. Some few days afterwards* Felix ¢ 
into the audience-chamber‘ with his wife Drusilla, and the prisoner 
summoned before them. Drusilla, “ being a Jewess” (v. 24), to 
lively interest in what Felix told her of Paul, and was curious to | 
something of this faith which had “ Christ” for its object.’ Thus | 
had an opportunity in his bonds of preaching the Gospel, and s D 
opportunity as he could hardly otherwise have obtained. His audi 
consisted of a Roman libertine and a profligate Jewish princess: an d 
so preached, as a faithful Apostle must needs have preached to such I 
ers. In speaking of Christ, he spoke of “ righteousness and tempera 
and judgment to come;” and while he was so discoursing, “*] 
trembled.” Yet still we hear of no decisive result. “ Go thy way or 
time: when I have a convenient season, I will send for thee,” — wai 
response of the conscience-stricken but impenitent sinner, — the resj 
which the Divine Word has received ever since, when listened to 
like spirit. 4 

We are explicitly informed why this governor shut his ears to Co 
tion, and even neglected his official duty, and kept his prisoner in 
suspense. ‘He hoped that he might receive from Paul a bribe fe 
liberation.” He was not the only governor of Judea against who 
similar accusation is brought :* and Felix, well knowing how the G 
tians aided one another in distress, and possibly having some inform 
of the funds with which St. Paul had recently been intrusted,? 
ignorant of those principles which make it impossible for a true Chri 
to tamper by bribes with the course of law, — might naturally suj 
that he had here a good prospect of enriching himself. “ Hen t 


1 See below. doubtless familiarly known at Cesarea. 
3 V. 23. 8 V. 24. a Jewish princess must necessarily hay 
4 We must understand that Felix and curious to hearsome account of what 
Drusilla came to some place convenient foran to be the fulfilment of Jewish pro 
audience, probably the Aall mentioned below Compare xxy. 22. ] 
(xxv. 23) where the Apostle spoke before Fes- 6 Albinus, who succeeded Festus, is § 
tus with Drusilla’s brother and sister, Agrippa = have released many prisoners, but thos 
and Berenice. from whom he received a bribe. Josep! 
5 Observe the force of being a Jewess. We xx. 8, 5. War, ii. 14, 1. r} 
should also notice the phrase by which the 7 This suggestion is made by Mr 
Gospel is here described, the faith in Christ or For the contributions which St. Panl 
‘he Messiah The name “Christian” was cently brought to Jerusalem, see abo 


CONTINUED IMPRISONMENT. 665 





































squently sent for Paul, and had many conversations! with him.” But 
shopes were unfulfilled. Paul, who was ever ready to claim the pro- 
‘ection of the law, would not seek to evade it by. dishonorable means: 
und the Christians, who knew how to pray for an Apostle in bonds (Acis 
<ii.), would not forget the duty of “ rendering unto Cesar the things 
hat are Cesar’s.”” Thus Paul remained in the Pretorium; and the 
spense continued “ two years.” 

Such a pause in a career of such activity,— such an arrest of the 
Apostle’s labors at so critical a time, —two years taken from the best 
rt of a life of such importance to the world,— would seem to us a 
nysterious dispensation of Providence, if we did not know that God has 
i inner work to accomplish in those who are the chosen instruments for 
ecting His greatest purposes. As Paul might need the repose of prep- 
ation in Arabia, before he entered on his career,’ so his prison at 
e@sarea might be consecrated to the calm meditation, the less inter- 
pted prayer, — which resulted in a deeper experience and knowledge 
wf the power of the Gospel. Nor need we assume that his active exer- 
fions for others were entirely suspended. ‘The care of all the churches” 
night still be resting on him: many messages, and even letters,‘ of 
vhich we know nothing, may have been sent from Cxsarea to brethren 
tadistance. And a plausible conjecture fixes this period and place fo 
he writing of St. Luke’s Gospel under the superintendence of the 
Apostle of the Gentiles. 

“All positive information, however, is denied us concerning the employ- 
nents of St. Paul while imprisoned at Caesarea. We are the more 
osed, therefore, to turn our thoughts to the consideration of the 
ture and outward circumstances of his confinement; and this inquiry 
indeed necessary for the due elucidation of the narrative. 

When an accusation was brought against a Roman citizen, the magis- 
ate, who had criminal jurisdiction in the case, appointed the time for 
earing the cause, and detained the accused in custody during the inter- 
al. He was not bound to fix any definite time for the trial, but might 
jefer it at his own arbitrary pleasure ; and he might also commit the 
‘isoner at his discretion to any of the several kinds of custody recognized 














| 1 We may contrast the verb here (v.26) of moral duty in the Heathen philosopher 
ith that for continuous address (v. 25),as we | with the clear and lofty perception of eternal 
|ave done before in the narrative of the night- _realities in the inspired Apostle. 

vice at Troas, xx. 9, 11. 3 See pp. 89, 90. 

2 Tt is allowable here to refer to the words * It is well known that some have thought 
1 which Socrates refused the aid of hisfriends, that the Ephesians, Colossians, and Philemon 
ho urged him to escape from prison: while | were written here. This question will be ces 
comparing the two cases we cannot but sidered hereafter. 

ontrast the vague though overpowering sense 


666 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 

























by the Roman law. These were as follows : — First, confinement in 
public jail (custodia publica), which was the most severe kind; 
common jails throughout the Empire being dungeons of the 
description, where the prisoners were kept in chains, or even bound 
positions of torture. Of this we have seen an example in the conf 
ment of Paul and Silas at Philippi. Secondly, free custody (cust 
libera), which was the mildest kind. Here the accused party was o 
mitted to the charge of a magistrate or senator, who became respon 
for his appearance on the day of trial; but this species of detention 
only employed in the case of men of high rank. Thirdly, milit 
custody (custodia militaris), which was introduced at the beginning of 
Imperial régime. In this last species of custody, the accused person 1 
given in charge to a soldier, who was responsible with his own life for 
safe keeping of his prisoner. This was further secured by chaining 
prisoner’s right hand to the soldier’s left. The soldiers of course reli 
one another in this duty. Their prisoner was usually kept in their 
racks, but sometimes allowed to reside in a private house under ft 
charge. } 

It was under this latter species of custody that St. Paul was 
placed by Felix, who “gave him in charge to the centurion, that 
should be kept in custody” (Acts xxiv. 23); but (as we have seen) 
added the direction, that he should be treated with such indulgence’ 
this kind of detention permitted. Josephus tells us that, when 
severity of Agrippa’s imprisonment at Rome was mitigated, his chain” 
relaxed at meal times.? This illustrates the nature of the alleviati 
which such confinement admitted ; and it is obvious that the centur 
might render it more or less galling, according to his inclination, or 
commands he had received. The most important alleviation of St. P: 
imprisonment consisted in the order, which Felix added, that his frie 
should be allowed free access to him. j 


1 Acts xxiv. 28. Meyer and De Wette 
have understood this as though St: Paul was 
committed to the custodia libera ; but we have 
seen that this kind of detention was only em- 
ployed in the case of men of rank, and moreover 
the mention of the centurion excludesit. But 
besides this, it is expressly stated (Acts xxiv. 
27) that Felix left Paul chained. The same 
Greek word (meaning relaxation) is applied to 
the mitigation of Agrippa’s imprisonment 
(Jos, Ant. xviii. 6, 10) on the accession of 
Caligula, although Agrippa was still left under 
eustodia militaris, and still bound with a chain. 
We shall have occasion to refer again to this 
relaxation of Agrippa’s imprisonment as illus- 


trating thatof St. Paul at Rome. There 
indeed, a lighter form of custodia mili 
sometimes employed, under the name 6 
servatio, when the soldier kept guard ovel 
prisoner, and accompanied him whereyeé 
went, but was not chained to him. To 
we might have supposed St. Paul subje 
both at Cmsarea and at Rome, were not! 
an hypothesis excluded as to Cesarea by 
xxiv. 27, xxvi. 29, and as to Rome by Ep! 
20, Phil. i. 13. Compare Acts xxviii. 16, 

2 Such seems the meaning of “ relaratio 
to eating” in the passage of Josephus, refé 
to in the preceding note. 











CONTINUED IMPRISONMENT 667 





| Meantime, the political state of Judea grew more embarrassing. The 
_asperation of the people under the mal-administration of Felix became 
nereasingly implacable ; and the crisis was rapidly approaching. It was 
uring the two years of St. Paul’s imprisonment that the disturbances, 
9 which allusion has been made before, took place in the streets of 
jasarea. ‘The troops, who were chiefly recruited in the province, frater 
ized with the Heathen population, while the Jews trusted chiefly to the 
wfluence of their wealth. In the end Felix was summoned to Rome, 
nud the Jews followed him with their accusations. Thus it was that he 
7aS anxious, even at his depar‘ure, “ to confer obligations upon them” 
y. 27), and one effort to diminish his unpopularity was “ to leave Paul 
1 bonds.” In so doing, he doubtless violated the law, and trifled with 
ae rights of a Roman citizen ; but the favor of the provincial Jews was 
nat which he needed ; and the Christians were weak in comparison with 
16m; nor were such delays in the administration of justice unprece- 
ented, either at Rome or in the provinces. Thus it was, that, as another 
vernor of Judza! opened the prisons that he might make himself popu- 
r, Felix, from the same motive, riveted the chains of an innocent man. 
he same enmity of the world against the Gospel, which set Barabbas 
ee, left Paul a prisoner. 

No change seems to have taken place in the outward circumstances of 
ie Ayostle when Festus came to take command of the province. He 
‘as still in confinement as before. But immediately on the accession of 
he new governor, the unsleeping hatred of the Jews made a fresh 
tempt upon his life; and the course of their proceedings presently 
janged the whole aspect of his case, and led to unexpected results. 
| When a Roman governor came to his province, — whether his character 
jas Coarse and cruel, like that of Felix, or reasonable and just, as that of 
estus seems to have been, — his first step would be to make himself 
iquainted with the habits and prevalent feelings of the people he was 
‘me to rule, and to visit such places as might seem to be more peculiar- 
‘associated with national interests. The Jews were the most remarka- 
i people in the whole extent of the Roman provinces; and no city was 
| any other people what Jerusalem was to the Jews. We are not sur- 
jised therefore to learn that “‘ three days” after his arrival at the political 
hatropolis, Festus “ went up to Jerusalem.” Here ue was immediately 
2t by an urgent request against St. Paul,? preferred by the chief priests 
























? Albinus. See above, p. 664. Josephus 2 See vy. 2and v.15. Weshould compare 
8 that, though he received bribes for open- St. Luke’s statement with the two accounts 
| the prisons, he wished by this act to make given by Festus himeelf to Agrippa, below. 
nself popular, when he found he was to be 

byerseded by Gessius Florus. 


concourse of the people, who came round him with no little veher 
They asked as a favor* (and they had good reas 

hope that the new governor‘ on his accession would not refuse it) 
he would allow St. Paul to be brought up to Jerusalem. The 
doubtless, was, that he should be tried again before the Sanhedrin. 
the real purpose was to assassinate him® on some part of the roa 
which he had been safely brought by the escort two years before. & 
ter and so enduring was their hatred against the apostate Pharisee. 
answer of Festus was dignified and just, and worthy of his office. 
that Paul was in custody® at Cesarea, and that he himself was 
to return thither (v. 4), adding that it was not the custom of the Re 
to give up an uncondemned person as a mere favor’ (y. 16). 
accused must have the accuser face to face,’ and full opportunity 
Those, therefore, who were compete 
undertake the task of accusers,’ should come down with him to Oz 
and there prefer the accusation (v. 5). 
Festus remained “ eight or ten days” inJ erusalem, and then re 
to Cesarea; and the accusers went down the same day.” No tim 
The very next day™ Festus took his seat + 
judicial tribunal,” with his assessors near him (y. 12), and ordered 
“The Jews who had come down 
salem” stood round, bringing various heavy accusations again 
(which, however, they could not establish), and clamorously as: 
We must not suppose that the ¢ 
now brought were different in substance from those urged by Ter 
The prosecutors were in fact the same now as then, namely, del 
from the Sanhedrin ; and the prisoner was still lying under the 


and clamor.? 


be given for a defence (ib.). 


lost after their arrival. 


to be brought before him. 


that he was worthy of death." 


1 Again we should compare v. 2 and v. 15. 
Thus the accusers were again representatives 
of the Sanhedrin. 

2 See the second account given by Festus 
himself to Agrippa, below, v. 24. ‘ All the 
multitude of the Jews dealt with me, both in 
Jerusalem and also here, crying that he ought 
aot to live any longer.” 

£ V.38. See v. 16. 

* Compare the conduct of Albinus and 
Agrippa L., alluded to before. 

5 V.8 

* The English version “should be kept” 
is rather too peremptory. Festus doubtless 
expresses this decision, but in the most con- 
siliating form. 

































T See above, v. 11. 
Pilate and Barabbas. 4 

® V. 16. Compare the following pi 
Acts xxiii. 30, xxiv. 19, xxv. 5. ; 

SV. Sona 

10 The course of the narrative sh 
they went immediately. This is 
in the phrase “ go down with me,” wh 
not necessarily imply that they went 
the same company with Festus. 

ll “The next day,” v. 6.; “ 
delay on the morrow,” v. 17. 

12 See again vv. 6, 17. 

14 See vy. 24, where the demand — 
death is said to have taken place both + 
salem and Cessarea. ‘ 


APPEAL TO THE EMPEROR. 664 




















ation, which had never been withdrawn.' We see from what is 
of Paul’s defence, that the charges were still classed under the same 
ee heads as before ; viz. Heresy, Sacrilege, and Treason.? But Festus 
aw very plainly that the offence was really connected with the religious 
pinions of the Jews, instead of relating, as he at first expected, to some 
litical movement (vv. 18,19); and he was soon convinced that St. 


proposal, and, conscious of the rights oe he possessed as a Roman 
itizen, he refused tc accede to it, and said boldly to Festus, — ri 


| I stand before Cesar’s tribunal, and thee ought my trial to be. To 10 
e Jews I have done no wrong, as thou knowest full well. If I am 11 
uil ty, and have done any thing worthy of death, I refuse not to die: 


ly proposed to transfer him to the jurisdiction of the Sanhedrin with 
own consent.’ He ended by availing himself of one of the most 
aportant privileges of Roman citizenship, the right of appeal. By the 
| ere pronunciation of these potent words, “1 appeal unto Cesar,” * he 
istantly removed his cause from the jurisdiction of the magistrate 
bfore whom he stood, and transferred it to the supreme tribunal of the 
imperor at Rome. 

To explain the full effect of this proceeding, we must observe that, in 
ie provinces of Rome, the supreme criminal jurisdiction (both under 
e Republic and the Empire) was exercised by the Governors, whether 


1 At this period, an accused person might £ V. 10. 5 “ Wilt thou,” &c 

|} Kept in prison indefinitely, by the delay of ® The expression here used (hueeltond te 
® accuser, or the procrastination of the ma- the Latin appellare) was the regular technical 
sitate. See our remarks on this subject, at phrase for lodging an appeal. The Roman 
¢ beginning of Ch. XXV. law did not require any written appeal to be 
4 i xxy. 8, (1) “the Law,” (2) “the lodged in the hands of the Court; pronuncia- 
‘emple,” (3) “ Cesar.” tion of the single word Appello was sufficient 
| ¢ LY. 9. Inv. 20 this is omitted. to suspend all further proceedings. 











670 


they were Proconsuls, Proprators, or (as in the case of Judea) P 
To this jurisdiction the provincials were subject without ap 
and it is needless to say that it was often exercised in the most ¢ 
But the Roman citizens in the provinces, though also 
be brought before the judgment-seat of the Governor, were prote 
from the abuse of his authority; for they had the right of stoppin, ng 
proceedings against them by appealing to the Tribunes, whose inter 
tion at once transferred the cognizance of the cause to the ord 
tribunals at Rome.’ This power was only one branch of that prero 
of intercession (as it was called) by which the Tribunes could sto; 
execution of the sevtences of all other magistrates. 
régime, the Emperor stood in the place of the Tribunes; Augustus 
his successors being invested with the Tribunician power, as the 1 
important of the many Republican offices which were concentrate 
Hence the Emperors constitutionally exercised the : 
of intercession, by which they might stop the proceedings of ix 
But they extended this prerogative much beyond the I 
which had confined it during the Republican epoch. They not 
arrested the execution of the sentences of other magistrates, but clai 
and exercised the right of reversing or altering them, and of re-hea 
In short, the Imperial tribunal was erected 
a supreme court of appeal from all inferior courts either in Rome 


rators. 


manner. 


their persons. 


authorities. 


the causes themselves. 


the provinces. 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 












Under the Im 


Such was the state of things when St. Paul appealed from Fest 


Ceesar. 


sibility of Paul’s appeal. 


1 We must not confound this right of Ap- 
pedlatio to the Tribunes with the right of 
appeal (Prevocatio) to the Comitia, which be- 
longed to every Roman citizen. This latter 
right was restricted, even in the Republican 
era, by the institution of the Questiones Per- 
pelue; because, the judices appointed for 
those Questiones being regarded as representa- 
tives of the Comitia, there was no appeal from 
their decisions. In the time of the Emperors, 
the Comitia themselves being soon diseon- 
tinued, this right of Provocatio could be no 
longer exercised. 

2 According to Dio, this was already the 


If the appeal was admissible, it at once suspended all 
proceedings on the part of Festus. 
in which the right of appeal was disallowed; a bandit ora pi 
example, taken in the fact, might be bondeamileld and executed 
Proconsul, notwithstanding his appeal to the Emperor. 
read that Festus took counsel with his Assessors,’ concerning the 
But no doubt could be entertained on 















There were, however, a few | 


Acco din oj 


case as early as the time of Augustus. | 
be doubted whether the Emperor a 
claimed the right of reversing the se 
pronounced by the judices of the Qua 
Perpetuz, which were exempt from th 
cessio of the Tribune. But this g 
less importance, because the system 7 
tiones Perpetuse was soon supersede 
the Empire, as we shall afterwards b 
opportunity of remarking. ; 
8 For a notice of such consiliarii in 
vince, see Sueton. 7%}. 38. Their a 
called assessura. Sueton. Galb, 14. 







HEROD AGRIPPA. 67} 


aead ; and he immediately pronounced the decision of the Court. “ Thou 
s ieded unto Cesar: to Cxsar thou shalt be sent.” 

hus the hearing of the cause, as far as Festus was concerned. had 
inated. There only remained for him the office of remitting to the 
e tribunal, before which it was to be carried, his official report* 


a its previous progress. He was bound to forward to Rome all the 
acts and documents bearing upon the trial, the depositions of the wit- 





on both sides, and the record of his own judgment on the case. 


. his further duty to keep the person of the accused in safe 





y, and to send him to Rome for trial at the earliest opportunity. 
, however, was still in some perplexity. Though the appeal 


ad ion allowed, yet the information elicited on the trial was so vague, 




















Jesus, or of the Apostle Paul.’ 


a sentence is not interrogative, as in 
ae but the words express a solemn de- 
 3i0 a of the Procurator and his Assessors. 

This report was termed Apostoli, or literee 


Some illustrations of peculiar interest 
m Josephus, as regards both the compli- 


Berenice in the matter, are pointed out by 


‘ntary character of this visit and the position” 


he hardly knew what statement to insert in his despatch to the 
r: and it seemed “a foolish thing to him to send a prisoner to 
me without at the same time specifying the charges against him” 
y. 27). It happened about this time that Herod Agrippa I., King of 
halcis, with his sister Berenice, came on a complimentary visit to the 
lew governor, and staid “‘some days” at Czsarea.* This prince had 
m familiarly acquainted from his youth with all that related to the 
wish law, and moreover was at this time (as we have seen) ‘ superin 
ent of the Temple, with the power of appointing the high priest. 
s took advantage of this opportunity of consulting one better in- 
ed than himself on the points in question. He recounted to Agrippa 
has been summarily related above ;* confessing his ignorance of 
wish theology, and alluding especially to Paul’s reiterated assertion ‘ 
cerning “‘ one Jesus who had died and was alive again.” This can- 
have been the first time that Agrippa had heard of the resurrection 
His curiosity was aroused, and he 
sed a wish to see the prisoner. Festus readily acceded to the 
quest, and fixed the next day for the interview. 
| At the time appointed, Agrippa and Berenice came with great pomp and 
play, and entered into the audience-chamber, with a suite of military 
s and the chief men of Cesarea;* and at the command of Festus, 
ul was brought before them. The proceedings were opened by a cere 


the lamented Prof. Blunt, in his Serapturai 


Coincidences, pp. 358-360. 

* See above, p. 653. 

6 Vy. 14-21. 

& The form of the verb implies this reitera 
tion. 

7 The tense (v. 22) might seem to imply 
that he had long wished to see St. Paul. 

5 Fer the audience-hall, see above We 


RVi. 


6 lived a Pharisee. 


10 


672 


monious speech from Festus himself, describing the circumstances u 
which the prisoner had been brought under his notice, and ending wi 
statement of his perplexity as to what he should write to “his Lor 
This being concluded, Agrippa said Seieecen tea 
Paul, that he was now permitted to speak for himself. And the 4 
“ stretching out the hand” which was chained to the soldier who gu 


the Emperor. 


him, spoke thus : — 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. | 


= a 













ert 4 


I think myself happy, King Agrippa, that I shall defend oon pli 
myself to-day, before thee, against all the charges of my Jew- Aetr 
3 ish accusers; especially because thou art expert in all Jewish cust 


and questions. 


among my own nation at Jerusalem, is known to all the Jews. a 
They know me of old‘ (1 say) from the beginning, and can 
testify (if they would) that, following the strictest sect of our relig 
And now I stand here to be judged, for the hope 
promise® made by God unto our fathers. Which promise is the 
whereto, in all their zealous worship,’ night. and day, our twelve t 
Yet this hope, 0 King Agrippa, is charged against ) 
What !® is it judged among you a thin 
credible that God should raise the dead ?* . 

Now I myself” determined, in my own mind, that I ought Beas 
exceedingly to oppose the name of Jesus the Nazarene. And Brit 


hope to come. 
a crime, and that by Jews.” 


may remark that the presence of several Chil- 
iarchs implies that the military force at Casa- 
rea was considerable. The five resident co- 
horts mentioned by Josephus have been noticed 
above, p. 657, n. 5. 1 Vy. 24-27. 

2 The title Zord applied here to the Em- 
peror should be noticed. Augustus and Tibe- 
rius declined a title which implied the relation 
of master and slave, but their successors sanc- 
tioned the use of it, and Julian tried in vain 
to break through the custom. 

8 The Greek particles here are rightly left 
untranslated in A. V. They form a conjunc- 
tion, denoting that the speaker is beginning a 
new subject, used where no conjunction would 
be expressed in English. 

* The tense is present. 

* The promise meant is that of the Mes- 
siah. Compare what St. Paul says in the 
speech at Antioch in Pisidia. Acts xii, 32. 
Compare also Rom. xv. 8 


Wherefore, I pray thee to hear me patiently. 
My®* life and conduct from my youth, as it was at first He 

































® This properly means to perform t 
ward rites of worship: see note on Rom. 

7 Here again the best MSS. read 
out the. 

8 The punctuation adopted is, a note 
terrogation after what. Compare the 
the same word by St. Paul in Rom. i 
9, vi. 15, Phil. i. 18. 

® This is an argumentum ad homine 
Jews, whose own Scriptures furnishe 
with cases where the dead had been rf 
for example by Elisha. The Autho 
sion is perfectly correct, notwithstané 
objections which have been made agi 
The Greek idiom of “if” with an ind 
cannot be better represented in Enghis 
by “that” with “* should.” 

. 1 The pronoun, from its ponitinn, 
emphatic. 


ci 


a 


SPEECH BEFORE AGRIPPA. 673 





his I did in Jerusalem, and many of the saints'I myself shut up in 
ison, having received from the chief priests authority so to do ;* and 
rhen they were condemned ° to death, I gave my vote against them. And 
h every synagogue I continually punished them, and endeavored‘ to com- 
el them to blaspheme ; and being exceedingly mad against them, I went 
ven to foreign cities to persecute them. 


is conver With this purpose I was on my road to Damascus, bearing 
ion ie 
omission. my authority and commission from the chief* priests, when I 


aw in the way, O King, at mid-day,® a light from heaven, above the 
rightness of the sun, shining round about me and those who journeyed 
vith me. And when we all were fallen to the earth, I heard a voice 


peaking to me, and saying in the Hebrew tongue, Saul, Saul, why perse- 
utest thou me? it is hard for thee to kick against the goad. And I said, 
Who art thou, Lord? And the Lord’ said, I am Jesus whom thou perse- 


utest. 


But rise and stand upon thy feet ; for to this end I have appeared 
thee, to ordain ® thee a minister and a witness both of those things which 


hast seen, and of those things wherein I shall appear unto thee. And 
have I chosen® from the house of Israel,” and from among the Gentiles ; 

















| 1 This speech should be carefully compared 
that in chap. xxii., with the view of ob- 
St. Paul’s judicious adaptation of his 
ts to his audience. Thus, here he 
the Christians ‘“‘ Saints,” which the Jews 
| the Temple would not have tolerated. See 
8 useful remarks on this subject by Mr. 
Hor. Ap. vii. viii. 
|? “ The authority,” — “this authority.” 
|| ® Literally, when they were being destroyed. 
Ve “ siving his vote,” see p. 72. 
* Imperfect. 
| 5 By Chief Priests here, and above, verse 
is meant (as in Luke xxii. 52, Acts v. 24) 
presidents of the 24 classes into which the 
ests were divided. These were er officio 
embers of the Sanhedrin. In the speech on 
stairs accordingly St. Paul states that he 
id received his commission to Damascus from 
high-priest and Sanhedrin (Acts xxii. 5). 


to whom now I send thee, to open their eyes, that they may turn™ from 
kness to light, and from the power of Satan unto God; that they may 
ve forgiveness of sins, and an inheritance among the sanctified, by faith in 


§ The circumstance of the light overpower- 
ing even the blaze of the mid-day sun is men- 
tioned before (Acts xxii. 6). 

7 All the best MSS. read “the Lord said.” 
This also agrees better with what follows, 
where St. Paul relates all which the Lord had 
revealed to him, both at the moment of his 
conversion, and, subsequently, by the voice of 
Ananias, and by the vision at Jerusalem. See 
Acts xxii. 12-21. 

5 We have here the very words of Ananias 
(Acts xxii. 14,15). The same very unusual 
word for “‘ ordain ” is used in both places. 

» “ Cheesing,” not “delivering” (A. V.). 

10 “ The people.’ See on the speech at 
Antioch, p. 158, note 2. 

ll Neuter, not active as in A. V. Compare, 
for the use of this word by St. Paul (to signify 
the conversion of the Gentiles), 1 Thess. i. & 
and Acts xiv. 15. Also below, verse 20. 


il 


12 


18 


14 


15 


1€ 


17 


674 


xxvI1. 
19 


20 


21 


23 


Whereupon, O King Agrippa, I was not disobedient to the His ex 
heavenly vision. But first! to those at Damascus and Jerusa- nous 
lem, and throughout all the land of Judza,? and also to the sewn 
Gentiles, I proclaimed the tidings, that they should repent and ti 
God, and do works worthy of their repentance. 

For these causes the Jews, when they caught me in the Tem 


endeavored to kill me. 


Therefore,’ through the succor which I have received from et his 
God, I stand firm unto this day, and bear my testimony both witht e 
to small and great ; but I declare nothing else than what the tures 
Prophets and Moses foretold, That‘ the Messiah should suffer, and 
He should be the first® to rise from the dead, and should be the mes 
ger ® of light to the house of Israel, and also to the Gentiles. 


Here Festus broke out into a loud exclamation,’ expressive of ridi 
To the cold man: of the world, as to the inquisitive 4 
nians, the doctrine of the resurrection was foolishness: and he § 
“ Paul, thou art mad: thy incessant study ° is turning thee to madné 
The Apostle had alluded in his speech to writings which had a m 
ous sound, to the prophets and to Moses® (vv. 22, 28) ; and it is res 
able to believe that in his imprisonment, such “ books and parchmentts. 
as he afterwards wrote for in his second letter to Timotheus,” were bre 
Thus Festus adopted the conclusion that he 
before him a mad enthusiast, whose head had been turned by poring 


and surprise. 


to him by his friends. 


1 This does not at all prove, as has some- 
times been supposed, that Saul did not preach 
in Arabia when he went there soon after his 
conversion ; see pp. 89, 90. 

2 How are we to reconcile this with St. 
Paul’s statement (Gal. i. 22) that he continued 
personally unknown to the churches of Judea 
for many years after his conversion? We 
must either suppose that, in the present pas- 
sage, he means to speak not in the order of 
time, but of all which he had done up to the 
present date; or else we may perhaps suppose 
that St. Luke did not think it neccessary to 
attend to a minute detail of this kind, relating 
to a period of St. Paul’s life with which he 
was himself not personally acquainted, in giv- 
ing the general outline of this speeeh. 

8 The conjunction here cannot mean “how- 
ever.”” 

4 The “if” in the original is equivalent to 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL, 


























our “that” (“if, as they assert”). 
note on Acts xxvi. 8 above. 

6 Compare Col. i. 18. Also 1 Cor.3 

® Something more than merely “Ss 
(A. V.). 

7 Observe the mention of the “ loud: 
coupled with the fact that Paul “was 
ing for himself.” Both expressions she 
he was suddenly interrupted in the 

5 The original has the definite article her 

® See again v. 27, where St. Paul app 
again to the prophets, the writings to wh 
had alluded before. 

10 2 Tim. iv. 13. These, we may Wel. 
lieve, would especially be the Old Te 
Scriptures, — perhaps Jewish comme 
on them, and possibly also the 
Heathen poets and philosophers. 





SPEECH BEFORE AGRIPPA. 675 


trange learning. The Apostle’s reply was courteous and self-possessed, 
ut intensely earnest. 


xxvi 
I am not mad, most noble Festus, but speak forth the words of truth 25 


nd soberness. For the king has knowledge of these matters ; and more- 26 


ver | speak to him with boldness ; because I am persuaded that none 
f these things is unknown to him, — for this has not been done in a 
orner. 


Then, turning to the Jewish voluptuary who sat beside the Governor, 
e made this solemn appeal to him : — 


King Agrippa, believest thou the prophets? I know that thou be- 
evest. 


‘The King’s reply was: “ Thou wilt soon’ persuade me to be a Chris- 
an.” The words were doubtless spoken ironically and in contempt: 
at Paul took them as though they had been spoken in earnest, and made 
1at noble answer, which expresses, as no other words ever expressed them, 
tat union of enthusiastic zeal with genuine courtesy, which is the true 
iaracteristic of ‘a Christian.” 


'I would to God, that whether soon or late, not only thou, but also all 
ho hear me to-day, were such as I am; excepting these chains. 














‘This concluded the interview. King Agrippa had no desire to hear 
ore ; and he rose from his seat,’ with the Governor and Berenice and 
lose who sat with them. As they retired, they discussed the case with 
fe another,? and agreed that Paul was guilty of nothing worthy of death 
r even imprisonment. Agrippa said positively to Festus, “‘ This man‘ 
rght have been set at liberty,’ if he had not appealed to the Emperor.” 
bt the appeal had been made. There was no retreat either for Festus or 
t Paul. On the new Governor’s part there was no wish to continue the 


The phrase here cannot mean “almost,” present tense, and that the title “ Christian” 
is in the Authorized Version. It might was one of contempt. See 1 Pet. iv. 16. 
im either “in few words” (Eph. iii. 3), or 2 V. 30. 
@ small measure,” or “in a small time.” 8 V. 381. 
}) latter meaning agrees best with the fol- * Again the expression is contemptuous. 
png, “in little or in much.” We might See the remarks on Acts xvi. 35 (p. 268). 
pier the passage thus: “‘ Thou thinkest to Caludius Lysias uses a similar expression in 
ve me a Christian with little persuasion.” his letter to Felix, xxiii. 27. 
«should observe that the verb is in the 5 Compare xxvii. 13. 






- 676 TH LIF AND EPISTLES OF 87. PAUL | 


precrastination of Felix; and nothing now remained but to rai 
:onvenient opportunity of sending his prisoner to Rome. 





Coin of Nero and Herod Agrippa Ii? 


-From the British Museum. Mr. a coin extant, bearing the head ¢ 
Akerman describes it thus: “This reverse EMIBAZIAEATPINMANE 
prince, notwithstanding the troubles within a laurel garland, confirm 
which now began to afilict his ill-fated account of Josephus (Ant. xx. 9, 
country, spent large sums in improving says Herod enlarged and called 
and beautifying Jerusalem, Berytus, and Neronias, in_honor of the 
Cexsarea Philippi. Of the latter there is Num. IU. p. 57. 





CHAPTER XXHL 


hips and Navigation of the Ancients.— Roman Commerce in the Mediterranean. — Cora- 
Trade between Alexandria and Puteoli.— Travellers by Sea.— St. Paul’s Voyage from 
Caesarea, by Sidon, to Myra. — From Myra, by Cnidus and Cape Salmone, to Fair Havens. — 
Phosnix.— The Storm.— Seamanship during the Gale.— St. Paul’s Vision. — Anchoring in 
the Night.—Shipwreck.— Proof that it took Place in Malta.— Winter in the Island. 
_— Objections considered. — Voyage, by Syracuse and Rhegium, to Puteoli. 















EFORE entering on the narrative of that voyage! which brought the 
Aposile Paul, through manifold and imminent dangers, from 
psarea to Rome, it will be convenient to make a few introductory 
marks concerning the ships and navigation of the ancients. By fixing 
early in the mind some of the principal facts relating to the form and 
ructure of Greek and Roman vessels, the manner in which these vessels 
ere worked, the prevalent lines of traffic in the Mediterranean, and the 
portunities afforded to travellers of reaching their destination by sea, 
we shall be better able to follow this voyage without distractions or 
¢planations, and with a clearer perception of each event as it occurred. 
With regard to the vessels and seamanship of the Greeks and Romans, 
any popular mistakes have prevailed, to which it is hardly necessary to 
jude, after the full illustration which the subject has now received.? 


2 The nautical difficulties of this narrative 
he been successfully explained by two inde- 
ident inquirers; and, so far as we are 
are, by no one else. A practical knowledge 
xeamanship was required for the elucida- 
“of the whole subject; and none of the 


subject (Longmans, 1848) has already obtained 
a European reputation. Besides other valua- 
ble aid, Mr. Smith has examined the sheets 
of this chapter, as they have passed through 
the press. We have also to express our ac- 
knowledgments for much kind assistance re- 


ry commentators seem to have looked 
it with the eye of a sailor. The first who 
pmined St. Paul’s voyage in a practical 
it was the late Admiral Sir Charles Pen- 
whose life has been lately published 
ay, 1851).. His MSS. have been kindly 
be in the hands of the writer of this chap- 
. 

/ 
















\. 
i 


fy 






pand they are frequently referred to in the 
os. A similar investigation was made sub- 
Fiently, but independently, and more mi- 
ly and elaborately, by James Smith, Esq., 
fordanhill, whose published work on the 


ceived from the late Admiral Moorsom and 
other naval officers. 

2 The reference here is to the Dissertation 
on “The Ships of the Ancients” in Mr. 
Smith’s work on the Voyage and Shiporeck of 
St. Paul, pp. 140-202. The treatise may be 
regarded as the standard work on the subject, 
not only in England, but in Europe, It has 
been translated into German by H. Thiersch, 
and it is adduced in Hermann’s well-known 
work on Greek Antiquities as the decisive au- 
thority on the difficult points connected with 

S77 


678 


We must not entertain the notion that all the commerce of the anei 
was conducted merely by means of small craft, which proceeded tim 
in the day-time, and only in the summer season, along the coast fi 
harbor to harbor, — and which were manned by mariners almost igno 
of the use of sails, and always trembling at the prospect of a storm. 
cannot, indeed, assert that the arts either of ship-building or naviga 
were matured in the Mediterranean so early as the first century of 
The Greeks and Romans were ignorant of the u 
the compass:! the instruments with which they took observations 1 
have been rude compared with our modern quadrants and sextants ; 
we have no reason to believe that their vessels were provided with nau 
charts ;* and thus, when “neither sun nor stars appeared,” and the 
gave indications of danger, they hesitated to try the open sea.‘ Bu t 
ancient sailor was well skilled in the changeable weather of the Ley 
and his very ignorance of the aids of modern science made him the 

observant of external phenomena, and more familiar with his 
He was not less prompt and practical than a modern seam 7 
the handling of his ship, when overtaken by stormy weather on a da 


Christian era. 


coasts.® 


ous coast. 


The ship of the Greek and Roman mariner was comparatively 1 
poth in its build and its rig. The hull was not laid down with the 
lines with which we are so familiar in the competing vessels of Eng 
and America,’ and the arrangement of the sails exhibited little of 


the study of ancient ship-building. It is 
hardly necessary to refer to any of the older 
works on the subject. A full catalogue is 
given in Mr. Smith’s Appendix. 

1 See Humboldt’s Kosmos, vol. ii., for the 
main facts relating to the history of the com- 
pass. 

2 We have no information of any nautical 
instruments at the time when we read of 
Ptolemy’s mural quadrant at Alexandria; nor 
is it likely that any more effectual means of 
taking exact observations at sea, than the sim- 
ple quadrant held in the hand, were in use be- 
fore the invention of the reflecting quadrants 
and sextants by Hooke and Hadley. The 
want of exact chronometers must also be borne 
in mind. 

8 The first nautical charts were perhaps 
those of Marinus of Tyre (A. D. 150), whom 
Forbiger regards as the founder of mathema- 
tical geography. See the life of Ptolemy in 
Dr. Smith’s Dictionary. 

* See Acts xxvii. 9~12, also xxviii. 11. 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 










“We are apt to consider the ancients as 
and unskilful sailors, afraid to venture 0 
sight of land, or to make long voyages 
winter. Ican see no evidence that th 
the case. The cause of their not 
voyages after the end of summer ai 
great measure, from the comparative ¢ 
of the sky during the winter, and no 
the gales which prevail at that season. — 
no means of directing their course, 
observing the heavenly bodies, they 
sarily prevented from putting to sea 
could not depend on their being 
Smith, p. 180. 

6 See again what is said below in 
to Acts xxvii. 12. 

6 “ As both ends were alike, if we st 
a full-built merchant-ship of the preset 
cut in two, and the stern half replaced 
exactly the same as that of the bow, 
have a pretty accurate notion of wha 
ships were.” —— Smith, p 141. 


BHIPS OF THK ANCIENTS, 679 





mmplicated distribution yet effective combination of mechanical jorces 
hich we admire in the Hast-Indiaman or modern frigate. With the 
ar-ships! of the ancients we need not here occupy ourselves or the 
sader: but two peculiarities in the structure of Greek and Roman mer- 
hantmen must be carefully noticed; for both of them are much con 
srned in the seamanship described in the narrative before us. 

The ships of the Greeks and Romans, like those of the early North 
ven,” were not steered by means of a single rudder, but by two paddle- 
udders, one on each quarter. Hence “ rudders” are mentioned in the 
lural* by St. Luke (Acts xxvii. 40) as by Heathen writers ; and the fact 
; made still more palpable by the representations of art, as in the coins 
f Imperial Rome or the tapestry of Bayeux: nor does the hinged-rud- 
er appear on any of the remains of antiquity till a late period in the 
fiddle Ages.* 

And as this mode of steering is common to the two sources, from which 
‘@ must trace our present art of ship-building, so also is the same mode 
f rigging characteristic of the ships both of the North Sea and the 
lediterranean.” We find in these ancient ships one large mast, with 
rong ropes rove through a block at the mast-head, and one large sail, 
stened to an enormous yard.* We shall see the importance of attend- 
g to this arrangement when we enter upon the incidents of St. Paul’s 
syage (xxvii. 17,19). One consequence was, that instead of the strain 
ing distributed over the hull, as in a modern ship, it was concentrated 
90n a smaller portion of it: and thus in ancient times there must have 
yen a greater tendency to leakage than at present;’ and we have the 
stimony of ancient writers to the fact, that a vast proportion of the ves- 
is lost were by foundering. Thus Virgil,’ whose descriptions of every 




























1 For a full description and explanation of 
mient triremes, &c., see Mr. Smith’s Dis- 


4 See Vorsaee on the Danes and Northmen 
England. He does not describe the struc- 
8 of their ships; but this peculiarity is evi- 
Ht in the drawing giver at p. 111, from the 
byeux tapestry. 

> “The fastenings of the rudders.” The 
# of ““rndders” being in the plural is lost 
; tof in the English version ; and the impres- 
h is conveyed of a single rudder, worked 
! iller-ropes, which, as we shall see, is quite 
}pneous. Compare the use of “guberna” 
Lucretius; and see Smith, p. 143, and Dr. 
bith’s Dictionary of Antiquities, under “ Gu- 
Naculum.” 

| Smith, p. 146. He traces the repyesenta- 
Bi of ancient rudders from Trajan’s column 







to the gold nobles of our king Edward III, 
and infers that “the change in the mode of 
steering must have taken place about the end 
of the thirteenth, or early in the fourteenth 
century.” 

5 See Vorsaee, as above, and the representa- 
tions of classical ships in Mr. Smith’s work. 

6 By this it is not meant that topsails were 
not used, or that there were never more masta 
than one. Topsails (suppara) are frequently al- 
luded to: and we shall have occasion hereafter 
to refer particularly to a second mast, besides 
the mainmast. See Mr. Smith’s Dissertation, 
p- 151, and the engraving there given from 
M. Jal’s Archéologie Navale. 

7 See Smith, p. 63. 

8 Laxis laterum compagibus omnes 
Accipiunt inimicum imbrem, rimisque fatiscunt 


680 


thing which relates to the sea are peculiarly exact, speaks of the shi 
the fleet of Aineas as lost in various ways, some on rocks, and sor 
quicksands, but “all with fastenings loosened;” and Josephus nm 
that the ship from which he so narrowly escaped foundered ! in “ A¢ 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. cH 








and that he and his companions saved themselves by swimming? ar 


the night, —an escape which found its parallel in the experience ¢ 
Apostle, who in one of those shipwrecks, of which no particular ni 
tion has been given to us, was “a night and a day in the deep” (2° 
xi. 25). The same danger was apprehended in the ship of Jonah, 
which “they cast forth the wares that were in the ship into the 5 
lighten it” (i. 5) ;.as well as in the ship of St. Paul, from which, | 
having “lightened” it the first day, they “cast out the tackling” or 
second day, and finally “‘ threw out the cargo of wheat into the 


(xxvii. 18, 19, 88). 


This leads us to notice what may be called a third peculiarity 0 
appointments of ancient ships, as compared with those of modern 1 
In consequence of the extreme danger to which they were exposed 
leaking, it was customary to take to sea, as part of their ordina 
“ undergirders”” (inotcpare), which were simply ropes for passing 1 
the hull of the ship, and thus preventing the planks from starting.* 
of the most remarkable proofs of the truth of this statement is to be! 
in the inscribed. marbles dug up within the last twenty years : 
Pireus, which give us an inventory of the Attic fleet in its flour 
period ;‘ as one of the most remarkable accounts of the applicat 


1 Life, c.3. Mr. Smith remarks here (p. 62) 
that, since Josephus and some of his compan- 
ions saved themselves by swimming, “the 
ship did not go down during the gale, but in 
consequence of the damage she received dur- 
ing its continuance.” For the meaning of the 
word ‘‘ Adria,” see below. 

2 Probably with the aid of floating spars, 
&c. See note on 2 Cor. xi. 25. 

3 This is what is called “‘ frapping” by sea- 
men in the English navy, who are always 
taught how to frap a ship. The only differ- 
ence is, that the practice is now resorted to 
much less frequently, and that modern ships 
are not supplied with “ undergirders ” specially 
prepared. The operation and its use are thus 
described in Falconer’s Marine Dictionary: 
“To frap a ship is to pass four or five turns of 
a large cable-laid rope round the hull or frame 
of a ship, to support her in a great sturm, or 
otherwise, when it is apprehended that she is 
not strong enough to resist the violent efforts 


































of the sea.” In most of the Europe: 
guages the nautical term is, like the Gr 
pressive of the nature of the ope 
ceintrer ; Ital. cingere ; Germ. umgiirten 
omgorden ; Norw. omgyrte; Portug. ci 
Spanish the word is torterar: a circu 
which possesses some etymological it 
since the word used by Isidore of Sey 
a rope used in this way is tormentum. | 
next note. 

4 The excavations were made in fl 
1834; and the inscriptions were publis 
1840, at Berlin, by A. Béckh. A comp 
count is given of every thing with 
Athenian ships were supplied, with th 
of each vessel, &c.; and we find that t 
carried ‘“undergirders,” which are” 
among the hanging gear, as opposed t 
was constructed of timber. In commen 
one passage having reference to 
which were on service in the Adrial 
which carried several “undergirders.” 


SHIPS OF THE ANCTENTS, 68: 





hese artificial “ helps” (xxvii 
raliye before us. 

If these differences between ancient ships and our own are borne in 
mind, the problems of early seamanship in the Mediterranean are nearly 
reduced to those with which the modern navigator has to deal in the same 
seas. The practical questions which remain to be asked are these, What 
were the dimensions of ancient ships? how near the wind could they 
sail? and, with a fair wind, at what rate? 

| As regards the first of these questions, there seems no reason why we 
should suppose the old trading-vessels of the Mediterranean to be much 
maller than ourown. We may rest this conclusion both on the character 
f the cargoes with which they were freighted,! and op the number of 


ii. 17) in a storm is to be found in the nar 












; ons we know them to have sometimes conveyed. ‘hough the great 
ship of Ptolemy Philadelphus’ may justly be regarded as built for osten- 
ation rather than for use, the Alexandrian vessel which forms the subject 
fone of Lucian’s dialogues,’ and is described as driven by stress of 
weather into the Pirzus, furnishes us with satisfactory data for the caleu- 
ation of the tonnage of ancient ships. 
ouls * were on board the ship in which St. Paul was wrecked (xxvii. 37) 
md the “Castor and Pollux” conveyed them, in addition to her own 


Two hundred and seventy-six 


ew, from Malta to Puteoli (xxviii. 11) ; while Josephus informs us°* that 












dy of the ship, but he strangely supposes 
‘at they were passed from stem to stern. 

j2) See below on the traffic between the 
ovit yinces and Rome. 

|? Described in Athenzus. 

® From the lszgth and breadth of this ship 
by Lucian, Mr. Smith infers that her 


+The ship must have been of considera- 
? burden, as we find there were no less than 
6 persons embarked on board her. To af- 

d fair accommodation for troops in a trans- 
it expressly fitted for the purpose, we should 


‘here were six hundred on board the ship from which he, with about 
jighty others, escaped. Such considerations lead us to suppose that the 


allow at the rate of a ton and a half to each 
man, and as the ship we are considering was 
not expressly fitted for passengers, we may 
conclude that her burden was fully, or at least 
nearly double, the number-of tons to the souls 
on board, or upwards of 500 tons.” — Penrose, 
MS. 

5 Life, c. 8. 

® As it is essential, for the purpose of eluci- 
dating the narrative, that this language should 
be clearly understood, a compass has been in- 
serted at p. 619, and some words of explane- 
tion are given, both here and below. h:3 will 
be readily excused by those who are familia: 
with nautical ~h-aseciogy. 


































682 THE LIFE AND KPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


how many points of the wind she would sail. That ancient vessels co 
not work to windward is one of the popular mistakes! which need not 
refuted. They doubtless took advantage of the Etesian winds,’ j 
the traders in the Eastern Archipelago sail with the monsoons: but 
who were accustomed to a seafaring life could not avoid discovering 
ship’s course can be made to assume a less angle than a right angle w 
the direction of the wind, or, in other words, that she can be made 
sail within less than eight points of the wind: * and Pliny distinctly sa 
that it is possible for a ship to sail on contrary tacks.‘ The limits 
this possibility depend upon the character of the vessel and the viole 
of the gale. We shall find, below, that the vessel in which St. Paul ¥ 
wrecked “ could not look at the wind,’ — for so the Greek word (xx 
15) may be literally translated in the language of English sailo. 5, 
though with a less violent gale an English ship, well managed, C0 
easily have kept her course. A modern merchantman, in mod 21 
weather, can sail within six points of the wind. In an ancient vessel _ 
yard could not be braced so sharp, and the hull was more clumsy ; 
it would not be safe to say that she could sail nearer the wind than wi 
seven points.° 

To turn now to the third question, the rate of sailing,—the ¥ 
nature of the rig, which was less adapted than our own for working 
windward, was peculiarly favorable to 4 quick run before the wind. } 
the China seas, during the monsoons, junks have been seen from the 
of a British vessel behind in the horizon in the morning, and before 
the horizon in the evening. Thus we read of passages accomplishe¢ 
old in the Mediterranean, which would do credit to a well-app oi 
modern ship. Pliny, who was himself a seaman, and in command ¢ 
fleet at the time of his death, might furnish us with several instan 
We might quote the story of the fresh fig, which Cato produced in 
senate at Rome, when he urged his countrymen to undertake the - 
Punie war, by impressing on them the imminent nearness of their ene 
“ This fruit,” he says, “ was gathered fresh at Carthage three days agi 
Other voyages, which he adduces, are such as these, — seven days fi 
Cadiz to Ostia, — seven days from the straits of Messina to Alexandria 


1 Yet we sometimes find the mistake when 8 See Smith, p. 178. 
we should hardly expect it.. Thus, Hemsen 4 “TJisdem ventis in contrarium © 
says, in reference to Acts xxvii. 7, that it is  prolatis pedibus.” — H. N. ii. 48. 
“doubtful whether the ancients were ac- 5 Smith, p. 178. 
quainted with the way of sailing against the 8 See above, p. 610, n. 8. 
wind.” 7 Plin. H. N. xv. 20. We may ob 


2 'The classical passages relating to these that the interval of time need not be regi 
«inds— the monsoons of the Levant—are as so much as three entire days. 
collected in Forbiger’s work on Ancient Geog- 
raphy, 


NAVIGATION OF THE ANCIENTS. 683 






ine days from Puteoli to Alexandria. These instances are quite in 
harmony with what we read in other authors. Thus Rhodes and Cape 
almone, at the eastern extremity of Crete, are reckoned by Diodorus 
and Strabo as four days from Alexandria: Plutarch tells us of a voyage 
within the day from Brundusium to Coreyra: Procopius describes Belisa- 
rius as sailing on one day with his fleet from Malta, and landing on the 
next day some leagues to the south of Carthage.! A thousand stades 
(or between 100 and 150 miles) is reckoned by the geographers a com- 
on distance to accomplish in the twenty-four hours.? And the conclu- 
sion to which we are brought is, that with a fair wind an ancient 
merchantman would easily sail at the rate of seven knots an hour,—a 
zonelusion in complete harmony both with what we have observed in a 
former voyage of Si. Paul (Ch. XX.), and with what will demand our 
ttention at the close of that voyage which brought him at length from 
Malta by Rhegium to Puteoli (Acts xxviii. 13). 
The remarks which have been made will convey to the reader a suffi- 
sient notion of the ships and navigation of the ancients. If to the above- 
tioned peculiarities of build-and rig we add the eye painted at the 
brow, the conventional ornaments at stem and stern, which are familiar 
So us in remaining works of art,? and the characteristic figures of 
eathen divinities,‘ we shall gain a sufficient idea of an ancient mer- 
chantman. And a glance at the chart of the Mediterranean will enable 
to realize in our imagination the nature of the voyages that were most 
Tequent in the ancient world. With the same view of elucidating the 
etails of our subject beforehand, we may now devote a short space to the 
revalent lines of traffic, and to the opportunities of travellers by sea, in 
e first century of the Christian era. 
Though the Romans had no natural love for the sea, and though a 
ercial life was never regarded by them as an honorable occupation, 
d thus both experience of practical seamanship and the business of 
he carrying-trade remained in a great measure with the Greeks, yet a 
ast development had been given to commerce by the consolidation of the 
man Empire. Piracy had been effectually put down before the close 
f the Republic.6 The annexation of Egypt drew towards Italy the rich 
e of the Indian seas. After the effectual reduction of Gaul and Spain, 












1 This is one of the passages which will be 
to hereafter, in considering the bounda- 
ies Of the sea called Adria (Acts xxvii. 27). 

2 Herodotus reckons a day and a night’s 
il in the summer time, and with a favorable 
ind, at 1,300 stadia, or 162 Roman miles. 

® For the y7viow%, a tall ornament at the 








wh 
| a 


stern or prow, in the form of the neck of a 
water-fowl, see Smith, p. 142, and the Dictipna- 
ry of Antiquities, under ‘“‘ Aplustre.” 

* “ Whose sign was Castor and Pollux,” 
Acts xxviii. 11. This might be abundantly 
illustrated from classical authors. 

5 Compare pp. 19, 20. 


rs c/* tL 


684 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 





















Roman soldiers and Roman slave-dealers! invaded the shores of Brita 
The trade of all the countries which surrounded the Mediterranean be 
to flow towards Rome. The great city herself was passive, for she } 
nothing to export. But the cravings of her luxury, and the necessit 
of her vast population, drew to one centre the converging lines of ab 
trafic from a wide extent of provinces. To leave out of view 
hardly concerns us here, the commerce by land from the North, some 
the principal directions of trade by sea may be briefly enumerated as_ 
lows. The harbors of Ostia and Puteoli were constantly full of sh 
from the West, which had brought wool and other articles from Cadi 
a circumstance which possesses some interest for us here, as illustrat 
the mode in which St. Paul might hope to accomplish his voyage to Sp 
(Rom. xv. 24). On the South was Sicily, often called the Store-he 
of Italy,— and Africa, which sent furniture-woods to Rome, and he 
cargoes of marble and granite. On the East, Asia Minor was the int 
mediate space through which the caravan-trade ‘ passed, conveying si 
and spices from beyond the Euphrates to the markets and wharves 
Ephesus. We might extend this enumeration by alluding to the fish 
of the Black Sea, and the wine-trade of the Archipelago. But enc 
has been said to give some notion of the commercial activity of wh 
Italy was the centre: and our particular attention here is required « 
to one branch of trade, one line of constant traffic across the waters 
the Mediterranean to Rome. 
Alexandria has been mentioned already as a city, which, next a 
Athens, exerted the strongest intellectual influence over the age in 
St. Paul’s appointed work was done ; and we have had occasion to nol 
some indirect connection between this city and the Apostle’s own labo 
But it was eminent commercially not less than intellectually. The 
phetic views of Alexander were at that time receiving an ampler ful 
ment than at any former period. The trade with the Indian seas, 
had been encouraged under the Ptolemies, received a vast impulse in | 
reign of Augustus: and under the reigns of his successors, the valley 
the Nile was the channel of an active transit trade in spices, dyes, jew 


* Bee the passage in Pitt’s speeches, re- of the mouth of the Tiber. See the 


ferred to in Milman’s Gibbon, i. p. 70. 

2 For example, the amber trade of the 
Baltic, and the importing of provisions and 
rough cloths from Cisalpine Gaul. 

8 We may refer here, in illustration, to the 
coin representing Ostia below, p. 743. It was 
about this time that the new harbor of Portus 
(a city not unconnected with ecclesiastical his- 
tory) was completed by Nero on the north side 


“ Ostia” in Dr. Smith’s Dict. of Geograph 

* There seem to have been two great I 
of inland trade through Asia Minor, one ® 
the southern shore of the Black Sea, thro 
the districts opened by the campaigns of I 
pey, and the other through the centre of 
country from Mazaca, on the Euph 
Ephesus. 

5 See pp. 8, 9, 33, 407. 







a FACILITIES OFFERED TO TRAVELLERS. 685 


and perfumes, which were brought by Arabian mariners from the far 
Hast, and poured into the markets of Italy.!. But Egypt was not only the 
medium of transit trade. She had her own manufactures of linen, 
paper, and glass, which she exported in large quantities. And one 
natural product of her soil has been a staple commodity from the time of 
Pharaoh to our own. We have only to think of the fertilizing inunda 
tions of the Nile, on the one hand, and, on the other, of the multitudes 
composing the free and slave population of Italy, in order to comprehend 
the activity and importance of the Alexandrian corn-trade. At a later 
period the Emperor Commodus established a company of merchants to 
convey the supplies from Egypt to Rome; and the commendations which 

e gave himself for this forethought may still be read in the inscription 
ound the ships represented on his coins.2. The harbor to which the 
tian corn-vessels were usually bound was Puteoli. At the close of 
is chapter we shall refer to some passages which give an animated pic- 
ure of the arrival of these ships. Meanwhile, it is well to have called 
mtion to this line of traffic between Alexandria and Puteoli; for in so 
oing we have described the means which Divine Providence employed 
or bringing the Apostle to Rome. 

The transition is easy from the commerce of the Mediterranean to the 
yrogress of travellers from point to point in that sea. If to this enume- 
tion of the main lines of traffic by sea we add all the ramifications of 
€ coasting-trade which depended on them, we have before us a full 
iew of the opportunities which travellers possessed of accomplishing 
\heir voyages. Just in this way we have lately seen St. Paul completing 
)he journey, on which his mind was set, from Philippi, by Miletus and 
Patara, to Cesarea (Ch. XX.). We read of no periodical packets for 
he conveyance of passengers sailing between the great towns of the 
flediterranean. Emperors themselves were usually compelled to take 
\dvantage of the same opportunities to which Jewish pilgrims and Chris- 
lian Apostles were limited. When Vespasian went to Rome, leaving 
itus to prosecute the siege of Jerusalem, “he went on board a mer- 
ant-ship, and sailed from Alexandria to Rhodes,” and thence pursued 
is way through Greece to the Adriatic, and finally went to Rome through 
y by land.* And when the Jewish war was ended, and when, sus- 
icions having arisen concerning the allegiance of Titus to Vespasian, the 
MN was anxiuus “to rejoin his father,’ he also left Alexandria‘ in a 
merchant-ship,” and “hastened to Italy,” touching at the very places 






















1 See the history of this trade in Dean Vin- 8 Joseph. War, vii. 2, }. 
|snt’s Commerce and Navigation of the Ancients. * Suet. Tit. c. 5. 

2 One of them is given (from Mr. Smith’s 

) on the titlepage. 


686 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. ORAP, 









at which St. Paul touched, first at Rhegium (xxviii. 13), and then 
Puteoli (Ib.). 

If such was the mode in which even royal personages travelled 
the provinces to the metropolis, we must of course conclude that th 
who travelled on the business of the state must often have been con 
to avail themselves of similar opportunities. The sending of 
prisoners to Rome from various parts of the Empire was an event 
frequent occurrence. Thus we are told by Josephus,’ that Felix, “ 
some slight offence, bound and sent to Rome several priests of his 
quaintance, honorable and good men, to answer for themselves to C 
Such groups must often have left Czwsarea and the other Eastern ports, ii 
merchant-vessels bound for the West; and such was the departure of St 
Paul, when the time at length came for that eventful journey, which hi 


been so long and earnestly cherished in his own wishes ;? so emphaticall 
foretold by divine revelation ;* and which was destined to involve s 
great consequences to the whole future of Christianity. 

The vessel in which he sailed, with certain other state prisoners, 
“a ship of Adramyttium” apparently engaged in the coasting-tradg 
and at that time (probably the end of summer or the beginning of 
tumn) * bound on her homeward voyage. 
at which she intended to touch, her course lay along the coast of t 
province of Asia. Adramyttium was itself a seaport in Mysia, whi¢ 
(as we have seen) was a subdivision of that province: and we hay 
already described it as situated in the deep gulf which recedes beyon 
the base of Mount Ida, over against the island of Lesbos, and as connec 
by good roads with Pergamus and Troas on the coast, and the vz 
marts in the interior of the peninsula.’ 


1 Joseph. Life, c. 3. 

2 Rom. xv. 28. 

8 Acts xix. 21; xxiii. 11. See xxvii. 24. 

* The words “ meaning to sail by the coasts 
of Asia” (v. 2) should rather be applied to 
the ship (‘‘ about to sail,” &c.). They seem to 
imply that she was about to touch at several 
places on her way to Adramyttium. Proba- 
bly she was a small coaster, similar to those 
of the modern Greeks in the same seas: and 
doubtless the Alexandrian corn-ship mentioned 
afterwards was much larger. 

5 This we infer, partly because it is reasona- 
ble to suppose that they expected to reach 
Italy before the winter, partly because of the 
delays which are expressly mentioned before 
the consultation at Fair Havens. See p. 696. 

" For the meaning of the word “‘ Asia” in 













Whatever might be the harbon 


-* 


Since St. Paul never reached th 


the New Testament, we need only refer agai 
to p. 205, &e. It is of the utmost consequent 
to bear this in mind. If the continent of As 
were intended, the passage would be almo 
unmeaning. Yet Falconer says (Diss. on & 
Paul’s Voyage, on the wind Euroclydon, and | 
Apostle’s shipwreck on the Island Melita, by 
Layman. Oxf. 1817), “ They who conduet 
the ship meant to sail on their return byt 
coasts of Asia; accordingly, the next day afte 
they set sail, they touched at Sidon,” p. 4 
Nor are we to suppose Asia Minor intended 
which seems to be the supposition even ol 
some of the most careful commentators. 

7 P, 240; and see p. 596. We need hardly 
allude to the error of Grotius, who suppose! 
Adrumetum, on the African coast, to be meant 
Mr. Lewin assumes that the intention of Julin 


: 

































= 
















ae 















MALTA 


MISSIONARY 

AND H{S VOYAOCE 

CASARESA TO PE UMOLI 
AND WIS 


PAMPH) 
Lye 





LLA 
























EM 
Mi 


“ane 
sar. XXU, CHSAREA. TO SIDON. 687 





Jace, no description of it is required.! It is only needful to observe that 
rhen the vessel reached the coast of “ Asia,” the travellers would be 
rought some considerable distance on their way to Rome; and there 
rould be a good prospect of finding some other westward-bound vessel, 
1 which they might complete their voyage, — more especially since the 
Wlexandrian corn-ships (as we shall see) often touched at the harbors in 
hat neighborhood. 

St. Paul’s two companions — besides the soldiers, with Julius their 
ommanding officer, the sailors, the other prisoners, and such occasional 
laengers as may have taken advantage of this opportunity of leaving 
‘esarea — were two Christians already familiar to us, Luke the Evan- 
elist, whose name, like that of Timotheus, is almost inseparable from 
he Apostle, and whom we may conclude to have been with him since his 
'rrival in Jerusalem,? — and “ Aristarchus the Macedonian, of Thessalo- 
iea,’ whose native country and native city have been separately men- 
ioned before (Acts xix. 29, xx. 4), and who seems, from the manner in 
‘hich he is spoken of in the Epistles written from Rome (Philem. 24, Col. 
7. 10), to have been, like St. Paul himself, a prisoner in the cause of the 
tospel. 

_ On the day after sailing from Cesarea the vessel put into Sidon (v.83). 
“his may be readily accounted for, by supposing that she touched there for 
ae purposes of trade, or to land some passengers. Or another hypothesis 
; equally allowable. Westerly and north-westerly winds prevail in the 
evant at the end of summer and the beginning of autumn;?’ and we 








from the journal written by Lord de San- 


Ly to proceed (like those who afterwards 
marez, on his return from Aboukir, in the 


jok Ignatius to his martyrdom) by the Via 


jgnatia through Macedonia ; but the narrative 
ves no indication of such a plan: and indeed 
‘¢ hypothesis is contradicted by the word in 
xvi. 1. 

|! Ashort notice of it is given by Sir. C. Fel- 
ws (A. M. p. 39). Mr. Weston, in his MS. 
ournal, describes it as a filthy town, of about 
500 houses, 150 of which are inhabited by 
reeks, and he saw no remains of antiquity. 
was a flourishing seaport in the time of the 
ngs of Pergamus; and Pliny mentions it as 
seat of a conventus juridicus. In Pococke’s 
avels (II. ii. 16), it is stated that there is 


















® See the quotation already given from 
rie’s Sailing Directions in this volume, p. 605, 
4. A similar statement will be found in 
tdy, p. 59. Me. Smith (pp. 22, 23, 27, 41) 
ves very copious illustrations of this point, 


months of August and September, 1798. He 
stood to the north towards Cyprus, and was 
compelled to run to the south of Crete. “The 
wind continues to the westward. I am sorry 
to find it almost as prevailing as the trade- 
winds (July 4).... We have just gained 
sight of Cyprus, nearly the track we followed 
six weeks ago; so invariably do the westerly 
winds prevail at this season (Aug. 19)... . We 
are still off the island of Rhodes, Our pres- 
ent route is to the northward of Candia 
(Aug. 28). . . . After contending three days 
against the adverse winds which are almost in- 
variably encountered here, and getting suffi- 
ciently to the northward to have weathered 
the small islands that lie more immediately 
between the Archipelago and Candia, the wind 
set in so strong from the westward, that I was 
compelled to desist from that passage, and ta 
bear up between Scarpanto and Saxo.” 
























688 THE LIFE AND KPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


find that it did actually blow from these quarters soon afterwards, ix 
course of St. Paul’s voyage. Such a wind would be sufficiently fais 
passage to Sidon: and the seamen might proceed to that port in the 
of the weather becoming more favorable, and he detained there by 
wind continuing in the same quarter.! The passage from Owsare 
Sidon is sixty-seven miles, a distance easily accomplished, under fa 
dle circumstances, in less than twenty-four hours. In the course of 
night they would pass by Ptolemais and Tyre, where St. Paul had yi 
the Christians two years before.” Sidon is the last city on the Pheer 
shore in which the Apostle’s presence can be traced. It is a city as 
ated, from the earliest times, with patriarchal and Jewish history. 
limit of “ the border of the Canaanites”’ in the description of the’ 
pling of the earth after the Flood (Gen. x. 19), —“ the haven of the 
the haven of ships,” in the dim vision of the dying Patriarch (Ib. 
13),— the “great Sidon” of the wars of Joshua (Josh. xi. a -- 
city that never was conquered by the Israelites (Judg. i. 31),— 
of the merchants that “ passed over the sea” (Isa. xxiii. Se hi 
was linked with ali the annals of the Hebrew race. Nor is it less 
iarly known in the records of Heathen antiquity. Its name is celeb 
both in the Iliad and the Odyssey, and Herodotus says that its s 
were the most expert of all the Phoenicians. Its strong and mi 
fortifications were pulled down, when this coast fell under the sw: 
the Persians; but its harbor remained uninjured till a far later p 
The Prince of the Druses, with whose strange and brilliant career its 
recent history is most closely connected, threw masses of stone and 
into the port, in order to protect himself from the Turks: *—and h 
are now standing on the spot where the ships of King Louis anchor 
the last Crusade,‘ and which was crowded with merchandise in that 
when the geographer of the Roman Empire spoke of Sidon as 
harbor of Pheenicia.® 

Nor is the history of Sidon without a close connection with those | 
in which Christianity was founded. Not only did its inhabitants, 
those of Tyre, follow the footsteps of Jesus, to hear His words, ar 
be healed of their diseases (Luke vi. 17), but the Son of David Hin 
visited those coasts, and there rewarded the importunate faith of a 
tile suppliant (Matt. xv., Mark vii.) ; and soon the prophecy which 


1 “They probably stopped at Sidon for the 5 A compendious account of Fak 
purposes of trade.” — Smith, p. 23. “It may be found in the Modern Traveller. 
be concluded that they put in because of con- * For the history of Sidon during t 
trary winds.” — Penrose MS. dle Ages, see Dr. Robinson’s third ye 

2 See what has been said above on these © Strabo, xvi. 
two cities, Ch. XX. p. 6138, &c. 


SIDON TO MYRA. 683 





as it were, involved in this miracle, was fulfilled by the preaching of 
Evangelists and Apostles. Those who had been converted during the 
dispersion which followed the martyrdom of Stephen were presently 
visited by Barnabas and Saul (Acts xi.). Again, Paul with Barnabas 
passed through these cities on their return from the first victorious jour- 
ney among the Gentiles (Ib. xv. 3). Nor were these the only journeys 
which the Apostle had taken through Phoenicia ;! so that he well knew, 
on his arrival from Czsarea, that Christian brethren were to be found in 
Sidon. He, doubtless, told Julius that he had “ friends” there, whom he 
wished to visit, and, either from special commands which had been given 
by Festus in favor of St. Paul, or through an influence which the Apostle 
had already gained over the centurion’s mind, the desired permission was 
sranted. If we bear in our remembrance that St. Paul’s health was 
aturally delicate, and that he must have suffered much during his long 
detention at Czsarea,a new interest is given to the touching incident, with 
which the narrative of this voyage opens, that the Roman officer treated 
this one prisoner “courteously, and gave him liberty to go unto his friends 
9 refresh himself.”’ We have already considered the military position of 
this centurion, and seen that there are good grounds for identifying him 
With an officer mentioned by a Heathen historian.’ It gives an additional 
leasure to such investigations, when we can record our grateful recollec- 
jion of kindness shown by him to that Apostle, from whom we have 
teceived our chief knowledge of the Gospel. 
| On going to sea from Sidon, the wind was unfavorable. Hence, what- 
wer the weather had been before, it certainly blew from the westward 
how. ‘The direct course from Sidon to the “ coasts of Asia” would have 
yeen to the southward of Cyprus, across the sea over which the Apostle 
ad sailed so prosperously two years before.2 Thus when St. Luke says 
lhat “ they sailed under the lee* of Cyprus, because the winds were con- 
rary,” he means that they sailed to the north-east and north of the island. 
there were any doubt concerning his meaning, it would be made clear 
iy what is said afterwards, that they “ sailed through® the sea which is over 














s 
this 
PD 

i 







|| * See the preceding chapter. 
8 See Ch. XX. 

| * This is the strict meaning of the term. 
9 it is used below, v. 7, and the sense is the 
me) y.16. It is a confusion of geographical 
ea8 tO suppose that a south shore is neces- 
ily meant Falconer, who imagines the 
ath coast of Cyprus to be intended, was mis- 
44, 


led by his view of the meaning of the word 
“Asia.” They sailed, in fact, so that the 
wind blew from the island towards the ship. 
The idea of sailing near the coast is no doubt 
included : but the two things sre distinct. 

5 Through or across. The meaning is simi- 
lar in y. 27. We should observe the order in 
which the following words occur. Cilicia ix 
mentioned first. 


690 


times. 


vessel.? 


which rise above his native city, 


1 “ Fyrom Syria to the Archipelago there is 
a constant current to the westward, slightly 
felt at sea, but very perceptible near the shore, 
along this part of which {Lycia] it runs with 
considerable but irregular velocity: between 
Adratchan Cape and the small adjacent island 
we found it one day almost three miles an 
hour. ... The great body of water, as it 
moves to the westward, is mtercepted by the 
western coast of the Gulf of Adalia; thus 
pent up and accumulated, it rushes with aug- 
mented violence towards Cape Khelidonia, 
where, diffusing itself in the open sea, it again 
becomes equalized.” Beaufort’s Karamania, 
p. 41. See pp. 127,606. [Of two persons 
engaged in the merchant-service, one says 
that he has often “ tricked other fruit-vessels ” 
in sailing westward, by standing to the north 
to get this current, while they took the mid- 
channel course; the other, that the current is 
sometimes so strong between Cyprus and the 
main, that he has known “ a steamer jammed ” 
there, in going to the East.] 

’ It is said in the Sailing Directory (p. 243), 
‘hat “at night the great northern valley con- 
eects the land-wind from the cold mountains 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


By standing to the north, the vessel would fall in with the ¢ 
rent which sets in a north-westerly direction past the eastern extrem 
of Cyprus, and then westerly along the southern coast of Asia Minor, 
it is lost at the opening of the Archipelago.’ 
land was neared, the wind would draw off the shore, and the water wou 
be smoother ; and both these advantages would aid the progress of t 
Hence she would easily work to windward,’ under the 
tains of Cilicia, and through the bay of Pamphylia,—to Lycia, whi 
was the first district in the provinee of Asia.‘ 
tle once more across the sea over which he had first sailed with Bz 
from Antioch to Salamis, — and within sight of the summits of Tau 
—and close by Perga and Attaleis 
till he came to a Lycian harbor not far from Patara, the last point 
which he had touched on his return from the third missionary journey 

The Lycian harbor, in which the Adramyttian ship came to ancho 
this occasion, after her voyage from Sidon, was Myra, a city which © 
been fully illustrated by some of tbase travellers, whose researches ha 
within these few years, for the first time provided materials for a deta 
geographical commentary on the Acts of the Apostles.® 
was at the opening of a long and wonderful gorge, which conduct 
traveller from the interior of the mountain-region of Lycia to the | 






































And besides this, as t 


Thus we follow the Ar 


Its situa 


of the interior to the sea;” and again (p.$ 
that “Capt. Beaufort, on rounding Cape 
lidonia, found the land-breezes, whicl 
generally been from the west, or sout 
coming down the gulf of Adalia 
northward.” 

8 The vessel would [probably] have to 
up to Myra. This is indicated in the 
The wind is assumed to be N. W.: an 
alternate courses marked are about N. 
on the larboard tack, and W.S. W.: 
starboard tack. 

* Lycia was once virtually a part of 
province of Asia (p. 207); but shortly h 
the time of St. Paul’s voyage to B 
seems to have been united under one 
tion with Pamphylia (p. 209). The 
when it was a separate province, with 1 
for its metropolis, was much later. / 

5 The two best accounts of Myra ¥ 
found in Fellows’s Asia Minor, PP: 194, & 
and Spratt and Forbes’s Lycia, vol. i. eh. iii. 

® This gorge is described in s 2 
guage, both by Sir C. Fellows and by § 
and Forbes. 


MYRA TO CNIDUS. 69% 





wide space of plain intervened between the city and the port. Sirabe 
ys that the distance was twenty stadia, or more than two miles.’ If we 
raw a natural inference from the magnitude of the theatre,’ which 
smains at the base of the clifs, and the traces of ruins to some distance 
sross the plain, we should conclude that Myra once held a considerable 
opulation: while the Lycian tombs, still conspicuous in the rocks, seem 
» connect it with a remote period of Asiatic history.* We trace it, on 
ae other hand, in a later though hardly less obscure period of history: 
in the Middle Ages it was called the port of the Adriatic, and was 
isited by Anglo-Saxon travellers.‘ This was the period when St. Nicho- 
is, the saint of the modern Greek sailors, — born at Patara, and buried 
| Myra, —had usurped the honor which those two cities might more 
aturally have given to the Apostle who anchored in their harbors. In 
ue seclusion of the deep gorge of Dembra is a magnificent Byzantine 
vurch,*-— probably the cathedral of the diocese, when Myra was the 
selesiastical and political metropolis of Lycia.’ Another building, hard- 
less conspicuous, is 2 granary erected by Trajan near the mouth of the 
river Andraki. This is the ancient Andriace, which Pliny mentions 
the port of Myra, and which is described to us by Appian, in his nar- 
stive of the Civil Wars of Rome, as closed and protected by a chain.* 
| Andriace, the port of Myra, was one of the many excellent harbors 
hich abound in the south-western part of Asia Minor. From this cir- 
stance, and from the fact that the coast is high, and visible to a great 
stance, — in addition to the local advantages which we have mentioned 
ve, the westerly current, and the offshore wind, — it was common for 
rips bound from Egypt to the westward to be found in this neighborhood 







i. 
2 Mr. Cockerell remarks that we may infer 
ething in reference to the population of an 









or, and also in Texier’s Asie Mineure- 

3 It is well known that there is much differ- 
He Of opinion concerning the history of 
ia om and the date of the existing 


Early Travels in Palestine, quoted by Mr. 
+ in, vol. ii. p. 716. It is erroneously said 
re that Myra was at that time the metropolis 
i ycia, on the authority of the Synecdemus, 

h belongs to a period much later. The 
i Andriaki is also incorrectly identified 
1 the Limyrus. 
|| The relics of St. Nicholas were taken to 


St. Petersburg by a Russian frigate during the 
Greek revolution, and a gaudy picture sent in- 
stead. Sp. &F. Compare Fellows. 

® See the description of this grand and 
solitary building, and the vignette, in Spratt 
and Forbes. They remark that ‘as Myra was 
the capital of the bishopric of Lycia for many 
centuries afterwards, and as there are no re- 
mains at Myra itself indicating the existence 
of a cathedral, we probably behold in this ruin 
the head-church of the diocese, planted here 
from motives of seclusion and security.” —Vol. 
i. p. 107. 

7 Hierocl. Synecd. See Wesseling’s noie, p. 
684. 

§ The inscription on the granary is given 
by Beaufort. 

® See above p. 608, n. 7. 


692 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 




























when the winds were contrary.'! It was therefore a natural o ccurn 
and one which could have caused no surprise, when the centuri 
in the harbor at Myra with an Alexandrian corn-ship on her voya 
Italy (v. 6). Even if business had not brought her to this coast, she 
not really out of her track in a harbor in the same meridian as ih 
her own port It is probable that the same westerly winds wh ick 
hindered St. Paul’s progress from Cesarea to Myra had caused the 4 
andrian ship to stand to the north. 

Thus the expectation was fulfilled which had induced the centuri 
place his prisoners on board the vessel of Adramyttium.? That 
proceeded on her: homeward route up the coast of the ARgean, | 
weather permitted ; and we now follow the Apostle through a more ¢ 
ful part of his voyage, in a ship which was probably much larg 
those that were simply engaged in the coasting-trade. From he 
number of souls on board (v. 37), and the known fact that the Eg 
merchantmen were among the largest in the Mediterranean,* we co 
that she was a vessel of considerable size. Every thing that rele 
her construction is interesting to us, through the minute account 1 
given of her misfortunes from the moment of her leaving Myr 
weather was unfavorable from the first. They were “ many ings” 
reaching Cnidus (v. 7): and since the distance from Myra to t 
is only a hundred and thirty miles, it is certain that they mus 
sailed “ slowly” (ib.). The delay was of course occasioned by 
two causes,— by calms or by contrary winds. There can be n 
that the latter was the real cause, not only because the sacred x 
states that they reached Cnidus® “ with difficulty,” but because ) 
informed that, when Cnidus was reached, they could not make goot 
course* any farther, “the wind not suffering them” (ibid.). 


4 


1 See the references to Socrates, Sozomen, 
and Philo, in Wetstein. It is possible, as 
Kuinoel suggests, that the ship might have 
brought goods from Alexandria to Lycia, and 
then taken in a fresh cargo for Italy ; but not 
very probable, since she was full of wheat 
when the gale caughther. [A captain in the 
merchant-service told the writer, that, in com- 
ing from Alexandria in August, he has stood to 
the north towards Asia Minor for the sake of 
the current, and that this is a very common 
course. | 

2 Mr. Lewin supposes that the plan of 
Julius was changed, in consequence of this 
ship being found in harbor here. “ At Myra 
the centurion most unluckily changed his 
plan,” &c., vol ii. p. 716. 















3 See above, p. 685. f 

* A quotation to this effect is 
Wetstein. ; 

6 The Greek word here is only iz 
rendered by “scarce” in the Engl 
It is the same word which is transl 
ly” in v. 8, and it occurs again in vy. 

6 Their direct course was about ¥ 
and, when they opened the point @ 
under very unfavorable ci : 
beating. The words “the wind 
us,” Mr. Smith understands to me 
wind would not allow the vessel t0 
her course towards Italy, after © 
passed. So Sir C. Penrose, in whos 
find the following: “The course ff 
towards Italy was to pass close to @ 


CNIDUS. 693 





oint they lost the advantages of a favoring current, a weather-shore and 
mooth water, and were met by all the force of the sea from the westward: 
nd it was judged the most prudent course, instead of contending with a 
ead sea and contrary winds, to run down to the southward, and after 

ounding Cape Salmone, the easternmost point of Crete, to pursue the 
oyage under the lee of that island." 

Knowing, as we do, the consequences which followed this step, we are 
aclined to blame it as imprudent, unless, indeed, it was absolutely 
ecessary. For while the south coast of Crete was deficient in good har- 
ors, that of Cnidus was excellent, — well sheltered from the north-west- 













winds, fully supplied with all kinds of stores, and in every way 
mmodious, if needful, for wintering.’ ; 

And here, according to our custom, we pause again in the narrative, 
i we may devote a few lines to the history and description of the place. 
early times it was the metropolis of the Asiatic Dorians, who wor- 
ed aia their national Deity, on the rugged headland called the 


7 ‘city to the West. From these heights the people of Cnidus saw that 
agement between the fleets of Pisander and Conon, which resulted in 
| maritime supremacy of Athens.‘ 
and of Cos @. 604) ; to the south-east, across a wider reach of sea, 


To the north-west is seen the 


ad more voluptuous days,° Cnidus was united in Sie with Rome, at 













} iene (Cerigo), or the south point of the 
iorea ; the Island of Rhodes lying in the di- 


It appears that the ship passed to 


tving at last got over against Cnidus (Cc. 
9), the wind not suffering them to get on in the 
ect course, it having become steady from the 
or north-west, they sailed southwards, 


"he words at first sight seem to mean that 
i wind would not allow them to put into the 
Mbor of Onidus: and so they are understood 
Meyer, De Wette, Humphry, and Hackett. 
B in a case of this kind nautical considera- 
ms must be taken into account. A friend 
in 2 letter that “‘a ship on a weather- 


s beginning of the struggle between Italy and the Hast.° The posi- 
m of the city of Cnidus is to the east of the Triopian headland, where 
arrow isthmus unites the promontory with the continent, and separates 


shore could not come to and warp it.” If, 
however, it were true that they conld not get 
into Cnidus, it would equally follow that chs 
wind was blowing hard from the N. W. 

1 See above. 

3 If the words “ the wind not suffering us” 
really mean that the wind woald not allow 
them to enter the harbor of Cnidus, these re 
marks become unnecessary. 

* For a view of this remarkable promon 
tory, which is the more worthy of notice, sines 
St. Pan! passed it twice (Acts xxi. 1, xxvii. 7), 
see the engraving in the Admiralty Chart, No 
1604. * See above, p. 604. 

8 We can hardly avoid making some alla 
sion here to the celebrated Venus of Praxiteles 
This object of universal admiration was at Cni- 
dus wher St. Paul passed by. 

§ Tt was afterwards made “ 2 free city.” 


694 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 












































the two harbors which Strabo has described.’ “Few places bear 
incontestable proofs of former magnificence ; and fewer still of the r 
industry of their destroyers. The whole area of the city is one pr 
cuous mass of ruins; among which may be traced streets and gate 
porticoes and theatres.”? But the remains which are the most W 
to arrest our attention are those of the harbors ; not only because Cr 
was a city peculiarly associated with maritime enterprise,’ but bet 
these remains have been less obliterated by violence or decay. 
smallest harbor has a narrow entrance between high piers, and 
dently the closed basin for triremes, which Strabo mentions.” E 
was the southern and larger port which lay in St. Paul’s course | 
Myra, and in which the Alexandrian ship must necessarily have 
to anchor, if she had touched at Cnidus. “ This port is formed by 
transverse moles; these noble works were carried into the sea to ac 
of nearly a hundred feet; one of them is almost perfect; the + 
which is more exposed to the south-west swell, can only be seen 
water.’* And we may conclude our description by quoting 
another traveller, who speaks of “ the remains of an ancient quay” 
S.W., supported by Clycopean walls, and in some places cut out 
steep limestone rocks, which rise abruptly from the water’s edge.” 

This excellent harbor, then, from choice or from necessity, wa 
behind by the seamen of the Alexandrian vessel. Instead of pr 
back there for shelter, they yielded to the expectation of being : 
pursue their voyage under the lee of Crete, and ran down to Cap 
mone: after rounding which, the same “ difficulty ” would indee¢ i" 
(v. 8), but still with the advantage of a weather-shore. The stat 
at this particular point of St. Luke’s narrative enable us to ascertal 
singular minuteness, the direction of the wind: and it is deeply imi 
ing to observe how this direction, once ascertained, harmonizes ’ 
inferences which we should naturally draw from other parts of th 
text. But the argument has been so well stated by the first write! 





1 The ruins are chiefly on the east side of Pharos of Alexandria. The same pls 
che Isthmus (see Hamilton, as referred to be- _ birth to Ctesias and Agatharchides, at 
jow). Pansanias says that the city was di- who have contributed much to g 
vided irta two parts by an Euripus, over knowledge. 
which a bridge was thrown; one half being * Here and above we quote from EF 
cowards the Triopian promontory, the other See his Sketch of the Harbor. Th 
rowards the east. may be seen in the Admiralty Chart, 

2 Beaufort’s Karamania, p. 81. The fullest Another chart gives a larger plan of th 
account of the ruins will be found in the third &c. Other references might easily 
volame of the Transactions of the Dilettanti Perhaps there is no city in Asia M a } 
Society, and in Hamilton’s Asta Minor, vol. i, has been more clearly displayed, 
ap. 39-45. scription and engravings. . 

® tt was Sostratus of Cnidus who built the & Hamilton, p. $9. 


re 


BAIR HAVENS. 695 





























as called attention to this question, that we will present it in his words 
er than ourown.' “The course of a ship on her voyage from Myra 
ly, after she has reached Cnidus, is by the north side of Crete, 
gh the Archipelago, W.byS. Hence a ship which can make good a 
2 of less than seven points from the wind would not have been pre 
i from proceeding on her course, unless the wind had been to the 
of N.N.W. But we are told that she ‘ ran under Crete, over against 
mone,’ which implies that she was able to fetch that cape, which bears 
out S.W. by S. from Cnidus ; but, unless the wind had been to the 
th of W.N.W., she could not have done so. The middle point 
We reen N.N.W. and W.N.W. is north-west, which cannot be more than 
wo points, and is probably not more than one, from the true direction 
She wit d, therefore, would in common language have been termed north- 
.”* And then the author proceeds to quote, what we have quoted 
re (p. 605, n. 4), a statement from the English Sailing Directions 
ding the prevalence of north-westerly winds in these seas during 
months; and to point out that the statement is in complete 
mony with what Pliny says of the Etesian monsoons. 
Inder these circumstances of weather, a consideration of what has 
said above, with the chart of Crete before us, will show that the 
= could have been continued some distance from Cape Salmone 
the lee of the island, as it had been from Myra to Cnidus,’ — but 
at a certain point (now called Cape Matala), where the coast trends 
snly to the north, and where the full force of the wind and sea from 
sstward must have been met, this possibility would have ceased 
more, as it had ceased at the south-western corner of the Peninsula. 
| short distance to the east of Cape Matala is a roadstead,‘ which was 
ened ** Fair Havens,” and still retains the same name,’ and which 
yoyagers successfully reached and came to anchor. There seems to 
2 been no town at Fair Havens: but there was a town near it called 


sum me 


is a what may be necessary to explain 
terms, see the compass on p. 619. 

Smith p- 35. 

z above. It is of importance to observe 

| onl in v. 8 refers, not 

Imone, but to Crete. With the wind from 











this they would “teat up with diff. 
g the coast” to the neighborhood of 


n a a view is given 
Schranz’s drawing, in Mr. Smith’s work. 


name of Aiuéover Kddove, and also the Calis- 
mene spoken of in the voyage of Rauwolf (in 
Ray’s Collection), and the Calis Miniones of 
Fynes Morison. In ancient sailing directions, 
Dutch and French, it is deseribed as “cen 
schoone bay, — une belle baie.” See all these 
references in Smith, pp. 30, 38,44. The place 
was visited by Mr. Pashley, but is not described 
by him. Meyer considers the name euphemis- 
tie. As regards wintering, the place was cer- 
tainly “not commodious;” but as regards 
shelter from some winds (including N. W.) * 
was a good anchorage. 


696 


Laswa,' a circumstance which St. Luke mentions (if we may presun 
say so), not with any view of fixing the locality of the roadstead, 
simply because the fact was impressed on his memory.? If the y 
was detained long at this anchorage, the sailors must have had fre 
intercourse with Lasza, and the soldiers too might obtain leave to 
it; and possibly also the prisoners, each with a soldier chained te 
arm. We are not informed of the length of the delay at Fair Hay 
but before they left the place, a “ considerable time” had elapsed 

they had sailed from Caesarea’ (v. 9); and they had arrived at 
season of the year when it was considered imprudent to try the ope 

This is expressed by St. Luke by saying that “ the fast was already pa 
a proverbial phrase among the Jews, employed as we should employ 
phrase “ about Michaelmas,” and indicating precisely that period of 
year. The fast of expiation was on the tenth of Tisri, and correspe 
to the close of September or the beginning of October ;° and is e: : 
the time when seafaring is pronounced to be dangerous by Greek 
It became, then, a very serious matter of consul 
whether they should remain at Fair Havens for the winter, or seek | 
St. Paul’s advice was very strongly given that they sh 
He warned them that if they venture 
pursue their voyage, they would meet with violent weather,’ with | 
injury to the cargo and the ship, and much risk to the lives of thos 
board. It is sufficient if we trace in this warning rather the natural 


Roman writers.® 


better harbor. 
remain where they were. 


1 Mr. Smith says that Lassa is not men- 
tioned by any ancient writer. It is, however, 
probably the Lasia of the Peutingerian Tables, 
stated there to be sixteen miles to the east of 
Gortyna. 

[We are now able with great satisfaction to 
state that the city of Lasea has been discov- 
ered. The Rev. G. Brown, with some com- 
panions, has recently visited this coast in the 
yacht St. Ursula; and a letter written by him 
from Fair Havens on January 18th, 1856, 
supplies the following facts. When the party 
landed at Fair Havens the question was asked, 
“Where is Laswa?” to which it was answered 
at once, that it was now a deserted place about 
two hours to the eastward, close to Cape Le- 
onda. On receiving this information they ran 
along the coast before a S. W. wind; and 
just after passing the Cape, the eye of one of 
the party was caught by “two white pillars 
standing on a brae-side near the shore.” On 
approaching and landing, the beach was found 
to be lined with masses of masonry, and vari- 


TH LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


































ous remains of a considerable town 
covered. The peasants who came dow 
the hills said that the name of the pls 
Lasea. Cape Leonda lies five miles € 
Fair Havens. Mr. Brown’s letter ha 
placed at our disposal by Mr. Smith, wi 
give fuller details in the second edition 
work on St. Paul’s Shipwreck. (This 
is now published. 1861.) ] di 

2 The allusion is, in truth, an in sta 
the autoptic style of St. Luke, on wh 
have remarked in the narrative of 
place at Philippi. 

* When they left Casarea they hai 
reasonable prospect of reaching Italy 
the stormy season ; but since then “ mut 
had been spent.” 

4 Just so Theophrastus feckons — 
Heathen festival, when he says “ that # 
is navigable after the Dionysia.” 

& Levit. xvi. 29, xxiii. 27. 

® Authorities are given in the larger a 

7 See v. 10, and v. 21. 


ty 











PHCENTX. 


697 


and judgment of St. Paul than the result of any superuatura! 
tion: though it is possible that a prophetic power was acting! in 
bination with the insight derived from long experience of “ perils in 
@sea” (2 Cor. xi. 26). He addressed such arguments to his fellow- 
agers as would be likely to influence all: the master? would naturally 
what might endanger the ship: the owner® (who was also on 
) would be anxious for the cargo: to the centurion and to all, the 
of perilling their lives was a prospect that could not lightly be re- 
. That St. Paul was allowed to give advice at all implies that 
was already held in a consideration very unusual for a prisoner in the 


sustody of soldiers; and the time came when his words held a command- 





















d permit. 


1 Observe the vagueness of the words “a 
taix island.” 








imperfect tense is used here. [It 
s from Mr. Brown’s letter that St. 
counsel was not unwise even in the 
cal sense. For further details we must 
refer to Mr. Smith’s second edition. 
nay just add that Mr. Brown was told at 
D that the “Holy Apostle Paul” had 
ited Calolimounias and baptized many people 
ere; and that near the latter place he saw the 
of a monastery bearing the Apositle’s 


® So the name is written by St. Luke and 
Strabo See below. The name was proba- 
y derived from the palm-trees, which are 
iby Theophrastus and Piiny to be indige- 
in Crete. 
* At the time when Mr. Smith’s work was 
! ed, our information regarding the coast 
Crete was very imperfect ; and he found it 
jbe the general impression of several officers 
Gainted with the navigation of those seas 


g sway over the whole crew: yet we cannot be surprised that on this 
casion the centurion was more influenced‘ by the words of the owner 
i the master than those of the Apostle. 
present anchorage was “ incommodious to winter in” (yv. 12), and 
decision of “the majority” was to leave it so soon as the weather 


Theré could be no doubt that 


n the south coast of the island, somewhat farther to the west, was a 
r called Pheenix,® with which it seems that some of the sailors were 
§ They spoke of it in their conversation during the delay at 


[and the writer of this note may add that he 
has received the same impression from persons 
engaged in the merchant-service, and familiar 
with that part of the Levant], that there are 
no ship-harbors on the south side of the island. 
Mr. Smith’s conviction, however, was that at 
Lutro there wes a harbor satisfying all the 
conditions, and the writer of this note was 
enabled, in April, 1852, to confirm this conyvie- 
tion in a very satisfactory manner. The 
Admiralty drawings of the south coast of 
Crete had just then arrived, and the soundings 
of Lutro were decisive. These were exhibited 
in our earlier editions from a tracing made at 
the Admiralty. The position of the harbor is 
shown by the anchor in the chart opposite 
p. 698. 

Previously, however, Mr. Smith had re- 
ceived a letter from Mr. Urquhart, M_P., ailud- 
ing to what occurred to him, when on board a 
Greek ship of war and chasing a pirate. “Lu- 
tro is an admirable harbor. You open it like 
a box; unexpectedly, the rocks stand apart, 
and the town appears within. .. . We thought 
we had cut him off, and that we were driving 
him right upon the rocks. Suddenly he dis 
appeared ; — and, rounding m after him, likes 


6U5 


Fair Havens, and they described it as “ looking! toward the south- 
If they meant to recommend a hart 
into which these winds blew dead on shore, it would appear to have b 
unsailor-like advice: and we are tempted to examine more closely whet 
the expression really means what at first sight it appears to mean, and 
to inquire further whether we can identify this description with any ex 
This might indeed be considered a question of mere curios 
— since the vessel never reached Phenix, — and since the description 
the place is evidently not that of St. Luke, but of the sailors, whose ¢ 
But every thing has a deep interest for us wh 
And, first, we think there cannot k 
doubt, both from the notices in ancient writers and the continuance 0 
ancient names upon the spot, that Phoenix is to be identified with 
This isa harbor which is sheltered from the winds a 


wiud and the north-west wind.” 


ing harbor. 


versation he heard.’ 
tends to elucidate this voyage. 


modern Lutro.’ 


change of scenery, the little basin, its shipping 
and the town, presented themselves. 
Excepting Lutro, all the roadsteads looking to 
the southward are perfectly exposed to the 
south or east.” Hor a view of Latro, see 
Pashley’s Travels in Crete. 

[The earlier part of this note remains as it 
was in the first edition. It is confirmed in 
every particular by Mr. Brown’s letter. In 
the first place, when they were in search of 
Lutro, they ran past it, partly because of an 
error in the chart, and partly because “ the 
port in question makes no appearance from the 
sea.”” Next, on reaching the place, and inquir- 
ing from an old Greek what was its ancient 
name, “he replied, without hesitation, Phaniki, 
but that the old city exists no longer.” A 
Latin inscription relating to the Emperor 
Nerva (who was of Cretan extraction) is 
mentioned as being found on the point which 
defends the harbor on the south. The harbor 
itself is described thus: “ We found the shores 
steep and perfectly clean. There are fifteen 
fathoms in the middle of the harbor, diminish- 
ing gradually to two close to the village. As 
the beach is extremely narrow, and the hills 
immediately behind steep and rocky, the har- 
bor cannot have altered its form materially 
since the days of the Apostle.” The health- 
officer said, that “though the harbor is open 
to the East, yet the easterly gales never blow 
bome, being lifted by the high land behind; 
and that even in storms the sea rolls in gently 
(piano, piano) . . . it is the only secure harbor, 
tn all winds, on the south coast of Crete; and, 


THE LIFE ANL EPISTLES OF ST, PAUL. oHAP. 3 























during the wars between the Venetians 
the Turks, as many as twenty and twen 
ar-galleys have found shelter in its water 
Further interest is given to this narrati 
the circumstance that this yachting party 
caught by the Euroclydon (see below, p. 
so that some of them who landed were un 
to rejoin the vessel, and detained a nigh 
shore. ‘The sailors said that it was “ no) 
der that St. Paul was blown off the co: 
such weather” (see pp. 700, 701), and | 
added that “no boat could have boarded 
in such a sea’”’ (see p. 701). 
It is curious fact that this same part; 
returning from Alexandria, were again c! 
in a galeon this coast, on February 19th, 
and obliged to run with three-reefed m 
and fore-staysail into the harbor of I 
where, the writer says, “we spent as quiet 
night as if we were in a mill-pond. It is 
small place,” he continues, ‘‘ and it was qt 
in looking up the after-companion, to see 
trees and high rocks overhanging the taffrail. 
1 This is the literal meaning of the o 
nal, which is inadequately translated 
English version. 
2 Observe the parenthetic way in which 
description of Phoenix is introduced, y. 1 
8 The details are given in the larger e 
tions. Moreover Strabo says that Phoenix 
in the narrowest part of Crete, which is p 
cisely true of Lutro; and the longitud 
Ptolemy harmonize with the same result — 
Smith, p. 51. 
The chart on the opposite page is 


a! 





No 
mle | 








a “of ; 
Ln 0 a ‘ eae 


@ lt Diy i 


as ix r (€ 
GMATALA A 







































s south-west and north-west.” ! 


m Mr. Smith’s work, with some modifica 
s. ‘The part near Lutro is corrected from 
tracing mentioned above. The spot 
ed “Spring and Church of St. Paul” is 
the English Admiralty survey. The 
‘ape marked “ C. St. Paul” is so named on the 
rity of Lapie’s map and last French gov- 
chart of the eastern part of the Med- 
anes The physical features are after 
pie and Pashley. For a notice of St. 
aul’s fountain, see Pashley, ii. 259. 
1 Tt seems strange that this view should not 
ave occurred to the commentators. For dis- 
ission regarding the Greek preposition used 
8, We must refer to the larger editions. 
Be rer would have been very “com- 
\odious to winter in ;” and it agrees perfectly 
th ‘Lutro, as delineated in the recent survey. 
haye recommended a harbor because the 
uth-west and north-west winds blew into it 
puld have been folly. But, whether the com- 
jentators felt this or not, they have generally 
i that the harbor was open to these 


*See what is said below in reference to 
vering the gear, ¥ 17. 


THE STORM. 


634 


joned ; and, without entering fully into the discussions which have 
m upon this subject, we give it as our opinion that the difficulty is to 
2 explained, simply by remembering that sailors speak of every thing 
rom their own point of view, and that such a harbor does “look” 

om the water towards the land which encloses it—in the Sowteeer of 


With a sudden change of weather, the north-westerly wind ceasing, and 
: light air springing up from the south, the sanguine sailors “ thought 
hai their purpose was already accomplished ” (v.15). They weighed 
incor : and the vessel bore round Cape Matala. 
from Fair Havens is four or five miles: the bearing is W. by S 
With a gentle southerly wind she would be able to weather the cape: ive 
be the wind was fair to Pheenix, which was thirty-five miles OE 
mm the cape, and bore from thence about W.N.W. The sailors already 
jaw the high land above Lutro, and were proceeding in high spirits, — 
rhaps with fair-weather sails set,;— certainly with the boat towing 
» — forgetful of past difficulties, and blind to impending dangers. 
The change in the fortunes of these mariners came without a moment’s 
Soon after weathering Cape Matala, and while they were 
their course in full confidence, close by the coast of Crete ® (v. 
)3), a violeat wind came down ° from the mountains, and struck the ship 


The distance to this 


3 This is certain, from v. 15. 

* Their experience, however, might have 
taught them that there was some cause for 
fear. Capt. J. Stewart, BR. N. (as quoted by 
Mr. Smith, p. 60), observes, in his remarks 
on the Archipelago : “It is always safe to an- 
chor under the lee of an island with a north- 
erly wind, as it dies away gradually; but i 
would be extremely dangerous with southerly 
winds, as they almost invariably shift to a violent 
northerly wind.” |During the revision of these 
pages for the press (March 4, 1856), the fol- 
lowing communication from Capt. Spratt was 
received in a letter from Mr. Smith: “ We left 
Fair Havens with a light southerly wind and 
clear sky — every thing indicative of a fine day, 
until we rounded the cape to haul up for the 
head of the bay. Then we saw Mount Ida 
covered with a dense cloud, and met a strong 
northerly breeze (one of the summer gales, in 
fact, so frequent in the Levant, but which in 
general are accomplished by terrifie gusts 
and squalls from those high mountains), the 
wind blowing direct from Mount Ida.”] 

5 The verb is in the imperfect. 

* The Greek here denotes that the wind 


700 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 








(seizing her, according to the Greek expression, and whirling her rou 
so that it was impossible for the helmsman to make her keep her cow 
The character of the wind is described in terms expressive of the uti 
violence. It came with all the appearance of a hurricane:* and 
name “ EKuroclydon,”’ which was given to it by the sailors, indicates 
commotion in the sea which presently resulted? The consegt 
was, that, in the first instance, they were compelled to scud befor 


gale. 


If we wish to understand the events which followed, it is of the ut 
consequence that we should ascertain, in the first place, the direct 
Though there is a great weight of opinion in favor of 
reading Huroaquilo, in place of Huroclydon,’ —a view which would d 
mine, on critical grounds, that the wind was E.N.E., — we need not 
sider ourselves compelled to yield absolutely to this authority: an¢ 
mere context of the narrative enables us to determine the question 
The wind came down from the island and drove 
vessel off the island: whence it is evident that it could not have 
If we consider further that the wind struck the vessel 
she was not far’ from Cape Matala (v. 14),— that it drove her 
Clauda® (vy. 16), which is an island about twenty miles to the S. 
that point, — and that the sailors “ feared ” lest it should drive them 


this gale. 


great exactitude. 


southerly.® 


came “down from it,” i. e. Crete, not “ against 
tt,’ i. e. the ship. [Sir C. Penrose, without 
reference to the Greek, speaks of the wind as 
“descending from the lofty hills in heavy squalls 
and eddies, and driving the now almost help- 
less ship far from the shore, with which her 
pilots vainly attempted to close.”} 

1 Literally, “to look at the wind.” See 
above, p. 704. We see the additional empha- 
sis in the expression, if we remember that an 
eye was painted on each side of the bow, as 
we have mentioned above. Even now the 
“eyes” of a ship is a phrase used by English 
sailors for the bow. 

2“ A typhonic wind.” 
n. 4.] 

3 Whatever we may determine as to the 
etymology of the word Euroclydon, it seems 
clear that the term implies a violent agitation 
of the water. 

* “ We let her drive.” 

5 Mr. Smith argues in favor of another 
reading which denotes a N. E. wind. But we 
have a strong impression that Lureclydon is 
the correct reading. The addition of the 
words “which was called” seems to us to 


[See above, p. 699, 


























show that it was a name popularly gi 
the sailors to the wind; and nothing is 
natural than that St. Luke should 
word which he heard the seamen emp 
the occasion. Besides it is the more di 
reading. 

® Falconer supposes that the wind 
from the southward, and clumsily attem 
explain why (on this supposition) 
was not driven on the Cretan coast. 

7 The use of the imperfect shows thai 
were sailing near the shore when th 
seized the vessel. Thus we do not agre 
Mr. Smith in referring “‘not long 
the time when they were passing round 
Matala, but to the time of leaving Fai 
vens. The general result, however, i 
same. [It appears from Capt. Sp 
mation that a ship cam stand quite c 
Cape Matala.] 

8 There is no difficulty in ident 
Clauda. It is the Claudos of Ptolemy 
the Synecdemus, and the Gaudus of Pi 
nius Mela. Hence the modern Greek 
donesi, and the Italian corruption into Ge 


THE STORM. 701 













Syrtis' on the African coast (v. 17), — all which facts are mentioned 
rapid succession, — an inspection of the chart will suffice to show us 
hat the point from which the storm came must have been N.E., or rather 
he East of N.E.,— and thus we may safely speak of it as coming from 
E.N.E.? 
proceed now to inquire what was done with the vessel under these 
erilous circumstances. She was compelled at first (as we have seen) to 
id before the gale. But three things are mentioned in close connection 
th her coming near to Clauda, and running under the lee of it2 Here 
hey would have the advantage of a temporary lull and of comparatively 
doth water for a few miles: * and the most urgent necessity was attend- 
ofirst. The boat was hoisted on board: but after towing so long, it 
t have been nearly filled with water: and under any circumstances 
hoisting of a boat on board in a gale of wind is a work accomplished 
th difficulty.” So it was in this instance, as St. Luke informs us. To 
sct it at all, it would be necessary for the vessel to be rounded to, with 
head brought towards the wind;* a circumstance which, for other 

















We may observe here, once for all, that 
Authorized Version, “the quicksands,” 
it convey the accurate meaning. The 
enotes the notoriously dangerous bay 
a Tunis and the eastern part of Tripoli. 
these arguments are exhibited with the 
t oa by Mr. Smith. Adopting 
reading EvpaxtAwyv, he has three independ- 
guments in proof that the wind was E. N. 
; (1) the etymological meaning of the 
(2) the fact that the vessel was driven 
auda, from a point a little west of C. 
; (3) the fear of the sailors lest they 
driven into the Syrtis. 
view of Admiral Penrose is slightly 
He supposes that the wind began 
me of the northern points, and drew 
y to the eastward, as the ship gained 
; and continued nearly at East, 
Occasionally a point or two to the 


| 
= 


mmpare “which is -alled Euroclydon”], 
hat he had seen many such. 

See vv. 16, 17. 

‘The ship, still with her boat towing at 
n, was, however, enabled to run under 
of Clauda, a small island about twenty 


gns (as we shall see presently), it is important to bear in mind. The 
it precaution that was adopted betrays an apprehension lest the vessel 


miles from the south coast of Crete, and with 
some rocks adjacent, affording the advantages 
of smooth water for about twelve or fifteen 
miles, while the ship continued under their 
lee. Advantage was taken of this compare- 
tive smooth water, with some difficulty to hoist 
the boat into the ship, and also to take the 
further precaution of undergirding her by 
passing cables or other large ropes under the 
keel and over the gunwales, and then drawing 
them tight by means of pulleys and levers.” — 
Penrose, MS. It is interesting to observe the 
coincidence of this passage with what is said 
by Mr. Smith. 

Sir C. Penrose proceeds to mention another 
reason for the vessel being undergirded. “This 
wise precaution was taken, not only because 
the ship, less strongly built than those in mod- 
ern days, might strain her planks and tim- 
bers, and become leaky, but from the fears, 
that if the gale continued from the north-east, 
as it probably began, they might be driven 
into the deep bight on the coast of Africa, 
where were situated the greater and lesser 
Syrtis,so much dreaded by the ancients, and 
by these means of security be enabled to keep 
together longer, should they be involved in 
the quicksands.” 

5 Smith, p. 64. 


702 


should spring a leak, and so be in danger of foundering at sea.! 
used the tackling, which we have described above, and which provi 
“helps” in such an emergency. They “undergirded” the ship’ 
ropes passed round her frame and tightly secured on deck.2 And a 
this, or rather simultaneously (for, as there were many hands on be 
these operations might all be proceeding together), they “ lowered 
gear.” This is the most literal translation of the Greek expression.’ 
itself it is indeterminate: but it doubtless implies careful preparatior 
What precise change was made we are 
able to determine, in our ignorance of the exact state of the ship’s , 

It might mean that the mainsail was reefed and s¢ 


weathering out the storm. 


at the moment. 


1 Frapping would be of little use in stop- 
ping a leak. It was rather a precaution to 
prevent the working of the planks and tim- 
bers : and thus, since the extensive application 
of iron in modern ship-building, this contriv- 
ance has rarely been resorted to. Besides the 
modern instances adduced by Mr. Smith, the 
writer has heard of the following: (1) A Ca- 
nadian timber vessel in the year 1846 came 
frapped to Aberdeen. (2) In 1809 or 1810, 
a frigate (the Venus?) came home from India 
with hawsers round her. (8) The same hap- 
pened to a merchant-vessel which came from 
India, apparently in the same convoy. (4) 
Lord Exmouth (then Captain Pellew) brought 
home the Arethusa in this state from New- 
foundland. (5) At the battle of Navarin, the 
Albion man-of-war reeeived so much damage 
during the action, that it became necessary 
to have recourse to frapping, and the vessel had 
chain cables passed round her under the keel, 
which were tightened by others passed hori- 
zontally along the sides interlacing them; and 
she was brought home in this state to Ports- 
mouth. See the next note. 

[Since the publication of the first edition, 
two other instances have come to the writer’s 
knowledge. One is that of the bark Highbury, 
which is stated in the Royal Cornwall Gazette 
of May 26, 1854, to have just arrived in this 
state, 2. e. “ with a chain cable round the ship’s 
bottom,” off the Lizard Point, after a voyage 
of five months, from Port Adelaide, with a 
cargo of copper ore, wool, and gold. The other 
case is described by the captain of the ship, as 
follows: “TI sailed from St. Stephen, New 
Brunswick, on the 12th of December, 1837, in 
the schooner St. Croix, 58 tons, bound for 
Kingston, Jamaica, with carxo of boards in the 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. oe 





























hold and shingles on deck, with a few 
On the 20th of same month encountered ag 
gale from §.W., and lay to for seven da 
below, p. 703]. On the 26th shipped a 1 
sea, which took away about one-third of 
load ; found the balance shifting from 
side, top of vessel spreading, that the sea: 
water-ways were open from 1 and a hal! 
inches, much water running down the s¢ 
Found it necessary, for the preservatic 
crew and vessel, and balance of deck-los 
secure top of ship; took a coil of four 
Manilla rope, commenced forward, i 
round and round the vessel, after which ¢ 
some spars, made heavers, and hove the’ 
as tight as possible. Fearing the warp 1 
chafe off and part, took one of the ¢ 
passed it round and before with tackle 
heavers, and secured the top of the ve 
that the leak in the water-ways was par 
stopped. In this state I reached Port 
when I took off the warp and chain, an 
rived at Kingston on the 12th January, 
Had I not taken the means I did, I a 
opinion the vesssel could not have be 
into port.”’] q 
2 Among classical instances we may § 
Thucyd. i. 29, where Dr. Arnold says, ii 
note, that “the Russian ships taken in 
Tagus in 1808 were kept together in this 
ner, in consequence of their age and un 
condition.” ; 
8 The same verb is used below (vy. 3 
reference to lowering the boat into the wal 
* This suggestion is partly due to a} 
cism in the English Review (June, 1850. } 
of Mr. Smith’s work), based on Isaiah xx 
23 (LXX.). In reference te which passagi 
may remark that the verb is equally appli 





SEAMANSHIP DURING THE GALE. 


- that the great yard! was lowered upon deck and a small storm-sail 
sisted. It is certain that what English seamen call the top-hamper? would 
» sent down on deck. As to those fair-weather sails themselves, which 
ay have been too hastily used on leaving Fair Havens, if not taken in 
the beginning of the gale, they must have been already blown t 
aces. 
But the mention of one particular apprehension, as the motive of this 
st precaution, informs us of something further. It was because they 
lest they “‘ should be driven into the Syrtis,” that they “lowered the 
ar.” Now, to avoid this danger, the head of the vessel must necessarily 
we been turned away from the African coast, in the direction (more or 
3s) from which the wind came. To have scudded before the gale under 
Te poles, or under storm-sails, would infallibly have stranded them in 


ae sea breaking over her stern. 
ible. 


Syrtis, —not to mention the danger of pooping, or being swamped 
To have anchored was evidently im- 
Only one other course remained: and this was what is techni- 


y called by sailors lying to. To effect this arrangement, the head of 
vessel is brought as near to the wind as possible: a small amount of 
was is set, and so adjusted as to prevent the vessel from falling 


- into the trough of the sea.’ 


This plan (as is well known to all who 


ive made long voyages) is constantly resorted to when the object is not 
much to make progress as to weather out a gale. 


Spreading of a sail which is lowered 
a yard, and to the lowering of a yard 
whatever belongs to it. The reviewer 
fs Stress on the circumstance that St. Paul’s 
) had probably no sail set when she reached 
da; and, as he justly remarks, the Alex- 
irian origin of the Septuagint version should 















ecolle: 4 
| Such is Mr. Smith’s view. 
te. the gear connected with the ftir- 
ther sails. See Smith, p. 69. We are 
allowed to quote from a letter addressed 
Mr. Smith by Capt. Spratt, R.N. After 
png that the translation of the word into 
ar” is borne out by its application among 
jodern Greek sailors to the ropes, &c., he 
eds: “Ships so rigged as those of the 
is, with only one large square sail, would 
pire very heavy masthead gear; i. e. very 
2 Topes rove there, to support the yard and 
so that, even when the latter was lowered, 
iderable top-weight would remain, to pro- 
much uneasiness of motion as well as 


had a thought about drifting on a lee shore. 
Presuming the main-sail and yard to be down, 
and the vessel snug under a storm-sail, the 
heavy oxed7, or ropes, being no longer of use 
aloft, would naturally be unrove or lowered, to 
prevent drift, as a final resource, when the 
sailors saw that the gale was likely to be strong 
and lasting.” 

8 ¢. e. the hull of the vessel is in a direction 
oblique to the length of the wave. The fol- 
lowing extract from Falconer’s Marine Diction- 
ary, under the article Trying (an equivaient 
term), may be useful to those who are not 
familiar with sea-phrases :— “ The intent of 
spreading a sail at this time is to keep the ship 
more steady ; and, by pressing her side down 
in the water, to prevent her from rolling vio 
lently ; and also to turn her bow towards the 
direction of the wind, so that the shock of the 
waves may fall more obliquely on her flank 
than when she lies along the trough of the sea. 
. . - In this position she advances very lit- 
tle according to the line of her length, but is 
driven considerably to leeward.” 


5 
wa j 
Pe « 


604 THE LIFE AND ELPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. a c 































We are here brought to the critical point of the whole nautica 
culty in the narrative of St. Paul’s voyage and shipwreck, an 
desirable to notice very carefully both the ship’s position in refere 
the wind and its consequent motion through the water. Assumin 
the vessel was laid to, the questions to be answered in reference 
position are these: How near the wind did she lie? and which sit 
she present to the wind? The first question is answered in some 
by a reference to what was said in the early part of this chapter.’ 
ancient merchantman could go ahead in moderate weather, when } 
seven points of the wind, we may assume that she would make abe 
same angle with it when lying to in a gale. The second question 
be practically determined by the circumstances of the case and the 
ment of the sailors. It will be seen very clearly by what follows, # 
the ship had been laid to with her left or port side to the wind, sh 
have drifted far out of her course, and also in the direction of a 
part of the African coast. In order to make sure of sea-room, 
the same time to drift to the westward, she must have been laid 1 
her right side to the wind, or on the starboard tack, — the position 
she was probably made to assume at the moment of taking the b 
board.? 

We have hitherto considered only the ship’s position in refer 
the wind. We must now consider its motion. When a vessel is] 
she does not remain stationary, but drifts ; and our inquiries of 
have reference to the rate and direction of the drift. The rate 
may vary, within certain limits, according to the build of the ve: 
the intensity of the gale; but all seamen would agree, that, um 
circumstances before us, a mile and a half in the hour, or thirty-si 
in twenty-four hours, may be taken as a fair average. The dire 
which she drifts is not that in which she appears to sail, or ward 

1 See p. 682. . . . The storm came on hex starbe 

* It is not to be understood, however, that and im this manner, with her head to 
the same absolute position in reference to the ward, she drifted, first to the South 1 
wind is continually maintained. Whenaship Clauda, and as the wind drew mx 
is laid to in a gale, a kind of vibration takes | Eastward her head pointed more 
place. To use the technical expression, she North, the proper tack to keep far 
comes up and falls off — oscillating perhaps be- _ the quicksands, whether adopted fror 
tween five points and nine points. or from choice.” — Penrose MS. 

5 See Smith, pp. 64, 68, and compare the * See the two naval authorities | 
following : “I ought to assign the reason why Mr. Smith, p. 84. The same estima 
I consider the ship to have drifted with her in the MS. of Admiral Penrose. ™ 
starboard side toward the wind, or on the star- the degree of strength of the gale t 
hoard tack, as a sailor expresses it. When the little occasionally, I consider that 
south wind blew softly, the ship was slowly drift at the rate of about a mile and! 
sailing along the coast of Crete, with her star- hour.” ; 
board side towards the land, or to the North. " 4 


‘ SEAMANSHIP DURING THE GALK 706 





er bows are turned: but she falls off to leeward: and to the angle 
ormed by the line of the ship’s keel and the line in which the wind blows 
ye must add another, to include what the sailors call Iee-way:1 and this 
aay be estimated on an average at six points (67°). Thus we come to 
he conclusion that the direction of drift would make an angle of thirteen 
pints (147°) with the direction of the wind. If the wind was E.N.E., 
he course of the vessel would be W. by N.? 

We have been minute in describing the circumstances of the ship at 
his moment; for it is the point upon which all our subsequent conclu- 
ions must turn.? Assuming now that the vessel was, as we have said, 
aid to on the larboard tack, with the boat on board and the hull under- 
irded, drifting from Clauda in a direction W. by N. at the rate of thirty- 
ix miles in twenty-four hours, we pursue the narrative of the voyage, 
rithout anticipating the results to which we shall be brought. The more 
harked incidents of the second and third days of the gale are related to 
S . eo? 19). The violence of the storm continued without any inter- 
On “the day after ” they left Clauda, “ they proceeded to 

























| 1 Areference to the compass on p. 619, with 
c " extracts from Falconer’s Marine 


hood auled. This movement a produced by 
2 mutual effort of the wind and sea upon her 


is pres, Fr.). The general arrangement of a 
ip’s sails, when she endeavors to make a 
Ipgress in the nearest direction possible 
tvards that point of the compass from which 
ft Wind bloweth. ... In this manner of 
sling, the keel eee makes an angle 
six points with the line of the wind. The 
tle of lee-way, however, enlarges in UNE 
ta to the increase of the wind and sea.’ 
2 Avain, our two authorities are in substan- 
} agreement. ‘ Supposing the Levanter (as 
Hnost probable, it being most usual) after the 
avy Gregalia, which first drove the ship off 
r coastof Crete, and under the lee of Clauda, 


os From this we should aac that the precaution of undergirding 
ad been only partially successful, and that the vessel had already sprung 
leak. This is made still more probable by what occurred on the “ third 


the mean direction of the drift of such a ship, 
lying to, as before described, would be between 
W.N.W. and W. by N.; and such is nearly 
the bearing of the North coast of Malta from 
the South side of Clauda.’— Penrose MS. 
Compare Smith. 

8 It is at this point especially that we feel 
the importance of having St. Paul’s voyage 
examined in the light of practical seamanship. 
The two investigators, who have so examined 
it, have now enabled us to understand it clearly, 
though all previous commentators were at 
fault, and while the ordinary charts are still 
fall of error and confusion. The sinuosities 
in this part of the voyage, as exhibited in the 
common maps of St. Paul’s Travels, are only 
an indication of the perplexity of the com- 
pilers. The course from Clauda to Malta did 
not deviate far from a straight line. 

* “ We being exceedingly tossed with the 
tempest.” 

5 We should observe that the tense is im- 
perfect here, as contrasted with the aorist in 
the next verse. It denotes “they began to 
lighten ;” or perhaps, “ they kept lightening.” 


706 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 























day.” Both sailors and passengers united’ in throwing out 
“spare gear” into the’sea.? Then followed “ several days” of conti 
hardship and anxiety.? No one who has never been in a leaking shi 
a coutinued gale‘ can know what is suffered under such cir 
The strain both of mind and body —the incessant demand for the 
of all the crew — the terror of the passengers —the hopeless workin 
the pumps— the laboring of the ship’s frame and cordage — the dr 
of the storm—the benumbing effect of the cold and wet — make } 
scene of no ordinary confusion, anxiety, and fatigue. But in the pr 
case these evils were much aggravated by the continued overcloudin 
the sky (a circumstance not unusual during a Levanter), which 
vented the navigators from taking the necessary observations 
heavenly bodies. In a modern ship, however dark the weather migh 
there would always be a light in the binnacle, and the ship’s course 1 
always be known ; but in an ancient vessel, “ when neither sun nor 
were seen for many days,” the case would be far more hopeless. 
impossible to know how near they might be to the most dangerous | 
And yet the worst danger was that which arose from the leaky sta 
the vessel. This was so bad, that at length they gave up all ho; 
being saved, thinking that nothing could prevent her foundering.’ 


CS Li 


* 


this despair was added a further suffering from want of food,’ im 


1“ We cast out with our own hands.” 
Observe the change from the third person te 
the first. St. Luke’s hands, and probably St. 
Paul’s, aided in this work. 

2 We cannot determine precisely what is 
meant here by the “tackle ” or “ gear ” of the 
ship. Mr. Smith thinks the mainyard is 
meant, “an immense spar, probably as long as 
the ship, and which would require the united 
efforts of passengers and crew to launch over- 
board,” —adding that “the relief which a 
ship would experience by this, would be of the 
same kind as in a modern ship when the guns 
are thrown overboard.” But would sailors in 
danger of foundering willingly lose sight of 
such a spar as this, which would be capable of 
supporting thirty or forty men in the water ? 

8 The narrative of the loss of the “‘ Ramil- 
lies” supplies a very good illustration of the 
state of things on board St. Paul’s vessel dur- 
ing these two days. “At this time she had 
six feet of water in the hold, and the purmaps 
would not free her, the water having worked 
out all the oakum. ‘The admiral therefore 
gave orders for all the buckets to be remanned, 
and every officer to help towards freeing the ship : 























this enabled her to sail on.... Int 
ing it was found necessary to dispose 
forecastle and aftermost quarter-deck 
gether with some of the shot and oth 
of very great weight ; and the frame ¢ 
having opened during the night, the ¢ imi 
next morning prevailed upon, by the t 
and pressing remonstrances of his off 
allow ten guns more to be thrown ¢ 
The ship still continuing to open 
the admiral ordered tarred canvas and 
be nailed fore and aft, from under the 
the ports on the main deck and on th 
deck. Her increasing damage requirt 
more to be done, the admiral directed 
guns on the upper deck, the shot, bot b 
and the lower deck, with various heavy 
be thrown overboard.” 

4 “No small tempest lay on us.” 

5 “ All hope that we should be 
then taken away.” 

6 Mr. Smith illustrates this by seve 
amples. We may quote an instance 
very ordinary modern voyage between . 
dria and Malta, which presents some p 
close resemblance in a very mitigated 





ST. PAUL’S VISION. 707 


yquence of the injury done to the provisions, and the impossibility of 


reparing any regular meal. Hence we see the force of the phrase’ 
hich alludes to what a casual reader might suppose an unimportant 
art of the suffering, the fact that there was “much abstinence.” Ii 
as in this time of utter weariness and despair that to the Apostle there 
ose up “ light in the darkness: ”’ and that light was made the means of 
ncouraging and saving the rest. While the Heathen sailors were vainly 
fruggling to subdue the leak, Paul was praying; and God granted to 
im the lives of all who sailed with him. A vision was vouchsafed to 
im in the night, as formerly, when he was on the eve of conveying the 
rospel from Asia to Europe, and more recently in the midst of those 
arassing events, which resulted in his voyage from Jerusalem to Rome. 
Vhen the cheerless day came, he gathered the sailors round him? on the 
eck of the laboring vessel, and, raising his voice above the storm, 


aid, a Aota 


Sirs, ye should have hearkened to my counsel, and not have set sail 21 


“y 


rom Crete: thus would you have been spared * this harm‘ and loss. 





“The commander came down, saying the 
ight was pitch dark and rainy, with symptoms 
a regular gale of wind. This prediction 
very speedily verified. A violent shower 
hail was the precursor, followed by loud 
jals of thunder, with vivid flashes of forked 
htning, which played up and down the iron 

¢ with fearful rapidity. . . . She pres- 
ly was struck by a sea which came over the 
dle-boxes, soon followed by another, which, 
@ over the forecastle, effected an entrance 
ch the skylights, and left four feet of 
in the officers’ cabin. The vessel seemed 
ed by this stunning blow ; the bowsprit and 
part of the ship were for some moments 
© water, and the officer stationed at that 
[t of the ship described her as appearing 
fring that time to be evidently sinking, and 






















ared that for many seconds he saw only 
The natural buoyancy of the ship at last 
wed her to right herself, and during the 
lull (of three minutes) her head was 
ned, to avoid the danger of running too near 
iheae of Lybia, which to the more experienced 
the principal cause of alarm; for had the 
Feels given way, which was not improbable 
fo the strain they had undergone, nothing 
“ld have saved us, though we had been 
fed all other causes for apprehension. . . 
daylight the fearful part of the hurricane 
way, and we were now in the direction 


4 ‘ 
if Bi 
q Rt: 

. 













of Candia, no longer indeed contending against 
the wind, but the sea still surging and impetu- 
ous, and no lull taking place during twelve 
hours, to afford the opportunity of regaining 
our tack, from which we had deviated about 
150 miles. Zhe sea had so completely deluged 
the lower part of the ship, that it was with difji- 
culty that sufficient fire could be made to afford us 
even coffee for brealcfast. Dinner was not to be 
thought of.” — Mrs. Damer’s Diary in the Holy 
Land, vol. ii. 

1 « After long abstinence.” See below, the 
narrative of the meal at daybreak, vv. 33, 44. 
The commentators have done little to elucidate 
this, which is in fact no difficulty to those 
who are acquainted with sea-voyages. The 
strangest comment is in a book, which devo- 
tionally is very useful, — Lectures on St. Paul, 
by the late Rev. H. Blunt, of Chelsea, — who 
supposes that a religious fast was observed by 
the crew during the storm. 

2 “Paul stood forth in the midst of them.” 

8 The verb means “to be spared,” not “to 
gain.” (A. V.) We should observe’that St. 
Paul’s object in alluding to the correctness of 
his former advice is not to taunt those who 
had rejected it, but to induce them to give 
credit to his present assertions. 

* The harm was to their persons, the loss te 


their property. 


«xvii 


22 


24 
25 


708 


"And now I exhort you to be of good cheer: for there shall be no 
23 of any man’s life among you, but only of the ship. For there sto 
me this night an angel of God, whose I am, and whom I serve, say 
“Fear not, Paul ; thou must stand before Caesar: and, lo! God hath r 
Wherefore, sirs, be of good cheer: { 
believe God, that what hath been declared unto me shall come to } 
Nevertheless, we must be cast upon a certain island. ; 


thee all who sail with thee.” 


We are not told how this address was received. -But sailors, how 
reckless they may be in the absence of danger, are peculiarly of 7 
religious impressions : and we cannot doubt that they gathered anxi 
round the Apostle, and heard his words as an admonition and encou 
ment from the other world; that they were nerved for the toil 
difficulty which was immediately before them, and prepared then¢ 
ward to listen to the Jewish prisoner as to a teacher sent with a 


commission. 


The gale still continued without abatement. Day and night suce a 
and the danger seemed only to increase : till fourteen days had e ' 
during which they had been “ drifting through the sea of Adi 
(v.27). A gale of such duration, though not very frequent, is | 
means unprecedented in that part of the Mediterranean, espe 
At the close of the fourteenth day, about the 


towards winter.’ 


1 Compare Rom. i. 9, and note. 

2 By this is meant, as we shall see presently, 
thet division of the Mediterranean which lies 
between Sicily and Malta on the west, and 
Greece with Crete on the east. See above, p. 
680, n. 1; and p. 682, n. 7. 

2 The writer has heard of easterly and 
north-easterly gales lasting for a still longer 
period, both in the neighborhood of Gibraltar, 
and to the eastward of Malta. A captain in 
the merchant-service mentions a fruit-vessel 
near Smyrna hindered for a fortnight from 
loading by a gale from the N.E. She was 
two days in beating up a little bay a mile deep. 
He adds, that such gales are prevalent there 
towards winter. Another case is that of a 
vessel bound for Odessa, which was kept three 
weeks at Milo with an easterly gale. This, 
also, was late in the year (October). A naval 
officer writes thus: — “ About the same time 

of the year, in 1839, I left Malta for the 
Levant in the ‘ Hydra,’ a powerful steam tri- 
cave, and encountered Eurociydon (or, as we 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. ona 


’ call it, a Levanter) in full force. I th 


















ne 


were four days without being able to 
at table to a meal; during which time ¥ 
‘neither sun nor stars.’ Happily she 
powerful vessel, and we forced her thi 
being charged with despatches, thoug 
much injury to the vessel. Had we | 
mere log on the water, like St. Paul’s s 
should have drifted many days.” : 
[We extract the following from th 
tian Observer for May, 1853, pp. 324 
“Tate in the autumn of 1848 we were 
ing from Alexandria to Malta, and 
wild Euroclydon. The sea was cre 
foam over all the wide waste of wale 
dull impervious canopy of misty ek 
drawn over the sky. A vessel which D 
us had been fifty-six days from Alexa 
Malta; and just in the same way,0t 
vessel was reduced to lie to in the gt 
drifted for fourteen days across the 8¢ 
separates Crete from Malta... - 
modern name of a Levanter, the 


Pp, xx MODE OF ANCHORING. 






















water was “ twenty fathoms.” 


WS 


rth to easterly. . . . Just in the same 
likewise, did our Euroclydon exhaust 
in a violent fall of rain.” ] 


ors thought they were about to fech some 
ad.” Mr. Smith (p. 78) truly remarks, that 
lis is an instance of “the graphic language 
(seamen, to whom the ship is the principal 


2It is hardly likely that they saw the 
s. Tosuppose that they became aware 


ror found in a recent work) is absurd ; 
he wind biew from the ship towards the 


4 ‘They can now adopt the last resource 


ain, and found “ fifteen fathoms.” 
t but inspire some, hope, as holding out the prospect of running the 
hip ashore * and so being saved, yet the alarm of the sailors was great 

hen they perceived how rapidly they were shoaling the water. It seems 
that they now heard breakers ahead.*’ However this might be, there 
was the utmost danger lest the vessel should strike and go to pieces. No 
p was tobe lost. Orders were immediately given to clear the anchors. 
lit, if they liad anchored by the bow, there was good ground for appre- 
ending that the vessel would have swung round and gone upon. the 
They therefore let go “four anchors by the stern.” For a time, 


a peculiar sound, which can be detected by a practised ear, though 
ot distinguishable from the other sounds of a storm by those who have 
% “their senses exercised’ by experience of the sea. When it was 
ported that this sound was heard by some of the crew, orders were 
mmediately given to heave the lead, and they found that the depth of 
After a short interval, they sounded 


Though the vicinity of land could 


Whe usual mode. Besides what has been said above, her way would 
‘more easily arrested, and she would be in a better position for being 
am, ashore * next day. But since this mode of anchoring has raised some 


for a sinking ship, and run her ashore; but to 
do so before it was day would have been to 
have rushed on certain destruction: they must 
bring the ship, if it be possible, to anchor, 
and hold on till daybreak,” &c.— Smith, 
p. 88. 

* Mr. Smith (p. 91) seems to infer this 
from the words “‘ fearing lest we should have 
fallen upon rocks.” But the words would 
rather imply that the fear was a general one. 

5 We must varefully observe that, in 
anchoring, — besides the proximate cause, viz., 
the fear of falling on rocks to leeward, — 
“they had also an ulterior object in view, 
which was to run the ship ashore as scon as 
daylight enabled them to select a spot where 
it could be done with a prospect of safety: 
for this purpose the very best position in which 
the ship could be was to be anchored by the 
stern.” — Smith, p. 92. 


702 


710 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 















questions, it may be desirable, in passing, to make a remark cn the 
ject. That a vessel can anchor by the stern is ‘sufficiently proved 
proof were needed) by the history of some of our own naval engageme 
So it was at the battle of the Nile. And when ships are about to a 
batteries, it is customary for them to go into action prepared to ane 
in this way. This was the case at Algiers. There is still greater int 
in quoting the instance of Copenhagen, not only from the accounts 
have of the precision with which each ship let go her anchors aster 
she arrived nearly opposite her appointed station,’ but because it is 

that Nelson stated after the battle, that he had that morning been ? 
ing the twenty-seventh chapter of the Acts of the Apostles.’ 

though it will be granted that this manceuvre is possible with due preps 
tion, it may be doubted whether it could be accomplished in a g 
wind on a lee shore, without any previous notice. The question in 
is, whether ancient ships in the Mediterranean were always prepare 
anchor in this way. Some answer to this doubt is supplied by the pre 
practice of the Levantine caiques, which preserve in great measure 
traditionary build and rig of ancient merchantmen. These moc 
Greek vessels may still be seen anchoring by the stern in the G ) 
Horn at Constantinople, or on the coast of Patmos.’ But the best 
tration is afforded by one of the paintings of Herculaneum, which re 
sents “a ship so strictly contemporaneous with that of St. Paul, 
there is nothing impossible in the supposition, that the artist had t 
his subject from that very ship, on loosing from the pier at Puteol 
There is this additional advantage to be obtained from an inspection 
this rude drawing, that we see very clearly how the rudders wou 
in danger of interfering with this mode of anchoring, —a subjec 
which our attention will presently be required.’ Our supposed objet 
if he had a keen sense of practical difficulties, might still insist th 
have anchored in this way (or indeed in the ordinary way) would 
been of little avail in St. Paul’s ship: since it could not be supp 
that the anchors would have held in such a gale of wind. To this 
can only reply, that this course was adopted to meet a dangerous @! 
gency. The sailors could not have been certain of the result. 


1 See Southey’s Life of Nelson: “ All the 8 The first of these instances is supp 
line-of-battle ships were to anchor by the stern, a naval officer ; the second by a capital 
abreast of the different vessels composing the _ has spent a long life in the merchant-serv! 
enemy’s line; and for this purpose they had * A drawing of this is given by Mr. 
already prepared themselves with cables out of —(p. 94), and from him in our larger ed 
their stern ports.” 5 See v. 40. 

2 This anecdote is froma private source, 
and does not appear in any of the printed 
narratives of the battle 


THE PLACE OF SHIPWRECK. 711 





‘might indeed have had confidence in their cables: but they could not be 
sure of their holding ground. 
_ This is one of the circumstances which must be taken into account, 
‘when we sum up the evidence in proof that the place of shipwreck was 
‘Malta. At present we make no such assumption. We will not anticipate 
‘the conclusion till we have proceeded somewhat farther with the narra- 
tive. We may, however, ask the reader to pause for a moment, and 
reconsider what was said of the circumstances of the vessel when we 
described what was done under the lee of Clauda. We then saw that 
‘the direction in which she was drifting was W. by N. Now an inspec- 
tion of the chart will show us that this is exactly the bearing of the 
ie eiorn part of Malta from the south of Clauda. We saw, moreover, 
that she was drifting at the rate of about a mile and a half in every 
hour, or thirty-six miles in the twenty-four hours. Since that time, 
thirteen days had elapsed: for the first of the “fourteen days” would 
be taken up on the way from Fair Havens to Clauda.! The ship there- 
fore had passed over a distance of about 468 miles. The distance be- 
‘tween Clauda and Malta is rather less than 480 miles. The coincidence? 
is so remarkable, that it seems hardly possible to believe that the land, to 
iwhich the sailors on the fourteenth night “‘ deemed that they drew nigh,” 
— the “ certain island ” on which it was prophesied that they should ba 
»—could be any other place than Malta. The probability is over- 
Whelming. But we must not yet assume the fact as certain: for we 
) find, as we proceed, that the conditions are very numerous which 
the true place of shipwreck will be required to satisfy. 
‘We return, then, to the ship, which we left laboring at her four anchors. 
e coast was invisible, but the breakers were heard in every pause of the 
storm. The rain was falling in torrents ; * and all hands were weakened 





















1 All that happened after leaving Fair 

before the ship was undergirded and 
id to must evidently have occupied a great 

of a day. 

| 7In the general calculation, Mr. Smith 
ind Sir C. Penrose agree with one another; 
d the argument derives great force from the 
ight difference between them. Mr. Smith 
. 83-89) makes the distance 476.6 miles, 
d the time occupied thirteen days, one 
|jour, and twenty-one minutes. With this 
mpare the following: “Now, with respect 
the distance, allowing the degree of 
of the gale to vary a little occa- 
nally. I consider that a ship would drift at 
Ta.e of about one mile and a half per hour 


which, at the end of fourteen complete days, 
would amount to 504 miles; but it does not 
appear that the calculation is to be made for 
fourteen entire days: it was on the fourteenth 
night the anchors were cast off the shores of 
Melita. The distance from the S. of Clauda 
to the N. of Malta, measured on the best chart 
I have, is about 490 miles; and is it possible 
for coincident calculations, of such a nature, 
to be more exact? In fact, on one chart, after 
I had calculated the supposed drift, as a sea- 
man, to be 504 miles, I measured the distance 
to be 503.” 

8 See xxviii. 2, “because of the present 


rain.” 
























Sea > 


712 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. — 


by want of food. But the greatest danger was lest the vessel s 
founder before daybreak. The leak was rapidly gaining, and i 
expected that each moment might be the last. Under these cir 
stances we find the sailors making a selfish attempt to save thems 
and leave the ship and the pasengers to their fate. Under the pretence 
carrying out some anchors from the bow, they lowered the boat ove 
ship’s side (v. 830). The excuse was very plausible, for there is no d 
that the vessel would have been more steady if this had been done; 
in order to effect it, it would be necessary to take out anchors in the 
But their reai intention was to save their own lives and leave the ps 
gers! St. Paul penetrated their design, and either from some d 
intimation of the instruments which were to be providentially empl 
for the safety of all on board,—or from an intuitive judgment, } 
showed him that those who would be thus left behind, the passengers 
soldiers, would not be able to work the ship in any emergency that: 
arise, — he saw that, if the sailors accomplished their purpose, all ho 
being saved would be gone. With his usual tact, he addressed 1 
word to the sailors, but spoke to the soldiers and his friend the centur 
and they, with miitary promptitude, held no discussion on the su 
but decided the question by immediate action. With that short 
with which the Roman legions cleft their way through every obstac 
universal victory, they “ cut the ropes; ” and the boat fell off,‘ and, i 
instantly swamped, drifted off to leeward into the darkness, and 
dashed to pieces on the rocks. 

Thus the prudent counsel of the Apostle, seconded by the pi 
action of the soldiers, had been the means of saving all on board. — 
successive incident tended to raise him, more and more, into a positi 
overpowering influence.’ Not the captain or the ship’s crew, but the 
senger and the prisoner, is looked to now as the source of wisdom 


1 “ About to (seeking to) flee out of the 
ship.” 

2 « Unless these remain in the ship, ye can- 
not be saved.” We observe that in the “ye” 
the soldiers are judiciously appealed to on the 
source of their own safety. Much has been 
very unnecessarily written on the mode in 
which this verse is to be harmonized with the 
unconditional assurance of safety in ver. 22- 
24. The same difficulty is connected with 
every action of our lives. The only difference 
is, ther, in the narrative before us, the Divine 
gurpose is moe cleerly indicated, whereas we 


usually see only the instrumentalit 
ployed. 4 
8 “To the centurion and to the soldie 
* “Tet her fall off” In the is 
(“when they had lowered the boat in 
sea”) it is clear that the boat, whic 
hoisted on deck at the beginning of the 
had been half lowered from the davits. 
5 The commanding attitude of St. P 
this and other scenes of the narrative ii 
bly pointed out by the reviewer of Mr. 
work in the North British Review for 
1849. : 












THE SHIPWRECK. 713 





ential care of God. By this time the dawn of day was approaching.’ 
faint light showed more of the terrors of the storm, and the objects on 
yard the ship began to be more distinctly visible. Still, towards the 
nd, all was darkness, and their eyes followed the spray in vain as it drifted 
fto leeward. A slight effort of imagination suffices to bring before us an 
ypressive spectacle, as we think of the dim light just showing the hag 
id faces of the 276 persons,” clustered on the deck, and holding on by 
e bulwarks of the sinking vessel. In this hour of anxiety the Aposti- 
ands forward to give them courage. He reminds them that they hac 
eaten nothing’ for fourteen days; and exhorts them now to partake of 
hearty meal, pointing out to them that this was indeed essential to their 
fety,® and encouraging them by the assurance that “ not a hair‘ of their 
iad” should perish. So speaking, he set the example of the cheerful 
eof God’s gifts, and grateful acknowledgment of the Giver, by taking 
ead, “ giving thanks to God before all,” and beginning to eat. Thus 
‘couraged by his calm and religious example, they felt their spirits 
vive, and “‘ they also partook of food,’ and made themselves ready for 
2 labor which awaited them.® 




















adopt the last means for relieving the still sinking vessel. The cargo 
‘wheat was now of no use. It was probably spoilt by the salt water. 
ad however this might be, it was not worth a thought; since it was well 
jown that the vessel would be lost. Their hope now was to run her on 


ing been so long in one position, the wheat had shifted over to the 
side, and prevented the vessel from keeping that upright position, 
‘ich would be most advantageous when they came to steer her towards 
shore.’ The hatchways were therefore opened, and they proceeded to 


| “While the day was coming on,” v. 39. meal, in order to refresh them after having so 
| Tt is at this point of the narrative that long taken their precarious repasts, probably 
Etotal number of souls on board is men- without fire or any kind of cooking. He 
ed begins by example, but first by giving God 
| “This is for your safety.” thanks for their preservation hitherto, and 
Our Lord uses the same proverbial expres- hopes of speedy relief. Having thus refreshed 
i, Luke xxi. 18, themselves, they cast out as much of the 
| “Then were they all of good cheer.” remaining part of the cargo (wheat) as they 
|“ All hands now, crew and passengers, could, to enable them by a lighter draught of 
pl or free, are assembled on the deck, anx- water either to run into any small harbor, or - 
Y wishing for day, when Paul, taking at least clover in with dry land, should they be 
i tage of a smaller degree of motion obliged to run the ship on the rocks or beach.” 
i d this necessarily be the case?] in the — Penrose, MS. 
h than when drifting with her side to the 7 The following extract from Sir C. Pen 
8, recommends to them to make use of rose’s papers supplies an addition to Mr. 
time, before the dawn would require fresh  Smith’s remarks: “ With respect to throwing 
}20n8, in making a regular and comfortable the wheat into the sea after anchoring, it may 











| 


ye 













714 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 








throw the grain into the sea. This work would occupy some time ; 
when it was accomplished, the day had dawned, and the land was vis 

The sailors looked hard at the shore, but they could not recognize 
Though ignorant, however, of the name of the coast off which they ¥ 
anchored, they saw one feature in it which gave them a hope that 
might accomplish their purpose of running the ship aground. They 
ceived a small bay or indentation, with a sandy or pebbly beach :* 
their object was, “if possible,” so to steer the vessel that she might 


the ground at that point. 
fully taken. 


To effect this, every necessary step was ¢ 
While cutting the anchors adrift, they unloosed the k 
ings with which the rudders had been secured,‘ and hoisted the fores 







These three things would be done simultaneously,® as indeed is imple 


by St. Luke ; and there were a sufficient number of hands on board 
The free use of the rudders would be absolutely necess 
nor would this be sufficient without the employment of some sail. 
does not appear quite certain whether they exactly hit the point at wi 
they aimed.’ We are told that they fell into “ a place between two s 
(a feature of the coast, which will require our consideration presen 
The bow stuck fast in the shore, ané 


the purpose. 


and there stranded the ship. 


be remarked that it was not likely that, while 
drifting, the hatchways could have been opened 
for that purpose; and, when anchored by the 
stern, I doubi not that it was found, that, from 
the ship having been so long pressed down on 
one side, the cargo had shifted, 7. e. the wheat 
had pressed over towards the larboard side, so 
that the ship, instead of being upright, heeled 
to the larboard, and made it useful to throw 
out as much of the wheat as time allowed, not 
only to make her specifically lighter, but to 
bring her upright, and enable her to be more 
accurately steered and navigated towards the 
Jand at daybreak.” 

1 « When it was day.” 

2 The tense is imperfect (v. 39). ‘They 
tried to recognize it, but could not.” The 
aorist is used below in xxviii. 1, from which it 
appears that the island was recognized imme- 
diately on landing. 

3 Tt is important to observe that the word 
for “ shore”’ here has this meaning, as opposed 
to a rocky coast. We may refer in illustration 
to Matt. xiii. 2; Acts xxi. 5. 

* When they anchored, no doubt the paddle 
rudders had been hoisted up and lashed, lest 
they should foul the anchors. 

® Wor the proof that doreuéy is the foresail, 
















we must refer to the able and. thorough 
tigation in Mr. Smith’s Dissertation on 
cient Ships, pp. 153-162. The word doe 
occur in any other Greek writer, but it is { 
in the old nautical phraseology of the 1 
tians and Genoese, and it is used by 
and Ariosto. The French still emple 
word, but with them it has become the mi 
sail, while the mizzen has become the fo 
[See the woodcut on the titlepage.] 

8 The word which implies this in the 
nal is omitted in A. V. 

7 The mainsail [foresail] being he 
showed good judgment, though the dis 
was so small. as it would not only enable 
to steer more correctly than without i 
would press the ship farther on upon the’ 
and thus enable them the more easily to get 
the shore.” — Penrose, MS. [See the follo 
ing passage in a naval officer’s letter, 
“«“ H.M.S. —, off the Katcha, Nov. 15,” int 
Times of Dec. 5, 1855. “The Lord Ragl 
(merchant-ship) is on shore, but takem th 
in a most sailor-like manner. Directl; 
captain found he could not save her, h 
away his mainmast and mizzen, and, 
topsail on her foremast, ran her ashore 

§ See below. 








Bt es 


VLTVI Jo LSV09° A°N 


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PROOF THAT THE PLACE WAS MALTA. 715 


ained unmoved; but the stern began immediately to go to pieces! 
ider the action of the sea. 
And now another characteristic incident is related. The soldiers, who 
sre answerable with their lives for the detention of their prisoners, were 
raid lest some of them should swim out and escape: and therefore, in 
e spirit of true Roman cruelty, they proposed to kill them at once. 
aw again the influence of St. Paul over the centurion’s mind? was made 
e means of saving both his own life and that of his fellow-prisoners. 
the rest he might care but little; but he was determined to secure 
ul’s safety.’ He therefore prevented the soldiers from accomplishing 
eir heartless intention, and directed‘ those who could swim to “ cast 
emselves into the sea” first, while the rest made use of spars and 
‘oken pieces of the wreck. Thus it came to pass that all escaped safely * 
rough the breakers to the shore. 
When the land was safely reached, it was ascertained that the island 
: which they were wrecked was Melita. The mere word does not abso- 
ely establish the identity of the place ; for two islands were anciently 
sled alike by this name. This, therefore, is the proper place for sum- 
ang up the evidence which has been gradually accumulating in proof 
at it was the modern Malta. We have already seen (p. 711) the al- 
yst irresistible inference which follows from the consideration of the 
ion and rate of drift since the vessel was laid to under the lee of 
a. Butwe shall find that every succeeding indication not only tends 
«bring us to the shore of this island, but to the very bay (the Cala 
lSan Paolo) which has always been the traditionary scene of the 














I 
a the first place we are told that they became aware of land by the 
zsence of breakers, and yet without striking. Now an inspection of the 
rt will show us that a ship drifting W. by N. might approach Koura 
Pant, the eastern boundary of St. Paul’s Bay, without having fallen in 
iviously with any other part of the coast; for, towards the neighbor- 
of Valetta, the shore trends rapidly to the southward.® Again, the 
acter of this point, as described in the Sailing Directions, is such that 
re must infallibly have been violent breakers upon it that night.’ Yet 
Hessel drifting W. by N. might pass it, within a quarter of a mile, 


| Imperfect. 6 The same strong verb is used in xxvii 






See y. 43. 44, xxviii. 1, 4, as in xxvii. 43. 
“To save Paul to the end,” literally. 8 See the Chart opposite this pace. 
The military officer gives the order. The 7 Smith, pp. 79, 89. “ With north-easterly 


his company are not mentioned. Are weto gales, the sea breaks upon this point with such 

i that they fell into che background, in violence, that Capt. Smyth, in his view of the 

pequence of their cowardly attempt to save headland, has made the breakers its distinctive 
s? character.” 


716 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 






























without striking on the rocks. But what are the soundings at this 
They are now twenty fathoms. If we proceed a little farther, ¥ 
Jifteen fathoms. It may be said that this, in itself, is nothing rem: 
But if we add, that the fifteen-fathom depth is in the direction of the 
drift (W. by N.) from the twenty-fathom depth, the coincidence 
ding.’ But at this point we observe, on looking at the chart, th 
chere would be breakers ahead, —and yet at such a distance ahes 
there would be time for the vessel to anchor before actually striking 
rocks.? All these conditions must necessarily be fulfilled ; and — 
that they are fulfilled without any attempt at ingenious explanatior 
we may proceed farther. The character of the coast on the 
of the bay is such, that, though the greater part of it is fronte 
mural precipices, there are one or two indentations,’ which exhi 
appearance of “ a creek with a [sandy or pebbly| shore.” And a 
observe that the island of Salmonetta is so placed, that the sailors, ] 
from the deck when the vessel was at anchor, could not possibly be 
that it was not a continuous part of the mainland ; whereas, whi 
were running her aground, they could not help observing the open 
the channel, which would thus appear (like the Bosphorus) * “ 
between two seas,” and would be more likely to attract their atte 
some current resulting from this juxtaposition of the island and f 
interfered with the accuracy of their steering.’ And finally, to 
the fact of the anchors holding through the night (a result whic 
uot confidently be predicted), we find it stated, in our English 
Directions,’ that the ground in St. Paul’s Bay is so good, that, * # 
cables hold, there is no danger, as the anchors will never start.” 

Malta was not then the densely-crowded island which it has } 
during the last half-century.’ Though it was well known to the B 


1 Smith, p. 91. two opposite currents, are meant, yet 
2 Smith, p. 91. possible that there might be a cr 
5 One place at the opening of the Mestara  Salmonetta and the coast, and thee 
Valley (see Chart) has still this character. ed the steering of the vessel. 
At another place there has been a beach, ® Purdy, p. 180. In reference te 
though it is now obliterated. See the remarks pened to the ship when she cai 
of Mr. Smith, who has carefully examined the (ver. 4), Mr. Smith lays stress upon” 
bay, and whose authority in any question acter of the deposits on the Mal 
relating to the geology of coasts is of great The ship “would strike a bottom 
weight. graduating into tenacious clay, inte 
* This illustration is from Strabo, who  fore-part would fix itself, and be hi 
ases the very word of the Bosphorus. It whilst the stern was exposed to the” 
would, of course, be equally applicable to a the waves.’ — p. 104. 
neck of land between two seas, like the Isth- 7 The density of the Maltese 
mus of Corinth. at the present day, is extraordinary ; 
® Though we are not to suppose that by state of things is quite recent. In] 
“two seas” two moving hodies of water, or (Ancient and Modern Malta, 1805) w 


ST. FAUL WORKS MIRACLES. raw, 



















' 3 dependency of the province of Sicily,! and though the harbor now 
illed Valetta must have been familiar to the Greek mariners who traded 
jtween the Hast and the West,? — much of the island was doubtless un- 
tivated and overrun with wood. Its population was of Phoenician 


, m and Italian. The inhabitants, however, though in this sense 5 
‘parbarians,”’ were’ favorably contrasted with many Christian wreckers 
i their reception of those who had been cast on their coast. They 
jowed them no “ ordinary kindness;” for they lighted a fire and wel- 
med them all to the warmth, drenched and shivering as they were in 
je rain and the cold. The whole scene is brought very vividly before us 
j the sacred narrative. One incident has become a picture in St. Paul’s 

Je, with which every Christian child is familiar. The Apostle had gathered 
sth his own hand a heap of sticks, and placed them on the fire, when a 
sper came “ out of the heat” and fastened on his hand. The poor super- 
{tious people, wher they saw this, said to one another, “ This man must 
}a murderer: he has escaped from the sea: but still vengeance suffers 
im not to live.” But Paul threw off the animal into the fire and suf. 
red no harm. Then they watched him, expecting that his body would 
im. swollen, or that he would suddenly fall down dead. ‘At length, 


ibs i an opposite direction ;° and they said that he was a god. We 
te not told of the results to which this occurrence led, but we cannot 


hich idolatry would pay to him, he would make use of the influence 
quired by this miracle, for making the Saviour known to his uncivilized 


tted that in 1530 theisland dia uot contain and of its handsome buildings, such as those 
tite 15,000 inhabitants, and that wney were which are now characteristic of the place. 
Wuced to 10,000 at the raising o1 the siege We might also refer to Ovid and Cicero. 

tthe grand-mastership of La Valetta. Not- ® See the Essay on Mr. Smith’s work in 
‘Ghstanding the subsequent wars, and the the North British Review (p. 208) for some 
Weues of 1592 and 1676, the numbers in remarks on the Maltese language, especially 
8 were 90,000. (Vol. i. pp. 107, 108.) on the Arabic name of what is still called the 
milar statements are in Midge, Histovre de  Apostle’s fountain (Ayn-tal-Ruzzul). 

* Tt is sufficient to refer to Rom. i. 14, 
a The mention of it in Cicero’s Verrize 1 Cor. xiv. 11, Col. iii. 11, for the meaning 
gttons is well known. of the word in the N. T. 

2 Diodorus Siculus speaks of the manufac- 5 Pp. 173. 

‘es of Malta, of the wealth of its inhabitants, 6 Pp. 171. 


718 


governor of the island,’ who had some possessions? near the place 
the vessel was lost, and who had given a hospitable reception © 
shipwrecked strangers, and supplied their wants for three days. 
disease under which the father of Publius was suffering was dys 
in an aggravated form.’ St. Paul went in to him and prayed, an 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 







Oe 


his hands on him; and he recovered. This being noised throug 


island, other sufferers came to the Apostle, and were healed. Th 
was empowered to repay the kindness of these islanders py ten 
services intended to lead their minds to blessings of a still higher 
And they were not wanting in gratitude to those whose unexpec 
had brought so much good among them. 
honor in their power, and, when they put to sea again, supplied 
with every thing that was needful for their wants (ver. 10). 

Before we pursue the concluding part of the voyage, which w 
prosperous that hardly any incident in the course of it is cor 
may be useful to complete the argument by which Malta is proved 
the scene of St. Paul’s shipwreck, by briefly noticing some obj 
which have been brought against this view. 
evidence already adduced is the strongest refutation of mere objec 
but it is desirable not to leave unnoticed any of the arguments 
appear to have weight on the other side. 
carelessly brought together by a great writer, to whom, on mal 
jects, we might be glad to yield our assent.‘ 
because the vessel is said to have been drifting in the Adriatic, the 
of shipwreck must have been, not Malta to the south of Sicilj 
It is no wonder that the Benedict 


Meleda in the Gulf of Venice. 


1 We observe that the name is Roman. In 
the phrase used here there is every appearance 
of an official title, more especially as the father 
of the person called “first of the island” was 
alive. And inscriptions containing this exact 
title are said to have been found in the island. 

2 Acts xxviii. 7. These possessions must 
therefore have been very near the present 
country residence of the English Governor, 
near Citta Vecchia. 

8 xxviii. 8. 

* “The belief that Malta is the island on 
which St. Paul was wrecked is so rooted in the 
common Maltese, and is cherished with such 
& superstitious nationality, that the government 
would run the chance of exciting a tumult if 
it, or its representatives, unwarily ridiculed it. 
The supposition itself is quite absurd. Not to 
argue the matter at length, consider these few 


























They loaded them with 


It is true that the 


Some of them have 


Thus it is arguet 


P 


conclusive facts: — The narrative 
the ‘barbarous people,’ and ‘barbarii 
the island. Now, our Malta was at th 
fully peopled and highly civilized, as 
surely infer from Cicero and other 
viper comes out from the sticks upon 
being lighted: the men are not 51 
the appearance ef the snake, but 
a murderer, and then a god from the hi 
attack. Now, in our Malta, there are, 
say, no snakes at all; which, to be | st 
Maltese attribute to St. Paul’s havi 
them away. Melita in the Adri 
perfectly barbarous island as to i 
population, and was, and is now, infest 
serpents. Besides, the context shows t 
scene is in the Adriatic (7 

Talk, p. 185. 


"3 
hal 






OBJECTIONS CONSIDERED. 


sa! should have been jealous of the honor of his order, which had 
yent on that small island. But it is more surprising that the view 
mld have been maintained by other writers since.” 


For not only do 


‘classical poets * use the name “ Adria” for all that natural division 





@ Mediterranean which lies between Sicily and Greece, but the same 
logy is found in historians and geographers. 


Thus Ptolemy dis- 


ii.: clearly between the Adriatic Sea and the Adriatic Gulf. 


ias says that the 

























Bary of the latter. 


ians. 


i Padre Georgi, however, was not the first 
No suggested that the Apostle was wrecked 
Melida im the Adriatic. We find this mis- 
: on theory in a Byzantine writer of the tenth 
y- [Very recently the same view has 
peated, but quite inconclusively, in 


‘Neale’s etestcbegien! notes on Dalmatia, 


Mr Smith has effectually disposed of all 
fyant’s arguments, if such they can be called. 
© especially his Dissertation on the island 
ita) Among those who have adopted 
Ps view, we have referred by name only 


) for instance, and Horace. 

+ Thucydides speaks of the Adriatic Sea in 
same way. We should also bear in mind 
i of Josephus, which took place 
Mm‘ Adria.” Some ({e. g., Mr. Sharpe, the 
hor of the History of Egypt) have identified 


Straits of Messina unite the Tyrrhene Sea with 
Adriatic Sea; and Procopius‘ considers Malta as lying on the 
Nor are the other objections more successful. 
= that Alexandrian sailors could not possibly have been igno- 
ant of an island so well known as Malta was then. 
sht have been very familiar with the harbor of Valetta, without being 


But surely they 


m. A modern sailor who had made many passages between a 
ork and Liverpool might yet be perplexed if he found himself in hazy 
her on some part of the coast of Wales. 
men did recognize the island as soon as they were ashore.* 
ded also that the people of Malta would not have been called 
But, if the sailors were Greeks (as they probably were), 
would have employed this term, as a matter of course, of those who 
ke a different language from their own.’ Again it is argued that 
ere are no vipers — that there is hardly any wood —in Malta. But 
hho does not recognize here the natural changes which result from the 
crease of inhabitants * and cultivation ? 
‘wood close to St. Paul’s Bay ;* and it is well known how the Fauna 


Besides, we are told that 
It is 


Within avery few years there 


the two shipwrecks; but it is difficult to har- 
monize the narratives. 

5 Even with charts he might have a diffi- 
culty in recognizing a part of the coast which 
he had never seen before. And we must recol- 
lect that the ancient mariner had no charts. 

§ xxviii. 1. 

7 See above, p. 717, n. 4. 

8 See above, note on the population of 
Malta. Sir C. Penrose adds a circumstance 
which it is important to take into account in 
considering this question, viz. that, in the time 
of the Knights, the bulk of the pepulatior 
was at the east end of the island, and that the 
neighborhood of St. Paul’s Bay was separated 
off by a line of fortification built for fear oi 
descents from Barbary cruisers. 

% This statement rests on the authority of 
an Englisb resident on the island. 


4 7 











720 THE LIEK AND EPIS{LES OF ST. PAUL 
of any country varies with the vegetation.’ An argument has ev: 
built on the supposed fact that the disease of Publius is unknown 
island. To this it is sufficient to reply by a simple denial? Nor 
close this rapid survey of objections without noticing the insup 
difficulties which lie against the hypothesis of the Venetian Meleda 
ihe impossibility of reaching it, except by a miracle, under the 
related circumstances of weather,? — from the disagreement of i or 
ings with what is required by the narrative of the shipwreck, * - 
from the inconsistency of its position with what is related of th 


sequent voyage.® 


To this part of the voyage we must now proceed. After three m 
they sailed again for Italy in a ship called the Castor and Pollux.® 
cuse was in their track, and the ship put into that famous harbor, an 
there three days.’ Thus St. Paul was in a great historic cit) 
West, after spending much time in those of greatest note in th 
We are able to associate the Apostle of the Gentiles and the thou 
Christianity with the scenes of that disastrous expedition which ele 
progress of the Athenians towards our part of Europe, —and will 
Punic Wars, which ended in bringing Africa under the yoke of 


1 Some instances are given by Mr. Smith. 

2 Jt happens that the writer once spent an 
anxious night in Malta with a fellow-travel- 
ler, who was suffering precisely in the same 
way. 

8 «Tf Euroclydon blew in such a direction 
as to make the pilots afraid of being driven on 
the quicksands (and there were no such dan- 
gers but to the south-west of them), how could 
it be supposed that they could be driven north 
towards the Adriatic? In truth, it is very 
difficult for a well-appointed ship of modern 
days to get from Crete into and up the Adri- 
atic at the season named in the narrative, the 
north winds being then prevalent and strong. 
We find the ship certainly driven from the 
south coast of Crete, from the Fair Havens 
towards Clauda (now Gozzi), on the south- 
west; and during the fourteen-days’ continu- 
ance of the gale, we are never told that Euroc- 
{fydon ceased to blow; and with either a 
Gregalia or Levanter blowing hard St. Paui’s 
ship could not possibly have proceeded up the 
Adriatic.” —Penrose, MS. He says again: 
“ How is it possible that a ship at that time, 
and so cireumstanced, could have got up the 
difficult navigation of the Adriatic? To have 
drifted up the Adriatic to the island of Melita 








































e 


or Melida, in the requisite curve, and 
passed so many islands and other di 
the route, would, humanly speaking, 
impossible. The distance from Clau 
Melita is not less than 780 geog 
and the wind must have long been 
south to make this voyage in fourt 
Now, from Clauda to Malta, there i 
one danger in a direct line, and we 
the distance and direction of drift 
4 This is clearly shown on th 
chart of that part of the Adriatic. 
5 From the Adriatic Melida it we 
been more natural to have gone to Bri 
or Ancona, and thence by land to Ro 
even in going by sea, Syracuse wt 
been ont of the course, whereas it 
direct track from Malta. 7 
6 It is natural to assume that sucl 
name, if such was its “sign,” #. 
tured or painted figures at the prow 
natural to dedicate ships to the Dios 
were the hero-patrons of sailors. 1 
supposed to appear in those ligh 
called by modern sailors the fires of § 
and in art they are represented as St 
below on the coins of Rhegium. 


PUELELOLL 72) 





- are not told whether St. Paul was permitted to go on shore at Syra- 
use; but from the courtesy shown him by Julius, it is probable that tis 
ermission was not refused. If he landed, he would doubtless find Jews 
nd Jewish proselytes in abundance, in so great a mercantile emporium ; 
nd would announce to them the Glad Tidings which he was commis- 
ioned to proclaim “ to the Jew first, and also to the Gentile.” Hence 
7¢ may without difficulty give credit to the local tradition, which regards 
t. Paul as the first founder of the Sicilian church. 
| Sailing out of that beautiful land-locked basin, and past Ortygia, once 
n island,’ but then united in one continuous town with the buildings 
nder the ridge of Epipole,— the ship which carried St. Paul to Rome 
haped her course northwards towards the straits of Messina. The 
eather was not favorable at first: they were compelled to take an indi- 
course,’ and they put into Rhegium, a city whose patron divinities 
ere, by a curious coincidence, the same hero-protectors of seafaring 
en, “ the Great Twin Brethren,” to whom the ship itself was dedicated.? 
Here they remained one day (ver. 13), evidently waiting for a fair 
to take them through the Faro; for the springing-up of a wind 
the south is expressly mentioned in the following words. This wind 
ould be favorable, not only for carrying the ship through the straits, but 
ir all the remainder of the voyage. If the vessel was single-masted,' 
tf one large square-sail, this wind was the best that could blow: for to 
ach a vessel the most advantageous point of sailing is to run right 
| More the wind;° and Puteoli lies nearly due north from Rhegium. 
Nhe distance is about 182 miles. If, then, we assume, in accordance with 
hhat has been stated above (p. 683), that she sailed at the rate of seven 
hots an hour,’ the passage would be accomplished in about twenty-six 
burs, which agrees perfectly with the account of St. Luke, who says 
at, after leaving Rhegium, they came, “ the neat day,” to Puteoli. 















|) The city has now shrunk to its old limit. 
|? Mr. Smith’s view that the word here 
(mdered in A. V. “ fetching a compass,’ tee é. 
sing round”) means simply “ beating” 

ire "likely to be correct than that of Mr. 
[ vin, who supposes that “as the wind was 
reterly, and they were under shelter of the 
ah Mountainous range of Aitna on their left, 








ireuitous sweep.” He adds in a note, that 
i*was informed by a friend that when he 
de the voyage from Syracuse to Rhegium, 
vessel in which he sailed took a similar 
uit for a similar reason.” 

; 46 


® Macaulay’s Lays of Rome (Battle of Lake 
Regillus). One of these coins, exhibiting the 
heads of the twin-divinities with the stars, is 
given at the end of the chapter. 

* We cannot assume this to have been the 
ease, but it is highly probable. See above. 
We may refer here to the representation of the 
harbor of Ostia on the coin of Nero, given 
below, p. 743. It will be observed that all the 
ships in the harbor are single-masted. 

5 Smith, p. 180. 

6 We cannot agree with the N. Brit. Re 
viewer in doubting the correctness of Mr 
Smith’s conclusion on this point. 


a Ce 
SW 
, * 








































722 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. rc 
a 
Before the close of the first day they would see on the left the v 
cone and smoke of Stromboli, the nearest of the Liparian islands. 
the course of the night they would have neared that projecting pa 
the mainland, which forms the southern limit of the bay of Sz le 
Sailing across the wide opening of this gulf, they would, in a few h 
enter that other bay, the bay of Naples, in the northern part of y 
Puteol: vas situated. No long description need be given of nat 
which has been made familiar, by every kind of illustration, even to 
who have never seen it. Its south-eastern limit is the promontot 
Minerva, with the island of Caprea opposite, which is so associa ed 
the memory of Tiberius, that its cliffs still seem to rise from the 
waters as a monument of hideous vice in the midst of the fairest 8 
of nature. The opposite boundary was the promontory of Mise 
where one of the imperial fleets? lay at anchor under the shelter ¢ 
islands of Ischia and Procida. In the intermediate space the Camp 
coast curves round in the loveliest forms, with Vesuvius as the p or 
feature of the view. But here one difference must be marked he 
St. Paul’s day and our own. The angry neighbor of Naples w 
then an unsleeping volcano, but a green and sunny background 
bay, with its westward slope covered with vines.* No one could 
suspected that the time was so near, when the admiral of the 
Misenum would be lost in its fiery eruption ;‘ and little did the 4 
dream, when he looked from the vessel’s deck across the bay to the 
that a ruin, like that of Sodom and Gomorrah, hung over the fair 
at the base of the mountain, and that the Jewish princess, wh 0 
lately conversed with him in his prison at Cwsarea, would find her 
in that ruin, with the child she had borne to Felix.’ 
By this time the vessel was well within the island of Caprex al 
promontory of Minerva, and the idlers of Puteoli were already er 
to the pier to watch the arrival of the Alexandrian corn-ship ; so Wi 
safely infer from a vivid and descriptive letter preserved among the 
spondence of the philosopher Seneca. He say that all ships, on ro 
into the bay within the above-mentioned island and promontory. 
obliged to strike their topsails, with the exception of the 4 x 
corn-vessels, which were thus easily recognized as soon as they | 


x. 
c 


1 See the Sailing Directions, 129-183, with Strabo deseribes the mountain as very! 
the Admiralty charts, for the appearance of its base, though its summit was bar 
the coast between Cape Spartivento (Pr. Pali- full of apertures, which showed th 
nurum) and Cape Campanella (Pr. Minerve). earlier volcanic action. ia 

2 The fleet of the “ Upper Sea” was sta- 4 See the younger Pliny’s deseripti 
tioned at Ravenna, of the “ Lower” at Mise- uncle’s death, Ep. vi. 16. a 
nam. 6 Josephus. See above, p. 652. — 
® So it is described by Martial and others. a 


PUTEOLL 723 

























and then he proceeds to moralize on the gathering and crowding 
people of Puteoli to watch these vessels coming in. Thus we are 
hed with new circumstances to aid our efforts to realize the arrival 
Castor and Pollux, on the coast of Italy, with St. Paul on board. 
if we wish still further to associate this event with the history and 
eling of the times, we may turn to an anecdote of the Emperor 
stus which is preserved to us by Suetonius. The Emperor had been 
with a feverish attack, — it was the beginning of his last illness, — 
as cruising about the bay for the benefit of his health, when an 
ndrian corn-ship was coming to her moorings, and passed close by. 
ailors recognized the old man, whom the civilized world obeyed as 
ter, and was learning to worship as God; and they brought out gar- 
ls and incense, that they might pay him divine honors, saying that it 
his providence that their voyages were made safe and that their 
ade was prosperous. Augustus was so gratified by this worship, that he 
mediately distributed an immense sum of gold among his suite, exact- 
om them the promise that they would expend it all in the pur- 
se of Alexandrian goods. Such was the interest connected in the 
century with the trade between Alexandria and Puteoli. Such was 
idolatrous homage paid to the Roman Emperor. The only difference, 
nen the Apostle of Christ came, was that the vice and corruption of the 
e had increased with the growth of its trade, and that the Emperor 
as not Augustus, but Nero. 
‘in this wide and sunny expanse of blue waters, no part was calmer or 
or 2 beautiful than the recess in the northern part of the bay between 
e and Puteoli. It was naturally sheltered by the surrounding coasis, 
med of itself to invite both the gratification of luxurious ease, 
2 formation of a mercantile harbor. Baie was devoted to the for- 
uirpose ; it was to the invalids and fashionable idlers of Rome like a 
pubination of Brighton and Cheltenham. Puteoli, on the opposite side 
§ inner bay, was the Liverpool of Italy. Between them was that 
reach of water called the Lucrine Lake, which contained the 
s for the luxurious tables of Rome, and on the surface of which 
smal yachts of fashionable visitors displayed their colored sails. 
we farther inland was that other calm basin, the Lacus Avernus, which 
artificial passage connected with the former, and thus converted into 
Mar tbor. Not far beyond was Cums, once a flourishing Greek city, but, 
. the Apostle visited this coast, a decayed country town, famous only 
the recollections of the Sibyl.! 
&: Mhust return to Puteoli. We have seen above (p. 684) how it 
i with Ostia the chief commerce by sea between Rome and the 


i See Juy. Sat. iit. 1. 


724 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. _ 




































provinces. Its early name, when the Campanian shore was Greek 
than Italian, was Dicwarchia. Under its new appellation (which 
to have had reference to the mineral springs of the neighborho 
first began to have an important connection with Rome in the : 
Punic war. It was the place of embarkation for armies proceed 
Spain, and the landing-place of ambassadors from Carthage. Eve 
wards it was an Italian town of the first rank. In the time of Ve 
it became the Flavian Colony, like the city in Palestine from rhi 
Paul had sailed;? but even from an earlier period it had colonia 
leges, and these had just been renewed under Nero. It was inti 
associated both with this Emperor and with two others who x 
him in power and in crime. Close by Baiw, across the bay, ¥ 
where the plot was laid for the murder of Agrippina.’ Acros 
waters Caligula built his fantastic bridge; and the remains 7 
probably visible when St. Paul landed.‘ Tiberius had a mo 
monument in a statue (of which a fragment is still seen ot 
travellers at Pozzuoli) erected during St. Paul’s life to comme 
the restitution of the Asiatic cities overthrown by an earthquake.? 
ruins which are the most interesting to us are the seventeen piers 
ancient mole on which the lighthouse stood, and within which tl 
chant-men were moored. Such is the proverbial tenacity of the ¢ 
which was used in this structure,’ that it is the most perfect ruil 
ing of any ancient Roman harbor. In the earlier part of this chap 
spoke of the close mercantile relationship which subsisted bety I 
aad this city. And this remains on our minds as the prominent 
nificant fact of its history, — whether we look upon the ruins of tl | 
and think of such voyages as those of Titus and Vespasian,‘ or 
among the broken columns of the Temple of Serapis,* or read the a ’ 
which Philo gives of the singular interview of the Emperor Oa 
the Jewish ambassadors from Alexandria.’ 
Puteoli, from its trade with Alexandria and the Hast, must nece 
have contained a colony of Jews, and they must have had a cle 7 
nection with the Jews of Rome. What was true of the Jey 
probably find its parallel in the Christians. St. Paul met with ¢ 


1 It was named either from the springs gorical representations of the t 


(a puteis), or from their stench (a putendo). extant. 

2 See above on Csesarea, p. 658. ® The well-known Pozzolana, 

’ Nero had murdered his mother about two _ tioned by Pliny. 
years before St. Paul’s coming. 7 See p. 685. 

* Some travellers have mistaken the remains 8 This is one of the most rem 
of the mole for those of Caligula’s bridge. at Pozauoli. It is described in the g 
Sut that was only a wooden structure. ® Philo Leg. ad Catum. 


» The pedestal of this statue, with the alle- 


COIN OF RHEGIUM. 725 














:;1 and, as soon as he was among them, they were in prompt commu- 
m on the subject with their brethren in Rome.? The Italian Chris- 
had long been looking for a visit from the famous Apostle, though 
had not expected to see him arrive thus, a prisoner in chains, hardly 
from shipwreck. But these sufferings would only draw their hearts 
closely towards him. They earnestly besought him to stay some 
with them, and Julius was able to allow this request to be complied 
h.* Even when the voyage began, we saw that he was courteous and 
d towards his prisoner ; and, after all the varied and impressive inci- 
which have been recounted in this chapter, we should indeed be 
sed if we found him unwilling to contribute to the comfort of one 
whom his own life had been preserved. 


a) 








stay. Possibly it was Julius him- 
Tt is at all events evident from 
15 that they did stay; otherwise 
‘would not have been time for the 


intelligence of St. Paul’s landing to 
reach Rome so long before his own 
arrival there. 

*From the British Museum. The 
heads and stars are those of Castor and 
Pollux. Seep. 720, n. 6; and 721, n. 3. 


CHAPTER XXIV. 
































The Appian Way. —Appii Forum and the Three Taverns. — Entrance into Re 
Praetorian Prefect. — Description of the City. — Its Population. — The Jews in Re 
Roman Church.— St. Paul’s Interview with the Jews. — His Residence in Rome. 


Ngee last chapter began with a description of the facilities D08 
by the ancients for travelling by sea: this must begin with a 
ence to their best opportunities of travelling by land. We have 
spoken of some of the most important roads through the provinces 
Empire: now we are about to trace the Apostle’s footsteps alc 
road, which was at once the oldest and most frequented in Ital 
which was called, in comparison with all others, the “ Queen of B 
We are no longer following the narrow line of compact pavemer t 
Macedonian plains and mountains,’ or through the varied scenery 
interior of Asia Minor :* but we are on the most crowded appro 
the metropolis of the world, in the midst of pretors and proc 
embassies, legions, and turms of horse, “to their provinces has 
on return,” which Milton‘— in his description of the City enrich 
the spoils of nations—has called us to behold “in various hat 
the Appian road.” 

Leaving, then, all consideration of Puteoli, as it was related to 
and to the various places on the coast, we proceed to consider it 
munications by land with the towns of Campania and Latium. 
great line of communication between Rome and the southern part 
peninsula was the Way constructed by Appius Claudius, which 
through Capua,’ and thence to Brundusium on the shore of the 

1 “Appia longarum teritur Regina viarum.” brated of Roman roads, was const ted a 
— Stat. Silv. ii. 2. See below. as Capua, a. U. 0. 442, by the cemso 

2 For the Via Egnatia, see pp. 274, 275. Claudius. Eight hundred years 

8 In making our last allusion to Asia Minor, Procopius was astonished at its ap 
we may refer to the description which Basil He describes it as broad enough for 
gives of the scenery round his residence, a little riages to pass each other, and as made 
to the east of the inland region thrice traversed brought from some distant quarry, 
by St. Paul. See Humboldt’s Kosmos, vol. ii. ted to each other, that they seemed) 
p. 26. (Sabine’s Eng. Trans.) formed by nature rather than cement 

* Paradise Regained, book iv. He adds that, notwithstanding the tr 

’ The Via Appia, the oldest and most cele- many ages, the etones were not disf 

726 


CAPUA. 72% 





atic. Puteoli and its neighborhood lay some miles to the westward of this 
‘main road, but communicated with it easily by well-travelled cross-roads. 
One of them followed the coast from Puteoli northwards, till it joined the 
Appian Way at Sinuessa, on the borders of Latium and Campania.? It 
appears, however, that this road was not constructed till the reign of 
Domitian. Our attention, therefore, is called to the other cross-road 
which led directly to Capua. One branch of it left the coast at Cuma, 
another at Puteoli. It was called the ‘“ Campanian Way,” and also the 
“Consular Way.” It seems to have been constructed during the Repub- 
ic, and was doubtless the road which is mentioned, in an animated 
passage of Horace’s Epistles, as communicating with the baths and villas 
of Baia.‘ 
| The first part, then, of the route which Julius took with his prisoners 
‘was probably from Puteoli to Capua. All the region near the coast, how- 
‘ever transformed in the course of ages by the volcanic forces which are 
‘still at work, is recognized as the scene of the earliest Italian mythology, 
and must ever be impressive from the poetic images, partly of this world, 
and partly of the next, with which Virgil has filled it. From Cumz to 
Capua, the road traverses a more prosaic district:* the “ Phlegrean 
ifields” are left behind, and we pass from the scene of Italy’s dim my 
thology to the theatre of the most exciting passages of her history. The 
[Whole line of the road can be traced at intervals, not only in the close 
neighborhood of Puteoli and Capua, but through the intermediate vil- 
bikes, by fragments of pavement, tombs, and ancient milestones.® 
| Capua, after a time of disgrace had expiated its friendship with Han- 
ibal, was raised by Julius Casar to the rank of a colony: in the reign 
of Augustus it had resumed all its former splendor; and about the very 
time of which we are writing, it received accessions of dignity from the 
ror Nero. It was the most important city on the whole line of the 














they lost their original smoothness. There distances are slightly different. A direct road 


great doubt as to the date of the continuation 
eae to Brundusium, nor is the 

of it absolutely ascertained. 

1 Here it came to the customary ferry be- 
the Greek aud Italian peninsulas, and 
sucezeded on the other side by the Via 
is. Strabo, vy. 3; vi.3. Compare p. 274. 
2 The stages of this road from Sinuessa 
as follows in the Peutingerian Table : — 
/Sayonem FI. Iil.; Vulturnum, VI1.; Liter- 

um, VII.; Cumas, VI.; Lacoum Avernum, 
; Puteolos, II]. Thence it proceeds by 
aples to Herculaneum, Pompeii, Stabiz, and 
urrentum. In the Antonine Itinerary it is en- 
jitled, “Iter a Terracina Neapolim,” and the 










from Capua to Neapolis, by Atella, is men- 
tioned in the Tab. Peut. 

8 This is the road which is the subject of 
the pompous yet very interesting poem of 
Statius, Silv. iv. 

* See the vivid passage in the beginning of 
Ep. i. xv., where we see that the road was well 
travelled at that period, and where its turning 
out of the Via Appia is clearly indicated. 

5 On the left was a district of pine-woods, 
notorious for banditti (Gallinaria pinus), Juv. 
iii. 305 ; now Pineta di Castel Volturno. 

8 The road seems to have left Puteoli by 
the Solfatara, where Romanelli says that the 
old pavement is visible. 


~— > 


728 


Appian Way, between Rome and Brundusium. That part of th 
with which we are concerned is the northerly and most ancient pe 
and it may be naturally di ided 
The division is appropriate, whether in regard t 

physical configuration of the country, or the modern political bound: 
The point of division is where Terracina is built at the base of 
cliiis,' on which the city of Anxur was of old proudly situated, and 
a narrow pass, between the mountain and the sea, unites (or unite 
cently) the Papal States to the kingdom of Naples. 


The distance is about 125 miles: 
two equal parts. 


THH LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8T. PAUL. 


. 5 ™ 
ae 4 










Ae 


The distance from Capua to Terracina? is about seventy Roman 


At the third mile the read crossed the river Vulturnus at Casilin 
Fifteen miles farther it crossed the 
Savo, by what was then called the Campanian Bridge. Thenee, 
three miles, it came to Sinuessa on the sea,’ which in St. Paul’s . 
reckoned the first town in Latium. But the old rich Campania e: 
farther to the northward, including the vine-clad hills of the f 
Falernian district through which we pass, after crossing the Sayo.*_ 
last of these hills (where the vines may be seen trained on e 
old) is the range of Massicus, which stretches from the coast tow 


town then falling into decay.* 










Apennines, and finally shuts out from the traveller, as he dese on 


the farther side, all the prospect of Vesuvius and the coast near Pu 
At that season, both vines and elms would have a winterly appea 
But the traces of spring would be visible in the willows ;® 
the Liris flows in many silent windings — from the birthplace of } 
in the mountains *—to the city and the swamps by the sea, w 
ferocity of his mature life has rendered illustrious. 








among 


After leaving 


turnz, the Appian Way passes on to another place, which has dif 


1 The modern Terracina is by the sea at 
the base of the cliffs, and the present road 
passes that way. The ancient road ascended 
to Anxur, which was on the summit. 

2 The stages are as follows (reckoning 
from Terracina) in the Antonine Itinerary: 
FUNDIS. XVI. FORMIS. XIII. MINTURNIS. IX. 
SINUESSA. IX. CAPUA. XXvVI. The distances 
are rather smalier in the Jerusalem Itinerary, 
where a mutatio Ponte Campano and a mutatio 
ad octavum are here inserted between Sinuessa 
and Capua. Casilinum is mentioned only in 
the Peutingerian Table. 

® The operations on the Volturno in Gari- 
baldi’s recent campaign are very fresh in our 
recollection. 

* Campano Ponti. Hor. Sat. 1. v. 45. 

*“ Plotius et Varive Sinuesss, Virgiliusque 

Oveurraat.” Tb. 40. 














® Pliny extends Campania to the L 
Garigliano. It is difficult to fix the li 
the Falernus ager, which extended fi 
Massic Hills towards the Volturnus. — 

7 The ancient road, however, 
followed the coast. zz 

8 «“ March 22. We crossed the Zin 
suspension-bridge. It is a i r 
truly a taciturnus amnis — windi 
Trent among willow-trees, wh 
nearly the first symptoms of sprin 
seen.” (Extract from a private 
We have already seen that St. Paul’s ; 
through Campania and Latium was ver} 
in the spring. pe 

* The Garigliano rises near Arpinum, » 
was also the birthplace of Cicero. 





ANXUR TO APPiI FORUM. 723 


a with the later years of the Republic. We speak of Formiz,' 
ith its long street by the shore of its beautiful bay, and w:th its villas 
a the seaside, and above it; among which was one of Cicero’s favorite 
streats from the turmoil of the political world, and where at last he fell 
y the hand of assassins.?- Many a /ectica,’ or palanquin, such as that in 
hich he was reclining when overtaken by his murderers, may have been 
1et by St. Paul in his progress, — with other carriages, with which the 
yad would become more and more crowded, — the cistum,' or light cab- 
olet, of some gay reveller, on his way to Baiz,— or the four-wheeled 
heda,’ full of the family of some wealthy senator quitting the town for 
ie country. At no great distance from Formie the road left the sea 
zain, and passed, where the substructions of it still remain, through the 
afiles ® of the Cacuban hills, with their stony but productive vineyards. 
hence the traveller looked down upon the plain of Fundi, which retreats 
ke a bay into the mountains, with the low lake of Amycle between 
i¢ town and the sea. Through the capricious care, with which time 
2s preserved in one place what is lost in another, the pavement of 
1 ancient way is still the street of this, the most northerly town of 
1¢ Neapolitan kingdom in this direction. We have now in front of us the 
ountain line, which is both the frontier of the Papal States,’ and the 
atural division of the Apostle’s journey from Capua to Rome. Where 
ies the coast, in bold limestone precipices, there Anxur was situated, 
ith its houses and temples high above the sea.° 

| After leaving Anxur,’ the traveller observes the high land retreating 
ain from the coast, and presently finds himself in a wide and remark- 
ole plain, enclosed towards the interior by the sweep of the blue 
olscian mountains, and separated by a belt of forest from the sea. 
ere are the Pomptine marshes, — “‘ the only marshes ever dignified by 





a This is Mola di Gaeta, just opposite the ® Itri is in one of these defiles. The sub- 


tress which has been so notorious in recent 
sages of Italian history. 

| See Plutarch’s description of his death. 

8 The lectice, or couches carried by bear- 
j, Were in constant use both for men and 
men; anda traveller could hardly go from 
teoli to Rome without seeing many of them. 
|* Seneca says you could write in the cisium, 
ence we must infer that such carriages [if 
s had springs] were often as comfortable as 
se Of modern times. 

® “Tota domus rheda componitur una.” 
vy. ii. 10.) The remark just made on the 
‘um is equally applicable to the larger car- 
ze Cicero says in one of his Cilician let- 
« that he dictated it while seated in his rheda. 







, 


structions of the ancient way show that it 
nearly followed the line of the modern road 
between Rome and Naples. 

7 Or of what were till lately the Papal 
States. 

8 See Hor. Sat. 1. v. 25, 26, and many 
other passages in Roman poets. There are 
here still the substructions of large temples, 
one of them probably that of Jupiter, to whom 
the town was dedicated. 

® The stages during the latter half of the 
journey, reckoning from Rome, appear thus 
in the Antonine Itinerary: ARICIAM. XVI. 
TRES TABERNAS. XVII. APPI FORO. X. TARRA- 
cINA. xviI. The other Itineraries give some 
intermediate details. 


730 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.  « 


classic celebrity.” The descriptive lines of the Romar satiris 
wonderfully concurred with the continued unhealthiness of # 
drained morass, in preserving a living commentary on that fifteenth 
in the last chapter of the Acts, which exhibits to us one of fi 
touching passages in the Apostle’s life. A few miles beyond Ter 
where a fountain, grateful to travellers, welled up near the sanctu 
Feronia} was the termination of a canal, which was formed by Au 
for the purpose of draining the marshes, and which continued for t 
miles by the side of the road.? Over this distance, travellers had 
choice, whether to proceed by barges dragged by mules, or on the 
ment of the way itself.* It is impossible to know which plan was ad 
by Julius and his prisoners. If we suppose the former to he 
chosen, we have the aid of Horace’s Satire to enable us to imagi 
incidents and the company, in the midst of which the Apostle 
unknown and unfriended, to the corrupt metropolis of the wo id. 
yet he was not so unfriended as he may possibly have thought h 
that day, in his progress from Anxur across the watery, unhealthy 
On the arrival of the party at Appii Forum, which was a town wh e 
mules were unfastened, at the other end of the canal, and is de 
by the satirist as full of low tavern-keepers and bargemen,‘—a 
meeting-place where travellers from all parts of the Empire ha 
crosse@ one another’s path,—on that day, in the motley 7 
crowd, some of the few Christians who were then in the world su 
recognized one another, and emotions of holy joy and thanks 
sanctified the place of coarse vice and vulgar traffic. The disci 
Rome had heard of the Apostle’s arrival at Puteoli, and hastened t 
him on the way; and the prisoner was startled to recognize s 
those among whom he had labored, and whom he had loved } 
distant cities of the East. Whether Aquila and Priscilla were th 
needless to speculate. Whoever might be the persons, they were t 
in Christ, and their presence would be an instantaneous source ¢ 
fort and strength. We have already seen, on other occasions of h 
how the Apostle’s heart was lightened by the presence of his frien 
About ten miles farther he received a second welcome from a } 
group of Christian brethren. Two independent companies had g 
meet him; or the zeal and strength of one party had outlay 








1 Hor. Sat. 1. 24. * This place is also mensional 
2 “Qua Pomptinas via dividit uda palu- Att. ii. 10. Its situation was near the 

des.” (Lucan, iii. 85.) The length of the Treponti. 

canal was nineteen miles. 5 See especially p. $13. 
8 With Horace’s account of his night- 

journey on the canal we may compare Strabo, 


APPROACH TO ROME. 731 





ther. At a place called the Three Taverns,! where a cross-road from 
he coast at Antium came in from the left, this second party of Chris- 
jans was waiting to welcome and to honor “ the ambassador in bonds.” 
Nith a lighter heart and a more cheerful countenance, he travelled the 
emaining seventeen miles, which brought him along the base of the 
‘Iban hills, in the midst of places well known and famous in early 
toman legends, to the town of Aricia. The Great Apostle had the 
ympathies of human nature; he was dejected and encouraged by the 
ame causes which act on our spirits; he too saw all outward objects in 
tues borrowed from the heart.” The diminution of fatigue — the 
iore hopeful prospect of the future — the renewed elasticity of religious 
rust — the sense of a brighter light on all the scenery round him — on 
1¢ foliage which overshadowed the road —on the wide expanse of the 
lain to the left—on the high summit of the Alban Mount, —all this, 
nd more than this, is involved in St. Luke’s sentence, — “ When Paul 
ww the brethren, he thanked Giod, and took courage.”’ 

The mention of the Alban Mount reminds us that we are approaching 
1¢ end of our journey. The isolated group of hills which is called by 
iis collective name stands between the plain which has just been tray- 
rsed and that other plain which is the Campagna of Rome. All the 
ases of the mountain were then (as indeed they are partially now) 
lustered round with the villas and gardens of wealthy citizens. The 
ppian Way climbs and then descends along its southern slope. After 
assing Lanuvium,’ it crossed a crater-like valley on immense substruc 
ons, which still remain.’ Here is Aricia, an easy stage from Rome ‘ 
he town was above the road; and on the hill-side swarms of beggars 
eset travellers as they passed. On the summit of the next rise, Paul 
f Tarsus would obtain his first view of Rome.. There is no doubt that 
1@ prospect was, in many respects, very different from the view which 


1 This place is mentioned by Cicero when 
1a journey from Antium to Rome. Ait. ii. 
. From the distances in the Itineraries it 
ems to have been not very far from the mod- 
n Cisterna. 

2 Sub Lanuvio is one of the stations in the 
a. Peut. (See above.) The ancient Lanu- 


See Sir W. Gell’s Campagna, under Aricia 
and Laricia: see also an article entitled “ Ex- 
cursions from Rome in 1843,” in the first vol- 
ume of the Classical Museum, p. 322. The 
magnificent causeway or viaduct, mentioned 
in the text, is 700 feet long, and in some 
places 70 feet high. It is built of enormous 


ai was on a hill on the left, near where 
e Via Appia (which can be traced here, by 
eans of the tombs, as it ascends from the 
ain) strikes the modern road by Velletri. 

® The present road is carried through the 
odern town of Laricia, which occupies the 
e of the citadel of ancient Aricia. The 
ppian Way went across the valley below. 


squared blocks of peperino, with arches for the 
water of the torrents to pass throngh. 
* It was Horace’s first halting-place. 
distance from Rome was sixteen miles. 
5 The clivus Aricinus is repeatedly men- 
tioned by the Roman satirists as swarming 
with beggars. 


The 


732 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 







is now obtained from the same spot. It is true that the natural feat 
of the scene are unaltered. The long wall of blue Sabine mount: 
with Soracte in the distance, closed in the Campagna, which strete 
far across to the sea and round the base of the Alban hills. But ane 
Rome was not, like modern Rome, impressive from its solitude, stan 


alone, with its one conspicuous cupola, in the midst of a desolate tho 
St. Paul would see a vast city, covering the Campa 
and almost continuously connected by its suburbs with the villas on 
hill where he stood, and with the bright towns which clustered on 
sides of the mountains opposite. Over all the intermediate space y 
the houses and gardens, through which aqueducts and roads might 
traced in converging lines towards the confused mass of edifices wl 
Here no conspicuous building, elevated al 
the rest, attracted the eye or the imagination. Ancient Rome had nei 
Still less had it any of those spires, which | 
life to all the landscapes of Northern Christendom. It was a widespt 
ageregate of buildings, which, though separated by narrow streets” 
open squares, appeared, when seen from near Aricia, blended into” 
indiscriminate mass: for distance concealed the contrasts? which divi 
the crowded habitations of the poor, and the dark haunts of filth 
misery, — from the theatres and colonnades, the baths, the temples 
palaces with gilded roofs, flashing back the sun. 7 

The road descended into the plain at Boville, six miles from A 
and thence it proceeded in a straight line,‘ with the sepulchrés of i 
One of these was the burial-place of 
Julian gens,° with which the centurion who had charge of the priso 
As they proceeded over the old pavem 
among gardens and modern houses,’ and approached nearer the | 


beautiful waste. 


formed the city of Rome. 


cupola! nor campanile. 


trious families on either hand.’ 
was in some way connected.’ 


metropolis, the ‘ conflux issuing 


1 The Pantheon was indeed built; but the 
world had not seen any instance of an elevat- 
ed dome, like that of St. Sophia, St. Peter’s, 
or St. Paul’s. 

* See below, p. 735, and the reference to 
1 Cor. 

8 Boville (not far from Fratocchie) is mem- 
orable as the place where Clodius was killed. 

* The modern road deviates slightly from 
the Via Appia; but by aid of the tombs 
the eye can easily trace the course of the 
ancient way. Recent excavations have brought 
the whole line of the Via Appia more clearly 
into view than formerly. 

® There is a well-known sentence in Cicero 
having reference to these sepulchres. That of 




































forth or entering in” ® on 


Cecilia Metella is familiar to all trav 
Pompey’s tomb was also on the Appiar 
but nearer to Aricia. j 
8 Sir W. Gell, on what appears to be : 
morial of the burying-place of the Gens J 
near Bovillsw. See Tac. Ann. ii. 41, xv. 
7 He might be a free-born Italian (like 
nelius, see p. 108), or he might be a freed: 
er the descendant of a freedman, manum 
by some members of the Julian house. 
8 Much building must have been cc 
ally going on. Juvenal mentions the cam 
of building materials as one of the anne 
of Rome. 
9 Paradise Regained, iv. 62. 











si 
ae 


\ 
oe 
9 





4 


S. 





A's) 


iy 


AWA 


Z 


PLAN OF 


IR O WR 












av. ENTRANCE INTO ROME. 134 





























ds and in various costumes— vehicles, horsemen, and foot passen- 
soldiers and laborers, Romans and foreigners— became more 
Jed and confusing. The houses grew closer. They were already in 
e. It was impossible to define the commencement of the city. Its 
ous portions extended far beyond the limits marked out by Servius. 
ancient wall, with its once sacred pomerium, was rather an object 
fiquarian interest, like the walls of York or Chester, than any pro- 
against the enemies, who were kept far aloof by the legions on the 
ur. 

the Porta Capena is a spot which we can hardly leave without 
ng fora moment. Under this arch—which was perpetually drip- 
g' with the water of the aqueduct that went over it?—had passed all 
se who, since a remote period of the Republic, had travelled by the 
an Way,—victorious generals with their legions returning from 
service, — emperors and courtiers, vagrant representatives of every 
of Heathenism, Greeks and Asiatics, Jews and Christians.’ From 
point entering within the city, Julius and his prisoners moved on, 
the Aventine on their left, close round the base of the Ceelian, and 
agh the hollow ground which lay between this hill and the Palatine; 
over the low ridge called Velia,t where afterwards was built the 
‘of Titus to commemorate the destruction of Jerusalem; and then 
ding,’ by the Sacra Via, into that space which was the centre of 
power and imperial magnificence, and associated also with the 
st glorious recollections of the Republic. The Forum was to Rome 
hat the Acropolis® was to Athens, the heart of all the characteristic 
lerest of the place. Here was the Milliarium Aureum, to which the 
s of all the provinces converged. All around were the stately build- 
which were raised in the closing years of the Republic, and by the 


£ 


. iii. 47. Hence called the moist * “The ridge on which the arch of Titus 

Juvenal, ii. 10. Compare Mart. iv. stands was much more considerable than the 
|. It was doubtless called Capena, as being modern traveller would suppose: the pave 
pate of Capua. Its position is fully ascer- ment, which has been excavated at this point, is 
‘to have been at the point of union of fifty-three feet above the level of the pavement in 
leys dividing the Aventine, Celian, and theForum. This ridge ran from the Palatine to 
ne. Both the Via Latina and Via Appia the Esquiline, dividing the basin in which the 
from this gate. The first milestone on | Colosseum stands from that which contained 
was found in the first vineyard be- the Forum: it was called Velia. Publicols 
Porta S. Sebastiano (see Map). excited popular suspicion and alarm by build- 
is was a branch of the Marcian aque img his house on the elevated part of this 
: ridge.” — Companion Volume to Mr. Cookes- 
Ve must not forget that close by this ley’s Map of Rome, p. 30. 

s the old sanctuary of Egeria, which 5 This slope, from the arch of Titus down 
enal’s time was occupied by Jewish beg- to the Forum, was called the Sacer Clivus. 
See Sat. iii. 13, vi. 542, already referred 5 See p. 308. 

p. 133. 
























































734 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 87. PAUL, 
earlier Emperors. In front was the Capitoline Hill, illustrious long 
the invasion of the Gauls. Close on the left, covering that hill, 
name is associated in every modern European language with the noti 
imperial splendor, were the vast ranges of the palace— the “ hou 
Cesar” (Phil. iv. 22). Here were the household troops que 
pretorium ' attached to the palace. And here (unless, indeed, it y 
the great Praetorian camp? outside the city wall) Julius gave u 
prisoner to Burrus, the Pretorian Prefect,’ whose official duty it ¥ 
keep in custody all accused persons who were to be tried befor 
Emperor. ; 
This doubt, which of two places, somewhat distant from each ¢ 
the scene of St. Paul’s meeting with the commander in-cliielin ¢ 
Pretorian guards, gives us the occasion for entering on a general d 
tion of the different parts of the city of Rome. It would be nugat 
lay much stress, as is too often done, on its “ seven hills: ” for a 
city at length obliterates the original features of the ground, est 
where those features were naturally not very strongly marked. 
description, which is easy in reference to Athens or Edinburgh, is 
in the instance of modern London or ancient Rome. Nor is it ¢ e 
the case of one of the larger cities of the world, to draw any m 
ines of distinction among the different clases of buildings. It is 
the contrasts are really great ; but details are lost in a distant vie 
vast an aggregate. The two scourges to which ancient Rome a 
‘exposed revealed very palpably the contrast, both of the natural 
and the human structures, which by the general observer might be 
ticed or forgotten. When the Tiber was flooded, and the a 
converted all the streets and open places of the lower part of th 
into lakes and canals,* it would be seen very clearly how much 
were the Forum and the Campus Martius than those three detz e 
(the Capitoline, the Palatine, and the Aventine) which rose nea 


1 We think that Wieseler has proved that _peror, though he had not yet acquired : 
the npa:répuv in Phil. i. 18 denotes the quar- _ extensive jurisdiction which was subs 
ters of the household troops attached to the conferred upon him. At this time | J 
Emperor's residence on the Palatine. See the Burrus, one of the best of Nero’s advis 
beginning of Ch. XXVI. Praetorian Prefect. 4 

2 The establishment of this camp was the * Trajan says (Plin. Ep. x. “18 
work of Tiberius. Its place is still clearly prisoner, “‘vinctus mitti ad Preefectos | 
visible in the great rectangular projection in meidebet.” Compare also Joseph. As 
the walls, on the north of the city. In St. quoted by Wieseler, p. 398. 
Panl’s time it was strictly outside the city. The 5 The writer has known visits paid 
inner wall was pulled down by Constantine. Ripetta (in the Campus Martius) by me 

8 This is the accurate translation of Acts boats brought to the windows of 
xxviii. 16. The Preefectus Preturio was al- story: Dio Cassius makes three distim 
ready the most important subject of the Em- ences to a similar state of things. 


DESCRIPTION OF ROME. 735 






, and those four ridges (the Ceelian, the Hsquiline, the Vimiral, and 
Quirinal) which ascended and united together in the higher ground 
which the Pretorian camp was situated. And when fires swept 
ily from roof to roof, and vast ranges of buildings were in the ruins 
e night, that contrast between the dwellings of the poor and the 
aces of the rich, which has supplied the Apostle with one of his mort 
i images, would be clearly revealed, — the difference between struc- 
é sof “ sumptuous marbles with silver and gold,” which abide after 
fire, and the hovels of “‘ wood, hay, stubble,’ which are burnt (1 
ii. 10-15). 
f we look at a map of modern Rome, with a desire of realizing to 
selves the appearance of the city of Augustus and Nero, we must in 
first place obliterate from our view that circuit of walls, which is due, 
various proportions, to Aurelian, Belisarius, and Pope Leo IV.? The 
1 through which the Porta Capena gave admission was the old 
enclosure, which embraced a much smaller area; though we 
t bear i in mind, as we have remarked above, that the city had extend- 
beyond this limit, and spread through various suburbs, far into 
country. In the next place, we must observe that the hilly part of 
ne, whica is now half occupied by gardens, was then the most popu 
$, while the Campus Martius, now covered with crowded streets, was 
aparatively open. It was only about the close of the Republic that 
ny buildings were raised on the Campus Martius, and these were 
efly of a public or decorative character. One of these, the Pantheon, 
l remains, as a monument of the reign of Augustus. This, indeed, is 
period from which we must trace the beginning of all the grandeur 
buildings. Till the civil war between Pompey and Cesar, the 
vate houses of the citizens had been mean, and the only public struc- 
: a note were the cloacz and the aqueducts. But in proportion as 
ancient fabric of the constitution broke down, and while successful 
eras brought home wealth from provinces conquered and plundered 
every shore of the Mediterranean, the city began to assume the ap 
ance of a new and imperial magnificence. To leave out of view the 
urious and splendid residences which wealthy citizens raised for their 
uses,’ Pompey erected the first theatre of stone,‘ and Julius Cesar 















Suetonius mentions floods and fires to- word burgh, used by Anglo-Saxon pilgrims) 
, Aug. 29,30. The jire-police of Augus- _ where St. Peter’s and the Vatican are situated. 
mms to have been organized with great 8 Till the reign of Augustus, the houses of 
_ The care of the river, as we learn from private citizens had been for the most part 
p . Was committed to a Curator alve of sun-dried bricks, on a basement of stone 
: The houses of Crassus and Lepidus were 
The wall of Leo IV. is that which en- among the earlier exceptions. 

the Borgo (said to be so called from the * This theatre was one of the principal or 


> a 
ae. Ye 
: 


<i Ms 












































ee 
736 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL, 


¥ 
Ad 


surrounded the great Circus with a portico. From this time the 
went on rapidly and incessantly. The increase of public busines 
the erection of enormous Basilicas.! The Forum was embellished 
sides? The Temple of Apollo on the Palatine, and those other t 
the remains of which are still conspicuous at the base of the Capi 
were only a small part of similar buildings raised by Augustus 
triumphal arch erected by Tiberius near the same place‘ was only 
many structures, which rose in rapid succession to decorate ha 
neighborhood. And if we wish to take a wider view, we have « 
think of the aqueducts, which were built, one by one, between tl 
vate enterprises of Agrippa in the reign of Augustus, and 16 
structures of the Emperor Claudius, just before the arrival of the ; 
Paul. We may not go farther in the order of chronology. Y 
remember that the Colosseum, the Basilica of Constantine, and t 1 
of other emperors, and many other buildings which are now 
the conspicuous features of ancient Rome, did not then exist. 
describing a period which is anterior to the time of Nero’s fi e. 
after the opportunity which that calamity afforded for reconstruc i 
city, Juvenal complains of the narrowness of the streets. Wer 
attempt to extend our descriptica to any of these streets, — whe 
old Vicus Tuscus, with its cheating shopkeepers, which led roi 
base of the Palatine, from the Forum to the Circus, —or the ari 
Carin along the slope of the Esquiline, —or the noisy Suburrs 
hollow between the Viminal and Quirina!, which had sunk into ¢ 
though once the residence of Julius Casar,— we should only 
into endless perplexity. And we should be equally lost if we. 
attempt to discriminate the mixed multitude, which were cro1 
the various landings of those insul@,’ or piles of lodging-houses 
are, perhaps, best described by comparing them to the houses in” 
town of Edinburgh. 

If it is difficult to describe the outward appearance of the ci 


naments of the Campus Martius. Some parts are popularly celled the remains | of 
of it still remain. ple of Jupiter Stator: perhaps the} 

+ ‘The Roman Basilica is peculiarly interest- of the Temple of Castor and Polls 2 
ing to us, since it contains the germ of the Chris- 8 The larger ruin, on the lower & 
tian cathedral. Originally these Basilicas were  Clivus Capitolinus, is believed to be 
rather open colonnades than enclosed halls; ple of Vespasian, end was not bat 
but, before the reign of Nero, they had assumed St. Paul’s death. The Temples © 
their ultimate form of a nave with aisles. We and of Saturn were of earlier date. 
stall refer again to them in our account of 4 It was built in commemoration 
St. Paul’s last trial. See p. 778. covery of the standards of Varus. — 

2 Three well-known Corinthian columns, ~ © A decree was issued by Angu 
of the best period of art under the Emperors, ing the height to which these insula 
remain near the base of the Palatine. They raised. 


POPULATION OF BOME. 72 


wd 





li more difficult to trace the distinctive features of all the parts of that 
lossal population which filled it. Within a circuit of little more than 
elve miles! more than two millions? of inhabitants were crowded. It 
evident that this fact is only explicable by the narrowness of the streets, 
th that peculiarity of the houses which has been alluded to above. In 
is prodigious collection of human beings, there were of course all the 
nirasts which are seen in a modern city,—all the painful lines of 
paration between luxury and squalor, wealth and want. But in Rome 
| these differences were on an exaggerated scale, and the institution of 
avery modified further all social relations. The free citizens were more 
an a million: of these, the senators were so few in number as to be 
wdly appreciable :* the knights, who filled a great proportion of the 
blic offices, were not more than 10,000: the troops quartered in the 
by may be reckoned at 15,000: the rest were the Plebs urbana. That 
vast number of these would be poor is an obvious result of the most 
dinary causes. But, in ancient Rome, the luxury of the wealthier 
asses did not produce a general diffusion of trade, as it does in a 
odern city. The handicraft employments, and many of what we should 
Il professions,‘ were in the hands of slaves; and the consequence was, 
at a vast proportion of the Plebs urbana lived on public or private 
ay Yet were these pauper citizens proud of their citizenship, 
ough many of them had no better sleeping-place for the night than the 
blic porticoes or the vestibules of temples. They cared for nothing 
d bread for the day, the games of the Circus,> and the savage 
ght of gladiatorial shows. Manufactures and trade they regarded as 
business of the slave and the foreigner. The number of the slaves 
perhaps about a million. The number of the strangers or peregrint 
tmauch smaller ; but it is impossible to describe their varieties. Every 
d of nationality and religion found its representative in Rome. But 
iis needless to pursue these details. The most obvious comparison is 
than an elaborate description. Rome was like London with all its 
ies, vices, and follies exaggerated, and without Christianity. 

part of Rome still remains to be described, the “‘ Trastevere ” or 
iv beyond the river. This portion of the city has been known in 












This is of course a much wider circuit 8 Before Augustus there were 1,000 sena- 

Ha that of the Servian wall. The present tors; he reduced them to about 700. 

, 88 we have said above, did not then exist. * Some were physicians, others were en- 

* See Milman’s note on Gibbon’s rnirty-first gaged in education, &c. 

pter. The estimate of 2,000,000 agrees 5 “Panem et Circenses ;” such is the Sati- 

that of the writer of the article ““Rome” _rist’s account of the only two things for which 

mSmith’s Dict. of Geog. vol. ii. p. 748. Mr. the Roman populace was really anxious. 

fivale thinks it far too high. Hist. of Rom. 6 Whether the wall of Servius included any 

wr Emp. vol. iv. pp. 515-528. portion of the opposite side of the river, or not 
gf 


le 

















































738 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


modern times for the energetic and intractable character of its poj 
tion. In earlier times it was equally notorious, though not quite fo 
same reason. It was the residence of a low rabble, and the place o 
meanest merchandise.! There is, however, one reason why our atter 
is particularly called to it. It was the ordinary residence of the 
the “Ghetto” of ancient Rome:* and great part of it was doub 
squalid and miserable, like the Ghetto of modern Rome,* though 
4 Jews were often less oppressed under the Casars than under the P 
Aere, then, on the level ground, between the windings of the m 
river, and the base of that hill* from the brow of which Porsena log 
down on early Rome, and where the French within these few yea 
planted their cannon— we must place the home of those Is: 
families among whom the Gospel bore its first-fruits in the metropo 
the world: and it was on these bridges *— which formed an imm 
communication from the district beyond the Tiber to the Emp 
household and the guards on the Palatine— that those despised J 
beggars took their stand, to whom in the place of their exile had 
the hopes of a better citizenship than that which they had lost. 
The Jewish community thus established in Rome had its first I 
iings in the captives brought by Pompey after his Eastern camp 
Many of them were manumitted; and thus a great proportion 
Jews in Rome were freedmen.?' Frequent accessions to their nu 
were made as years went on—chiefly from the mercantile ] 
which subsisted between Rome and the East. Many of them 
wealthy, and large sums were sent annually for religious purposes 
Italy to the mother-country.* Even the proselytes contributed t 
sacred funds.’ It is difficult to estimate the amount of the religic 
fluence exerted by the Roman Jews upon the various Heathens a 
them; but all our sources of information lead us to conclude that 
very considerable.” So long as this influence was purely religic 





(a question which is disputed among the topog- 6 Mart. x. 5. See Juv. iv. 116; y 
raphers of the Italian and German schools), 1584. 
a suburb existed there under the imperial 6 See p. 17. The first introduc’ 


: 





“égime. Jews to Rome was probably the em 
1 Juy. xiv. 202; Mart. i. 42, 109; vi. 98. the Maccabees. 
2 We learn this from Philo. 7 This we have on the authority 
3 The modern Ghetto is in the filthy quar- 8 Here again Cicero confirms what 


ter between the Capitoline Hill and the old from Philo. 5 
Fabrician Bridge, which leads to the island, and ° Tac. Hist. v. 6. / 5 
thence to the Trastevere. It is surrounded by 10 ‘The very passages (and they al 
walls, and the gates are closed every night by ous) which express hatred of the 
the police. The number of Jews is about a sense of their influence. Again, ™ 
8,000, in a total population of 150,000. were Roman citizens, like Joseph 
* The Janicclaum. Paul: and there were numerous P 





bet | 
Go 
©, 


THRE ROMAN CHURCH. 


we no reason to suppose that any persecution from the civil power 
sulted. It was when commotions took place in consequence of expecta- 
ms of a temporal Messiah, or when vague suspicions of this mysterious 
ople were more than usually excited, that the Jews of Rome were 
uelly treated, or peremptorily banished. Yet from all these cruel- 
~s they recovered with elastic force, and from all these exiles they 
turned ; and in the early years of Nero, which were distinguished for 
mild and lenient government of the Empire,’ the Jews in Rome seem 
haye enjoyed complete toleration, and to have been a numerous, 
salthy, and influential community. 
The Christians doubtless shared the protection which was extended to 
e Jews. They were hardly yet sufficiently distinguished as a self- 
istent community to provoke any independent hostility. It is even 
ssible that the Christians, so far as they were known as separate, were 
ore tolerated than the Jews ; for, not having the same expectation of 
| earthly hero to deliver them, they had no political ends in view, and 
guld not be in the same danger of exciting the suspicion of the govern- 
ent. Yet we should fall into a serious error if we were to suppose 
at all the Christians in Rome, or the majority of them, had formerly 
en Jews or Proselytes; though this was doubtless true of its earliest 
embers, who may have been of the number that were dispersed after 
e first Pentecost, or, possibly, disciples of our Lord Himself. It is 
ypossible to arrive at any certain conclusion cencerning the first origin 
id early growth of the Church in Rome ;? though, from the manifold 
iks between the city and the provinces, it is easy to account for the 
rmation of a large and flourishing community. Its history before the 
ar 61 might be divided into three periods, separated from each other 
‘the banishment of the Jews from Rome in the reign of Claudius, 
id the writing of St. Paul’s letter from Corinth.‘ Even in the first of 
ese periods there might be points of connection between the Roman 
jurch and St. Paul; for some of those whom he salutes (Rom. xvi. 
11) as “ kinsmen ” are also said to have been “‘ Christians before him.” 
the second period it cannot well be doubted that a very close connec- 
nm began between St. Paul and some of the conspicuous members and 
ineipal teachers of the Roman Church. The expulsion of the Jews in 


especially among the women (see, for _ first quinquennium — had notyet expired. The 
Joseph. Ant. xviii.8,5). Asinthe full toleration of the Jews in Rome is implied 

® of Greece, the conquest of Judwa brought _in the narration of St. Paul’s meeting with ths 
under the influence of her captive. elders, as well as in a passage which might be 
Seneca’s remark, in reference to the quoted from the satirist Persius 
: “The conquered gave laws to their 2 See above, pp. 543, 544. 
Cjuerors.” 3 P. 335. 
The good period of Nero’s reign — the 4 P. 542, 














































740 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 
"a 
consequence of the edict of Claudius brought them in large numb 
the chief towns of the Levant; and there St. Paul met them i 
synagogues. We have seen what results followed from his meeting 
Aquila and Priscilla at Corinth. They returned to Rome with all 
stores of spiritual instruction which he had given them; and ir 
Epistle to the Romans we find him, as is natural, saluting them th 
“ Greet Priscilla and Aquila, my helpers in Christ Jesus : who hay 
my sake laid down their own necks: unto whom not only I give th 
but also all the Churches of the Gentiles. Likewise greet the O} 
that is in their house.” All this reveals to us a great amount of de 
exertion on behalf of one large congregation in Rome; and all of i 
tinctly connected with St. Paul. And this is perhaps only a spec 
of other cases of the like kind. Thus he sends a greeting to Epen 
whom he names “ the first-fruits of Asia” ' (ver. 5), and who ma; 
had the same close relation to him during his long ministrati 
Ephesus (Acts xix.) which Aquila and Priscilla had at Corinth. 
must we forget those women whom he singles out for special me 
—‘ Mary, who bestowed much labor on him” (ver. 6) ; “the b 
Persis, who labored much in the Lord” (ver. 12); with Tryphe: 
Tryphosa, and the unknown mother of Rufus (ver. 13). We ¢ 
doubt, that, though the Church of Rome may have received its ¢ 
and instruction through various channels, many of them were con! 
directly or indirectly, with St. Paul ; and accordingly he writes, 
whole of the letter, as one already in intimate relation with a | 
which he has never seen. And whatever bonds subsisted betw 
[Apostle and the Roman Christians must have been drawn still 
when the letter had been received ; for from that time they were. 
forward to a personal visit from him, in his projected journey 
West. ' Thenceforward they must have taken the deepest interes 
his movements, and received with eager anxiety the news of his 
onment at Cxsarea, and waited (as we have already seen) for his 
in Italy. It is indeed but too true that there were parties um 
Christians in Rome, and that some had a hostile feeling against 
himself ;? yet it is probable that the animosity of the Judaizers 1 
| developed than it was in those regions which he had personé ly 
| and to which they had actually followed him. As to the uncol 
| Jews, the name of St. Paul was doubtless known to them ; J 
they comparatively little interested in his movements. Their prot 
tempt of the Christian heresy would make them indifferent. 
, of the Gospel was working around them to an extent of which th 
hardly aware. The very magnitude of the population of Rome 


1 For the reading here, see p- 581, n. 3. 2 See Phil. i. 15. — 





x=xIv. THE ROMAN CHURCH. 741 





ndency to neutralize the currents of party feeling. For these reasons, 
@ hostility of the Jews was probably less violent than in any other part 
the Empire. 
Yet St. Paul could not possibly be aware of the exact extent of their 
mity against himself. Independently, therefore, of his general prin- 
ple of preaching, first to the Jew, and then to the Gentile, he had an 
ditional reason for losing no time in addressing himself to his country- 
en. Thus, afier the mention of St. Paul’s being delivered up to Burrus, 
d allowed by him to be separate from the other prisoners, the next 
ene to which the sacred historian introduces us is among the Jews. 
fer three days? he sent for the principal men among them to his 
iging,* and endeavored to conciliate their feelings towards himself and 
e Gospel. 
It is highly probable that the prejudices of these Roman Jews were 
ready roused against the Apostle of the Gentiles; or if they had not 
¢ conceived an unfavorable opinion of him, there was a danger that 
ey would now look upon him as a traitor to his country, from the mere 
ct that he had appealed to the Roman power. He might even have 
en represented to them in the odious light of one who had come to Rome 
‘an accuser of the Sanhedrin before the Emperor. St. Paul, therefore, 
dressed his auditors on this point at once, and showed that his enemies 
sre guilty of this very appeal to the foreign power, of which he had 
mself been suspected. He had committed no offence against the holy 
ion, or the customs of their fathers; yet his enemies at Jerusalem 
d delivered him — one of their brethren— of the seed of Abraham — 
‘the tribe of Benjamin— a Hebrew of the Hebrews — into the hands 
the Romans. So unfounded was the accusation, that even the Roman 
wernor had been ready to liberate the prisoner; but his Jewish enemies 
posed his liberation. They strove to keep a child of Israel in Roman 
ains. So that he was compelled, as his only hope of safety, to appeal 
to Cesar. He brought no accusation against his countrymen before 
tribunal of the stranger: that was the deed of his antagonists. In 
his only crime had been his firm faith in God’s deliverance of his 












“By himself,” v.16; an indulgence prob- manent residence; and the mention of the 
due to the influence of Julius. money he received from the Philippians (Phil. 
¥V.17. This need not mean three com-__ iv.) serves to show that he would not need the 
\ means of hiring a lodging. The former 
— ealled the chief of the Jews to- phrase implies the temporary residence of a 
”y.17. Withregard to the “lodging,” guest with friends, as in Philemon 22. Noth 
“5 are convinced, with Wieseler, that it ing is more likely than that Aquila and Pris- 
be distinguished from “his own hired  cilla were his hosts at Rome, as formerly at 
” y. 30, mentioned below. ‘The latter Corinth. 

a hired lodging, which he took for his per- 


; Lai 












































742 THE LIFE AND HPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. “cma 


people through the Messiah promised by the Prophets. “For the ho 
Israel,” he concluded, “J am bound with this chain.”’} 4 
Their answer to this address was re-assuring. They said that they 
received no written communication from Judea concerning St. Paul 
that none of “ the brethren” who had arrived from the Hast had SI 
any evil of him. They further expressed a wish to hear from him: 
statement of his religious sentiments, adding that the Christian see 
everywhere spoken against.2 There was perhaps something hi 
honest in this answer; for it seems to imply a greater ignoraneé 
regard to Christianity than we can suppose to have prevailed among 
Roman Jews. But with regard to Paul himself, it might well 0 
that they had little information concerning him. Though he had 
imprisoned long at Czsarea, his appeal had been made only a short 
before winter. After that time (te use the popular expression), 
was shut; and the winter had been a stormy one; so that it was na 
enough that his case should be first made known to the Jews by hi 
All these circumstances gave a favorable opening for the prea nit 
the Gospel, and Paul hastened to take advantage of it. A da 
fixed for a meeting at his own private lodging.’ 
They came in great numbers‘ at the-appointed time. Then 
an impressive scene, like that at Troas (Acts xxi.),— the Apostle 
ing long and earnestly, — bearing testimony concerning the king dc 
God, —and endeavoring to persuade them by arguments drawn 
their own Scriptures, —“ from morning till evening.”® The res 
a division among the auditors,®— “ not peace, but a sword,” — the 
ion which has resulted ever since when the truth of God has e 
tered, side by side, earnest conviction with worldly indifference, | 
investigation with bigoted prejudice, trustful faith with the pri 
scepticism. After a long and stormy discussion, the unbelieving p 
departed ; but not until St. Paul had warned them, in one last ad 
that they were bringing upon themselves that awful doom of judici 
blindness, which was denounced in their own Scriptures against 6 0s 
unbelievers ; that the salyation which they rejected would be with 
from them, and the mheritance they renounced would be given — 
Gentiles.’ The sentence with which he gave emphasis to this Wi 
was that passage in Isaiah, which is more often quoted in th 
Testament than any other words from the Old,’ — which, recurrin 
with solemn force at the very close of the Apostolic history, se 
bring very strikingly together the Old Dispensation and the New. 





1 Ver. 17-20. 2 Ver. 21, 22. 8 “Some believed the things wh 
® “ When they had appointed him a day.” = spoken, and some believed not. A 
* “Then came many.” they agreed not among themselves,” 
* Ver. 2° 7 Ver. 28. a - 


COIN OF NERO. 744 





nnect the ministry of our Lord with that of his Apostles : — “Go unto 
ig people and say, Nearing ye shall hear and shall not understand, and seeing 
shall see aud shall not perceive: for the heart of this people is waxed gross, 
their ears are dull of hearing, and their eyes have they closed; lest they 
ould see with their eyes, and hear with their cars, und understand with their 
art, aud should be rouverted, aud XJ should heal them.” 

A formal separation was now made between the Apostle of the Gentiles 
d the Jews of Rome. They withdrew to dispute concerning the 
sect” which was making such inroads on their prejudices (ver. 29). 
¢ remained in his own hired house” — where the indulgence of Burrus 
rmitted him to reside, instead of confining him within the walls of the 
torian barrack. We must not forget, however, that he was still a 
isoner under military custody, — chained by the arm,’ both day and 
ght, to one of the imperial body-guard,—and thus subjected to the 
deness and caprice of an insolent soldiery. This severity, however, 
is indispensable, according to the Roman law; and he received every 
dulgence which it was in the power of the Prefect to grant. He was 
lowed to receive all who came to him (ver. 80), and was permitted, 
thout hinderance, to preach boldly the kingdom of God, and teach the 
ings of the Lorp Jesus Curist (ver. 31). 

Thus was fulfilled his long-cherished desire “‘to proclaim the Gospel 
them that were in Rome also” (Rom.i. 15). Thus ends the Apos- 
lic History, so far as it has been directly revealed. Here the thread of 
ered narrative, which we have followed so long, is suddenly broken. 
ir knowledge of the incidents of his residence in Rome, and of his 
bsequent history, must be gathered almost exclusively from the letters 
the Apostle himself, 





Coin a Nero (with the Harbor of Ostia).* 


Lord (Matt. xiii. 15), and referred to by geminat,” — quoted by Wieseler. 
John (John xii. 40). 2 See above. * From the British Museum. This is one 
“With the soldier that kept him,” Acts of the large brass coins of Nero’s reign, which 
i. 16. See above, pp. 665, 666, and com- exhibit admirable poriraits of the emperor. 
Eph. vi. 20 (“an ambassadorin bonds”), We notice here that peculiar rig of ancient 
iy. 18, Phil. i. 13." Possibly two soldiers ships which was mentioned above, pp. 673 
him by night according to the sen- and 721. 


r 


: vi. 9, 10(LXX.). Quoted also by tence of the Roman law — “nox custodiam 






CHAPTER XXV. 


Delay of St. Paul’s Trial. — His Occupations and Companions during his Imp 
writes the Epistle to Philemon, the Epistle to the Colossians, and the Epistle to the I 


called). 


terranean was again open. 


summer or autumn of the year 61 a.p." 


E have seen that St. Paul’s accusers had not yet arrived 

Palestine, and that their coming was not even expected 
Roman Jews. This proves that they had not left Syria before t 
ceding winter, and consequently that they could not have set ¢ 
their journey till the following spring, when the navigation of 
Thus they would not reach Rome » 

















Li 


Meanwhile, the progre ‘ 


trial was necessarily suspended, for the Roman courts required? @ 
sonal presence of the prosecutor. It would seem that, at this | 
accused person might be thus kept in prison for an indefinite 






merely by the delay of the prosecutor to proceed with his ¢ 
nor need this surprise us, if we consider how harshly the inal ‘ 
with supposed offenders, and with what indifference it has 
rights of the accused, even in periods whose civilization was m 
more advanced than that of the Roman Empire, but also ee 
merciful spirit of Christianity. And even when the prosec 
present, and no ground alleged for the delay of the trial, a corrupt 
might postpone it, as Felix did, for months and years, to gratify t 


1 About this period (as we learn from Jose- 
phus) there were two embassies sent from Jeru- 
salem to Rome; viz., that which was charged 
to conduct the impeachment of Felix, and that 
which was sent to intercede with Nero on the 
subject of Agrippa’s palace, which overlooked 
the Temple. The former seems to have ar- 
rived in Rome in 4. D. 60, the latter in a. D. 
61. (See note on the Chronological Table in 
Appendix Ii.) It is not impossible that the 
latter embassy, in which was included Ishmael 
the high priest, may have been intrusted with 
the prosecution of St. Paul, in addition to their 
other business. 

2 It should be observed that the prosecutor 
en 4 criminal charge, under the Roman law. 

744 





























was not the State (as with us the Cre 
any private individual who chose to” 
accusation. ‘ 
3 At a later period, the suspen 
part of the prosecutor of the proc 
ing a year was made equivalent 
donment of it, and amounted to an ¢ 
the process. In the time of Nero, the 
tors on a public charge were liable t 
ment if they abandoned it from | 
tives, by the Senatus Consultum T ar 
See Tacitus, Ann. xiv. 41. 
passed a. D. 61, and was afterwaiilal 
by the jurisconsults as forbidding an 
withdraw his accusation 


. XXV. DELAY OF ST. PAUL’S TRIAL. 745 





of the prisoner. And ifa provincial Governor, though responsible 
?such abuse of power to his master, might venture to act in this arbi- 
iy manner, much more might the Emperor himself, who was respon- 
Je tono man. Thus we find that Tiberius was in the habit of delaying 
s hearing of causes, and retaining the accused in prison unheard, merely 
t of procrastination.’ So that, even after St. Paul’s prosecutors had 
rived, and though we were to suppose them anxious for the progress 
the trial, it might still have been long delayed by the Emperor’s 
price. But there is no reason to think that, when they came, they 
yuld have wished to press on the cause. From what had already 
curred, they had every reason to expect the failure of the prosecution. 
fact it had already broken down at its first stage, and Festus had 
ongly pronounced his opinion of the innocence? of the accused. Their 
pe of success at Rome must have been grounded either on influencing 
e Emperor’s judgment by private intrigue, or on producing further 
idence in support of their accusation. For both these objects, delay 
yuld be necessary. Moreover, it was quite in accordance with the regular 
urse of Roman jurisprudence, that the Court should grant along suspen- 
m of the cause, on the petition of the prosecutor, that he might be al- 
yed time to procure the attendance of witnesses* from a distance. The 
igth of time thus granted would depend upon the remoteness of the 
yee where the alleged crimes had been committed. We read of an 
erval of twelve months permitted during Nero’s reign, in the case 
am accusation against Suilius,‘ for misdemeanors committed during 
3 government of Proconsular Asia. The accusers of St. Paul might 
rly demand a longer suspension; for they accused him of offences 
mmitted not only in Palestine (which was far more remote than 
oconsular Asia from Rome), but also over the whole® Empire. Their 
nesses must be summoned from Judea, from Syria, from Cilicia, from 
sidia, from Macedonia. In all cities, from Damascus to Corinth, in all 
untries, “ from Jerusalem round about unto Illyricum,”’ must testimony 
‘sought to prove the seditious turbulence of the ringleader of the 
zarenes. The interval granted them for such a purpose could not be 
s than a year, and might well be more. Supposing it to be the 


Joseph. Ant. xviii. 6, 5. 5 Another cause of delay, even if the prose- 
Acts xxv. 25, and xxvi. 32. cutors did not make the demand for suspension, 
A good instance is given in Tacitus, Ann. would have been the loss of the official notice 
52. This was in a case where theaccused of the case forwarded by Festus. No appeal 
been proconsul in Africa. Wemay observe (as we have before observed) could be tried 
the attendance of the witnesses for the without a rescript (called Apostoli or litere 






tion could be legally enforced. dimissorie) from the inferior to the superior 
Tae. Ann. xiii. 43. judge, stating full particulars of the case 
“XK mover of sedition among the Jews Such documents might well have been lost iv 
ughout the worls,” Acts xxiv. 5. the wreck at Malta. 


TA6 THE LIFR AND KPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 






































-shortest possible, and assuming that the prosecutors reached Rom 
August a.p. 61, the first stage of the trial would be appointed to com 
not before August a.D. 62. And when this period arrived, the pro 
tors and the accused, with their witnesses, must have been heard on 
of the charges separately (according to Nero’s regulations),’ and sent 
pronounced on the first charge before the second was entered into. | 
the charges against St. Paul were divided (as we have seen) into th 
separate heads of accusation. Consequently the proceedings, ¥ 
would of course be adjourned from time to time to suit the ye 
convenience, may well have lasted till the beginning of 63, at ¥ 
time St. Luke’s narrative would lead us to fix their termination?» 

During the long delay of his trial, St. Paul was not reduced, as hi 
been at Cwsarea, to a forced inactivity. On the contrary, he wai 
mitted the freest intercourse with his friends, and was allowed tor 
in a house of sufficient size to accommodate the congregation * 
flocked together to listen to his teaching. The freest scope was giv 
his labors, consistent with the military custody under which he 
placed. We are told, in language peculiarly emphatic, that this pi 
ing was subjected to no restraint whatever.* And that which seem 
first to impede must really have deepened the impression of his eloqu 
for who could see without emotion that venerable form subjected bj 
links to the coarse control of the soldier who stood beside him? 
often must the tears of the assembly have been called forth by the 1 
ing of that fettered hand, and the clanking of the chain which ch 
its energetic action! i 

We shall see hereafter that these labors of the imprisoned © or 
were not fruitless; in his own words he begot many children 1 
chains.’ Meanwhile, he had a wider sphere of action than eve 
metropolis of the world. Not only “ the crowd which pressed uf ) 
daily,” ® but also “ the care of all the churches,” demanded his ce 
vigilance and exertion. Though himself tied down toa single sf 
kept up a constant intercourse, by his delegates, with his co 
throughout the Empire ; and not only with his own converts, but wi 
other Gentile Churches, who, as yet, had not seen his face in th 
To enable him to maintain this superintendence, he manifestly 1 
many faithful messengers ; men who (as he says of one of them 





1 It was Nero’s practice, as Suetonius tells only lasted five days. It has alreac 
us (Nero, 15), “to take the heads of accusa- futed by Neander and Wieseler. 
tion singly.” * Acts xxviii. 31: “ teaching . «+ 

2 See above, p. 660. confidence, no man forbidding him.” 

8 We need not notice the hypothesis of 5 Philem. 10. 
Béttger, that St. Paul’s imprisonment at Rome 6 2 Cor. xi. 28. 





HIS COMPANIONS DURING IMPRISONMENT. 747 


ered him profitable service;! and by some of whom he seems to have 
xen constantly accompanied, wheresoever he went.? Accordingly, we 
nd him, during this Roman imprisonment, surrounded by many of 
is oldest and most valued attendants. Luke; his fellow-traveller, 
mained with him during his bondage; Timotheus,‘ his beloved son in 
ie faith, ministered to him at Rome, as he had done in Asia, in Macedo- 
a,and in Achaia. Tychicus,° who had formerly borne him company 
om Corinth to Ephesus, is now at hand to carry his letters to the shores 
hich they had visited together. But there are two names amongst his 
oman companions which excite a peculiar interest, though frcem oppo- 
te reasons, — the names of Demas and of Mark. The latter, when last 
e heard of him, was the unhappy cause of the separation of Barnabas 
id Paul. He was rejected by Paul as unworthy to attend him, because 
» had previously abandoned the work of the Gospel out of timidity or 
dolence.6 It is delightful to find him now ministering obediently to 
e very Apostle who had then repudiated his services; still more, to 
iow that he persevered in this fidelity even to the end,' and was sent 
r by St. Paul to cheer his dying hours. Demas, on the other hand, is 
yw a faithful “ fellow-laborer”’ ® of the Apostle ; but in a few years we 
all find that he had “forsaken” him, “ having loved this present 
yrid.”” Perhaps we may be allowed to hope, that, as the fault of Demas 
as the same with that of Mark, so the repentance of Mark may have 
en paralleled by that of Demas. 

Amongst the rest of St. Paul’s companions at this time, there were two 
10m he distinguishes by the honorabie title of his ‘* fellow-prisoners.”’ 
1¢ of these is Aristarchus,’ the other Epaphras.” With regard to the 
mer, we know that he was a Macedonian of Thessalonica, one of 
Paul’s companions in travel,’ whose life was endangered by the mob at 
yhesus, and who embarked with St. Paul at Caesarea when he set sail 
‘Rome. The other, Kpaphras, was a Colossian, who must not be iden- 
ied with the Philippian Epaphroditus, another of St. Paul’s fellow- 
jorers during this time. It is not easy to say what was the exact serse 
which these two disciples were peculiarly fellow-prisoners™ of St. Paul. | 


1 2 Tim. iv. 11. 6 Pp. 145 and 216. 

2 Comp. Acts xix. 22: “two of them that 72 Tim. iv. 11: “Take Mark, and bring 
istered to him.” him with thee; for his services are profitable 
8 Col. iy. 14; Philem. 24. Luke seems, tome.” 

vever, to have been absent from Rome when 8 Philem. 24; ef. Col. iv. 14. 

Epistle to the Philippians was written. ® Col. iv. 10; cf. Acts xix. 29, and Acts 
* Philem. 1 ; Col. i. 1; Philip. i. 1, xxvii. 2, and Philem. 24. 

> Col. iv. 7; Eph. vi. 21; cf. Acts xx. 4, 10 Col. i. 7; Philem. 23. 

| Tit. iii. 12. [St. Paul himself was not ll The same expression is used of Androni- 


ually at Ephesus. It is very possible that cus and Junias (Rom. xvi. 7), but of no others 
chieus went thither from Miietus. See Acts except these four. 
(16,38 — H.} 


































748 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8ST. PAUL 


Perhaps it only implies that they dwelt in his house, which was a 
prison. 
But of all the disciples now ministering to St. Paul at Rome, r 
for us a greater interest than the fugitive Asiatic slave Onesimus 
belonged to a Christian named Philemon, a member of the Col 
Church. But he had robbed* his master, and fled from Colossa, 
last found his way to Rome. It is difficult to imagine any port 
mankind more utterly depraved than the associates among whom : 
away pagan slave must have found himself in the capital. Pro 
and unprincipled as we know even the highest and most educated 
to have then been, what must have been its dregs and offal? Yet 
this lowest depth Onesimus was dragged forth by the hand of Chi 
love. Perhaps some Asiatic Christian, who had seen him formerly 
master’s house, recognized him in the streets of Rome destitute and 
ing, and had compassion on him; and thus he might have been t 
to hear the preaching of the illustrious prisoner. Or it is not imp 
that he may have already known St. Paul at Ephesus, where his x 
Philemon had formerly been himself converted’ by the Apostle. — 
ever this may be, if is certain that Onesimus was led by the provi 
of God to listen to that preaching now which he had formerly de: 
He was converted to the faith of Christ, and therefore to the me 
of Christ. He confessed to St. Paul his sins against his master. 
Apostle seems to have been peculiarly attracted by the characi 
Onesimus ; and he perceived in him the indications of gifts whi ch 
him for a more important post than any which he could hold as # 
of Philemon. He wished‘ to keep him at Rome, and employ him 
service of the Gospel. Yet he would not transgress the law, nor} 
the rights of Philemon, by acting in this matter without his consen 
therefore decided that Onesimus must immediately return to his m 
and, to make this duty less painful, he undertook himself to dist 
the sum of which Philemon had been defrauded. An opportunit 
offered itself for Onesimus to return in good company; for St F a 
sending Tychicus to Asia Minor, charged, amongst other comm 
with an epistle to Colosse, the home of Philemon. Under his 
therefore, he placed the penitent slave, who was now willing to sum 
himself to his offended master. Macorthelee he did not give 1 
hope of placing his new convert in a position wherein he might m 
no longer to a private individual, but to the Church at large. H 
mated his wishes on the subject to Philemon himself, with che 





1 For the proof of this, see Paley’s Hore 5 Philem. 10 appears to state 
Pauline on Philemon (10-12). 413.) 
2 Philem. 18. “hulem. 18. 





EPISTLE TO PHILEMON. 749 


licacy, in a letter which he charged Onesimus to deliver on his arrival 
Colossa. This letter is not only a beautiful illustration of the charac- 
‘of St. Paul, but also a practical commentary upon the precepts con- 
ning the mutual relations of slaves! and masters given in his contem- 
rary Epistles. We see here one of the earliest examples of the mode 
which Christianity operated upon these relations ; not by any violent 
ruption of the organization of society, such as could only have pro- 
ced another Servile War, but by gradually leavening and inter-penetrat- 
r society with the spirit of a religion which recognized the equality of 
men in the sight of God. The letter was as follows :— 


THE EPISTLE TO PHILEMON.? 


tation, PAUL, a prisoner of Christ Jesus, and Timotheus the bro- 
37, To PHILEMON OUR BELOVED FRIEND AND FELLOW-LABORER, AND TO 
PIA* OUR BELOVED SISTER,‘ AND TO ARCHIPPUS® OUR FELLOW-SOLDIER, 
D TO THE CHURCH AT THY HOUSE. 


Grace be to you and peace, from God our Father and our Lord Jesus 


rist. 


rs for 


I thank my God, making mention of thee always in my 
m prayers, because I hear of thy love and faith towards the Lord 


sus, and towards all the saints; praying ® that thy faith may communi- 


t See Col. iii. 22, and Eph. vi.5. St. Paul’s 
tion seems to have been especially drawn 
this subject at the present time; and he 
sht well feel the need there was for a fun- 
nental change in this part of the social sys- 
1 of antiquity, such as the spirit of Christ 
ne could give. In the very year of his 
ival at Rome, a most frichtful example was 
en of the atrocity of the laws which regu- 
4d the relations of slave to master. The 
fect of the city (Pedanius Secundus) was 
ed by one of his slaves; and in accordance 
h the ancient law, the whole body of slaves 
onging to Pedanius at Rome, amounting to 
ast multitude, and including many women 
| children, were executed together, although 
fessedly innocent of all participation in the 
me. Tac. Ann. xiv. 42-45. : 

2 With respect to the date of this epistle, 
facet that it was conveyed by Onesimus 
mpare Col. iv. 9), and the persons men- 
< as with St. Paul at the time (Philem. 


28, 24 compared with Col. iv. 12-14), prove 
that it was sent to Asia Minor, together with 
the Epistle to the Colossians, the date of which 
is discussed in a note on the beginning of that 
epistle. 

3 We are told by Chrysostom that she was 
the wife of Philemon, which seems probable 
from the juxtaposition of their names. 

4 « Sister” is added in many of the best 
MSS. 

5 Archippus was apparently a presbyter 
of the church at Colosss, or perhaps an evan- 
gelist resident there on a special mission (com- 
pare Col. iv. 17); from the present passage, he 
seems to have lived in the house of Philemon. 

6 « That” is to be joined with verse 4, as 
stating the object of the prayer there men- 
tioned, while verse 5 gives the subject of the 
thanksgiving. This is Chrysostom’s view, 
against which Meyer’s objections appear incon- 
clusive. The literal English of verse 6 is ag 
follows, that the communication of thy faith may 


21 


750 


cate itself to others, and may become workful, in causing true know 
of all the good which is in us, for Christ’s service. 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 







For I have g 


and consolation in thy love, because the hearts of the saints have 


comforted by thee, brother. 


Wherefore, although in the authority of Christ I might bold- Beas 
ly enjoin upon thee that wnich is befitting, yet for love’s sake Onesim 
I rather beseech thee as Paul the aged, and now also prisoner of d 
I beseech thee for my son, whom I have begotten in my ¢ 
Onesimus ; who formerly was to thee unprofitable,’ but now is profi 
Whom I have sent back to thee ;* but de 
receive him as my own? flesh and blood. For I would gladly‘ retain 


Christ. 


both to thee and me. 











with myself, that he might render service to me in thy stead, while 


a prisoner for declaring the Glad-tidings ; but I am unwilling to é 





thing without thy decision, that thy kindness may not be constrained 


voluntary. For perhaps to this very end he was parted from nee 
time, that thou mightest possess him forever; no longer as a. bon¢ 
but above a bondsman, a brother beloved ; very dear to me, but 








much more to thee, being thine both in the flesh and in the Lord 
then, thou count me in fellowship with thee, receive him as mysel: 


whatsoever he has wronged thee of, or owes thee, reckon it to my XC 
C1, Paul, write® this with my own hand) ; I will repay it; for 1} 
not say to thee that thou owest me even thine own self besides. — 
brother, let me have joy of thee in the Lord; comfort my he 


Christ.® 


I write to thee with full confidence in thy obedience, know- Asn 
ing that thou wilt do even more than I say. But, moreover, * 


become workful, in true knowledge of all good 
which is in us, for Christ. The latter words are 
very obscure, but the rendering adopted in the 
text appears to make the best sense. The best 


- MSS. are divided between Christ and Christ 


Jesus; but agree in reading “in us,” not “in 
you.” 

1 Most modern commentators suppose & 
play on the name Onesimus, which means use- 
jul, but there seems scarcely sufficient ground 
for this, and it was never remarked by the 
ancient Greek commentators, whose judgment 
on such a point would be entitled to most def- 
erence. 

® Many of the best MSS. add “to thee.” 



















The omission of the imperative m 
ference in the sense ; but it is ch 
St. Paul’s abrupt and rapid dictatio 
with the best MSS., we omit the impers 
find it in v. 17: and the intermediate 1 
practically parenthetic. — .| 

8 Children were called the onAéyxv 
parents. 

* The imperfect here, and aorist it 
ceding and following verse, are used, 
ing to classical idiom, from the p 
reader of the letter. 

5 See the preceding note. 

§ “ Christ” is the reading of the be 








AP. KXV, ST. PAUL WRITES TO THE COLOSSIANS. Tok 


jaMinoron prepare to receive me as thy guest; for I trust that through 
aC a 
; your ' prayers I shall be given to you. 


ae There salute thee Epaphras my fellow-prisoner’ in Christ 
al _ Jesus, Marcus, Aristarchus, Demas, and Luke, my fellow- 
borers. 

nolading The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ be with your spirits.* 


While Onesimus, on the arrival of the two companions at Colossaz,* 
irried to the house of his master with the letter which we have just 
ad, Tychicus proceeded to discharge his commission likewise by deliver- 
g to the Presbyters the Epistle with which he was charged, that it 
ight be read to the whole Colossian Church at their next meeting. The 
iter to the Colossians itself gives us distinct information as to the cause 
nich induced St. Paul to write it. Hpaphras, the probable founder of 
at Church (Col. i. 7), was now at Rome, and he had communicated 
the Apostle the unwelcome tidings, that the faith of the Colossians 
is in danger of being perverted by false teaching. It has been ques- 
med whether several different systems of error had been introduced 
none them, or whether the several errors combated in the Epistle were 
rts of one system, and taught by the same teachers. On the one side 
» find that, in the Epistle, St. Paul warns the Colossians separately 
ainst the following different errors: — First, A combination of angel- 
ship and asceticism; Secondly, A self-styled philosophy or gnosis 
1ich depreciated Christ ; Thirdly, A rigid observance of Jewish festivals 
d Sabbaths. On the other side, First, the Epistle seems distinctly 


1 Observe the change from singular to plural 
6, and in verse 25. 

4 “Fellow-soldier,” as we have before re- 
rked, perhaps means only that Epaphras had 
untarily shared Paul’s imprisonment at 
me by taking up his residence with him, in 
| lodging where he was guarded by the 
oldier that kept him.” 

* The Amen as usual is interpolated. 

* Though we have come to the conclusion 
t St. Paul had not himself (at this time) 
ited Colosse, yet it is hardly possible to 
d’ these Hpistles without feeling an interest 
the scenery and topography of its vicinity. 
® upper part of the valley of the Maander, 
eré this city, with its neighbor cities Hie- 
olis and Loadicea (Col. ii. 1, iv. 13; Rev. iii. 
, Was situated, has been described by many 
vellers ; and the illustrated works on Asia 





Minor contain several views, especially of the 
vast and singular petrifactions of Hierapolis 
(Pambouk-Kalessi). Colossz was older than 
either Laodicea or Hierapolis, and it fell into 
comparative insignificance as they rose into 
importance. In the Middle Ages it became a 
place of some consequence, and was the birth- 
place of the Byzantine writer Nicetas Chonia- 
tes, who tells us that Chonsz and Colosse 
were the same place. A village called Chonas 
still remains, the proximity of which to the 
ancient Colosse is proved by the correspond- 
ence of the observed phenomena with what 
Herodotus says of the river Lycus. The 
neighborhood was explored by Mr. Arundel! 
(Seven Churches, p. 158; Asia Minor, 11. 160) ; 
but Mr. Hamilton was the first to determine 
the actual site of the ancient city. (Researches, 
I. 508.) 


238 
24 


25 


752 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 































(though with an indirectness caused by obvious motives) to point 
single source, and even a single individual, as the origin of the erro 
introduced ; and, Secondly, we know that at any rate the two firsi 
these errors, and apparently the third also, were combined by som 
the early Gnostics. The most probable view, therefore, seems te 
that some Alexandrian Jew had appeared at Colosse, professing a kh 
in Christianity, and imbued with the Greek “ philosophy” of the s 
of Philo, but combining with it the Rabbinical theosophy and ange 
gy, which afterwards was embodied in the Cabala, and an extrava 
asceticism, which also afterwards distinguished several sects of 
Gnostics.' In short, one of the first heresiarchs of the incipient 
ticism had begun to pervert the Colossians from the simplicity of 
faith. We have seen in a former chapter” how great was the dangi 
be apprehended from this source, at the stage which the Church had 
reached ; especially in a church which consisted, as that at Colosse 
principally of Gentiles (Col. i. 25-27, Col. ii. 11); and that, to 
Phrygia,’ where the national character was so prone to a mystic fa 
cism. We need not wonder, therefore, that St. Paul, acting unde; 
inspiration of the Holy Spirit, should have thought it needful te 
every effort to counteract the growing evil. This he does, both by 
tradicting the doctrinal errors of the new system, and by inculcatin 
essential to Christianity, that pure morality which these early he: 
despised. Such appears to have been the main purpose of the follo 
Epistle : — 


THE EPISTLE TO THE COLOSSIANS.‘ 
PAUL, an apostle of Jesus Christ by the will of God, and 
Timotheus the brother, To THE HOLY AND FAITHFUL BRETHREN IN © 


WHO ABE AT CoLossaZ,® 
Grace be to you, and peace from God our Father.® 





1 See pp. 34 and 396. (B) Because he could not have ex 
2 Ch. XIII. at Cssarea to be soon cor 
5 See p. 235; and also the account of Phrygia (Acts xxiii. 11, xi 
the early Phrygian Gnostics in the lately- Rom. i. 13; Acts xx. 25), 
discovered “‘ Refutation of Heresies,” Book v. while writing this he expected 
* The following are the grounds for the to visit Phrygia (Philem. 22). 
date assigned to this Epistle : — (3.) The indications above mentio 


(1.) It was written in prison at the same correspond with Rome. Moreover, 
time as that to Philemon, and sent by the was with him, as we know he was at! 
same messenger (iv. 7-9). from Phil. i. 1. 

(2.) It was not written in Cmsarea, — ® Many of the best MSS. have Cc 

(4) Because while writing St. Paul was and this form is found in some of th 
laboring for the Gospel (iv. 8, 4), Greek writers. : 
which he did not at Cesarea (Acts 8 The words “ And our Lord Jesus Chir: 
xxviii. 31). with which St. Paul in all other 




















































































































































































































































































































ALLAH-SHEHE, THE ANCIENT PHILADELPHIA, 














EPISTLZ TO THE COLOSSIANS. 753 





I give continual thanks to God? the Father of-our Lord 
Jesus Christ, in my prayers for you (since I heard of your 
faith in Christ Jesus, and your love to all the saints), because* of the 
hope laid up for you in the heavens, whereof you heard the promise‘ in 
the truthful Word of the Glad-tidings; which is come to you, as it is 
through all the world ; and everywhere it bears fruit and® grows, as it 
joes also among you, since the day when first you heard it, and learned to 
mow truly the grace of God. And thus you were taught by Epaphras my 
beloved fellow-bondsman,§ who is a faithful servant of Christ on your behalf. 


or their con- 
yersion. 


And it is he who has declared to me your love for me’ in the Spirit. 


= 


for 
ion. 
; 


Wherefore I also, since the day when first I heard it, cease 
not to pray for you, and to ask of God that you may fully 


attain to the knowledge of His will; that*in all wisdom and spiritual 


; that you may bear fruit in all good works, and grow continually 


: 
: derstanding you may walk worthy of the Lord, to please Him in all 


n the knowledge of God; that you may be strengthened to the utter- 
most in the strength of His glorious power, to bear all sufferings with 
tness and with joy, giving thanks* to the Father who has fitted 19 

to share the portion of the saints in the light. 
For He has delivered us from the dominion of darkness, 12 


= 


in whom we have our redemption,” the forgiveness of our sins. 


eludes this formula of benediction, are omitted 

here in the best MSS. Chrysostom remarks 

im the omission. 

' 1 See note on 1 Thess. i. 2. 

| < “ And ” is omitted by the best MSS. 

* It seems more natural to take the prepo- 

thus, as in verse 9, than to connect it 

with the preceding verse. 

| *“ Before.’ The information regarding 

B hope had been reeeived by them here before 

fsfilment. Olshausen. 

§ The MSS. add this to the T. R. 

§ Epaphras is the same name with Epaph- 

-editus ; but this can scarcely be the same per- 
with that Epaphroditus who brought the 











and transplanted us into the kingdom of his beloved Son, 
Who isi14,15 


7 This interpretation (which is Chrysos- 
tom’s) seems the most natural. Their love 
for St. Paul was in the Spirit, because they had 
never seen him in the flesh. 

8 The punctuation here adopted connects 
“in all wisdom,” &., with the following 
verb. 

» The “giving thanks ” here seems parallel 
to the preceding participles, and consequently 
the “us” is used, not with reference to the 
writer, but generally as including both writer 
and readers; and the particular case of the 
readers (as formerly Heathens) referred to in 
verse 21 (“and you”). 

¥ “Through His blood ” has been intreduced 
here by mistake from Eph i 7, and is not 
found in the best MSS. 


or om eo 


ll 


19 
20 


21 


754 


a visible! image of the invisible God, the first-born of all creation ; fc 
in? Him were all things created, both in the heavens and on the eartl 
both visible and invisible, whether they be Thrones, or Dominations, 0 
Principalities, or Powers ;* by Him and for Him‘ were all created. Az 
He is before all things, and in Him all things subsist.2 And He is thi 
head of the body, the Church; whereof He is the beginning, as firs 
porn from the dead ; that in all things His place might be the first. 

For He willed § that in Himself all the Fulness of the universe * sho 
dwell; and by Himself He willed to reconcile all things to Himsel 
having made peace by the blood of His cross; by Himself (1 say) 
reconcile all things, whether on the earth, or in the heavens.® 

And you, likewise, who once were estranged from Him, and The Colas. 
with your mind at war with Him, when you lived in wicked- called from 


1 It is important to observe here that St. 
Paul says not merely that our Lord was when 
on earth the visible image of God, but that he 
is so still. In Him only God manifests him- 
self to man, and He is still visible to the eye 
of faith. 

2 “In” here must not be confounded with 
“through” or “by.” The existence of Christ, 
the 2éyoc, is the condition of all creation ; IN 
Him the Godhead is manifested. 

8 St. Paul here appears to allude to the doc- 
trines of the Colossian heretics, who taught a 
system of angel-worship based upon a syste- 
matic classification of the angelic hierarchy 
(probably similar to that found in the Cab- 
ala), and who seem to have represented our 
Lord as only one (and perhaps not the highest) 
of this hierarchy. Other allusions to a hierar- 
chy of angels) which was taught in the Rab- 
binical theology) may be found Rom. viii. 36, 
Eph. i. 21, iii. 10, 1 Pet. iii, 22, joined with 
the assertion of their subjection to Christ. 

* Compare Rom. xi. 36, where exactly the 
same thing is said concerning God; from 
which the inference is plain. It appears evi- 
dent that St. Paul insists here thus strongly 
on the creation by Jesus Christ, in opposition 
to some erroneous system which ascribed the 
creation to some other source; and this was 
the case with the early Gnosticism, which 
ascribed the creation of the world to a Demi- 
urge, who was distinct from the man Jesus. 

5 i. e. the life of the universe is conditioned 
by His existence. See the Jast note but two. 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 












































6 “He willed.” Most commentators 
pose an ellipsis of “God,” but the inst 
adduced by De Wette and others to jus 
this seem insufficient; and there seems no 
son to seek a new subject for the verb 
there is one already expressed in the preced 
verse. : 

7 The word Pleroma is here used by 
Paul in a technical sense, with a manifest 
sion to the errors against which he is wri 
The early Gnostics used the same word 
represent the assemblage of emanations (¢ 
ceived as angelic powers) proceeding from 
Deity. St. Paul therefore appears to say, 
the true Fulness of the universe (or, as he 
it, chap. ii. 9, Fulness of the Godhead) is 
found, not in any angelic hierarchy (see 
remarks introductory ‘to this epistle, p. 7 
but in Christ alone. : 

5 This statement of the infinite exten! 
the results of Christ’s redemption (which 
well fill us with reverential awe) has be 
sore stumbling-block to many comments 
who have devised various (and some 
genious) modes of explaining it away. 
these this is not the place to enter. It is 
cient to observe that St. Paul is still led t 
forth the true greatness of Christ in ¢ 
tion to the angelolatry of the Colossian 
tics ; intimating that, far from Christ bein 
only of the angelic hierarchy, the heal 

hosts themselves stood in need of His a 
ment. Compare Heb. ix. 23. 


EPISTLE TO THE COLOSSIANS. 755 





feathenism ness, yet now He has reconciled in the body of His flesh’ 
mst,” through death, that He might bring you to His presence in 
joliness, without blemish and without reproach ; if, indeed, you be stead- 
ast in your faith, with your foundation firmly grounded and immovably 
ixed, and not suffering yourselves to be shifted away from the hope of 
he Glad-tidings which you heard, which has been published throughout 


1H the earth,? whereof I, Paul, was made a ministering servant. 


t. Pauls 
ommission to 
eveal the 


tery of 
Seeseal scl- 
ation. 


And even now I rejoice in the afflictions which I bear for 
your ® sake, and I fill up what yet is lacking of the sufferings * 
of Christ in my flesh, on behalf of His body, which is the 


Church; whereof I was made a servant, to minister in the 
tewardship which God gave me for you [Gentiles], that I might fulfil it 
y declaring the Word of God, the mystery which has been hid for ages 



















own in Christ.’ 


Here again is perhaps a reference to the 
stic element in the Colossian theosophy. 
as Christ himself who suffered death in 
i6 body of his flesh; He was perfect man, 
d not (as the Docetez taught) an angelic 
mation, who withdrew from the man Jesus 
afore he suffered. 

2 Literally, throughout all the creation under 
ky, which is exactly equivalent to throughout 
the earth. St. Paul of course speaks here 
erbolically, meaning the teaching which you 


t.  Panl’s s sufferings were caused by his 
n behalf of the Gentile converts. 
Compare 2 Cor. i. 5. “The sufferings 
ist have come upon me above measure ; ” 
so Acts ix. 4, “ Why persecutest thou 
St. Paul doubtless recollected those 


d generations,® but has now been shown openly to His saints; to whom 
willed to manifest how rich, among the Gentiles, is the glory of this 
pystery, which ® is CHRIST IN YOU THE HOPE OF GLORY. 

Him, therefore, I proclaim, warning every man, and teaching every 
, in all wisdom ; that I may bring every man into His presence full 
And to this end I labor in earnest conflict, according 
0 His working which works in me with mighty power. 

| For I would have you know how great * a conflict I sustain for ii. 
you, and for those at Laodicea, and for all® who have not seen 
my face in the flesh; that their hearts may be comforted, and 


words when he called his sufferings “the suf 
ferings of Chrisi in his flesh.” 

5 Literally, from (i. e. since) the ages and the 
generations, meaning, from the remotest times, 
with special reference to the times of the 
Mosaic Dispensation. Compare Rom. xvi. 25, 
and Titus i. 2. 

® The best MSS. are here divided so as to 
leave it doubtful whether the relative belongs 
to mystery or riches; in either case the sense is 
the same, the riches are the rich abundance con- 
tained in the mystery. 

7 Jesus is omitted here in the best MSS. 
Perfect denotes grown to the ripeness of ma- 
turity. 

8 Alluding to what has just preceded. 

® Viz. all Christians. By the plain natural 
sense of this passage, the Colossians are classed 
among those personally unknown to St. Paul. 


23 


25 
26 


28 


28 





ar. 












756 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


that they may be knit together in love, and may gain in all its richne 
the full assurance of understanding;! truly to know the mystery o 
God,’ wherein are all the treasures of wisdom and of knowledge ® hidde 

I say this, lest any man should mislead you with enticing ana worns 


gal 


words. For though I am absent from you in the flesh, yet I thowe oro 
am present with you in the spirit, rejoicing when I behold **4%™ 
your good order, and the firmness of your faith in Christ. As, therefor 
you first received Christ Jesus the Lord, so walk in Him; having 
Him your root, and in Him the foundation whereon you amp contin 


ally ‘ built up; persevering steadfastly in your faith, as you were taugh 


and abounding § in thanksgiving. 


Beware ® lest there be any man who leads you captive ‘ by his 
philosophy, which is a vain deceit, following the tradition of Which Ge 
men,* the outward lessons® of childhood, not the teaching of Cbris:, 


For the “they” of verse 2 comprehends and 
binds together the Colossians, and the Laodi- 
ceans, with the “all who,” &. This view is 
confirmed by i. 4 (where Paul had heard of, 
not witnessed, their faith), by i. 7 (where 
Epaphras is described as their founder), and by 
i. 8 (where their love for Paul has been declared 
to him by Epaphras, not personally known by 
himself). 

1 Compare “ spiritual understanding ” (1.9). 

2 The reading of the MSS. here is very 
doubtfal. The reading we have adopted is 
that of Tischendorf’s 2d edition. 

8 St. Paul here alludes, as we see from the 
next verse, to those who (like the Colossian 
false teachers) professed to be in possession of 
a higher Gnosis. In opposition to them, he 
asserts that the depths of Gnosis are to be 
found only in the “ Mystery of God,” vis. the 
Sospel, or (as he defines it above) “ Christ in 
you.” 

4 Observe the present tense, and compare 
1 Cor. iii. 10. 

5 “Therein ” is omitted here, as in Tischen- 
corf’s text. 

® ‘The following paraphrase of this part of 
the Epistle is given by Neander : — “ How can 
you still fear evil spirits, when the Father him- 
self has delivered you from the kingdom of 
darkness, and transplanted you into the king- 
dom of his dear Son, who has victoriously 
ascended to heaven to share the divine might 






































by a system: 
misnamed 
philosophy 


reciates 


of his Father, with whom he now works 
man; when, moreover, he by his suffe ri 
has united you with the Father, and freed | 
from the dominion of all the powers of 4 
ness, whom he exhibits (as it were) as cap 
in his triumphal pomp, and shows their 
tence to harm his kingdom established am 
men? How can you still let the doubts 
fears of your conscience bring you into sh 
to superstition, when Christ has nailed 
cross and blotted out the record of guilt ¥ 
testified against you in your conscience, 
has assured to you the forgiveness of all 
sins? Again, how can you fear to be poll 
by outward things, how can you suffer 
selves to be in captivity to outward ordi: 
when you have died with Christ to all ea 
things, and are risen with Christ, and 
(according to your true, inward life) 
Christ in heaven? Your faith must b 
on things above, where Christ is, at he 
hand of God. Your life is hid with Chr 
God, and belongs no more to earth.” 

7 Literally, who drags you away as his 
The peculiar form of expression emp 
(similar to “ there are some that trouble | 
Gal. i. 7) shows that St. Paul alludes to 
particular individual at Coloss#, who proi 
to teach a “ Philosophy.” 

8 «The tradition of man ” 1s applied | 
Rabbinical theology (Mark vii. 8). 

® “ Elements of the world ” (cf. Gal. i 


EPISTLE TO THE COLOSSIANS. 757 





Christ. For in Him dwells all the Fulness! of the Godhead in bodily 
form, and in Him? you have your fulness; for He is the head of all the 
Principalities and Powers. . 
‘eircumcision not made by hands, even the offcasting of the? whole body of 
the flesh, the circumcision of Christ ; for with Him you were buried in your 
baptism, wherein also you were made partakers of His resurrection, 
through the faith wrought in you by God, who raised Him from the 
dead ; and you also, when you were dead in the transgressions and un- 
‘circumcision of your flesh, God raised to share His life. 
us‘ all our transgressions, and blotted out the Writing against us which 
‘opposed us with its decrees,® having taken it out of our way, and nailed 
it to the cross. And He disarmed the Principalities and the Powers® 
[which fought against Him], and put them to open shame, leading them 


For He forgave 


In Hin, also, you were circumcised with a ! 


‘captive in the triumph of Christ.? 




















lve 


body is Christ’s. 


pferring to the Jewish ordinances, as “a 
shadow of things to come ” (vy. 17). 
_ 1 See note on i. 19. 
» 2%.¢. by union with Him alone, you can 
take of the Pleroma of the Godhead, and 

not (as the Gnostics taught) by initiation into 
‘an esoteric system of theosophy, whereby men 
might attain to closer counection with some 
f the “Principalities and Powers” of the 
angelic hierarchy. 
/ 8 The casting-off, not (as in outward cir- 
amcision) of a part, but of the whole body 
f the flesh, the whole carnal nature. Of the 
in the T. R. is an interpolation. 
* “Us” is the reading of the best MSS. 
_ © The parallel passage (Eph. ii. 15) is more 


and see Neander’s 


I Compare Rom. xiv. 1-17. 
1 * The same three Mosaic observances are 


Therefore, suffer not any man to condemn you for what you 
rv- . . 2 

eat or drink,® nor in respect of feast-days, or new moons,’ or 
ad ascetism. sabbaths ; for these are a shadow of things to come, but the 
Let no man succeed in his wish ™ to defraud you of 
prize, persuading you to self-humiliation," and worship of the angels,” 


joined together, 1 Chron. xxiii. 31. 
also Gal. iv. 10. 

10 Let ne man, though he wishes it ; this seems 
the most natural explanation of this difficult 
expression; it is that adopted by Theodoret 
and Theophylact. We observe again the ref- 
erence to some individual false teacher. 

From the combination of this with 
*‘chastening of the body,” in verse 23, it seems 
to mean an exaggerated self-humiliation, like 
that which has often been joined with ascetic 
practices, and has shown itself by the devotee 
wearing rags, exposing himself to insult, 
living by beggary, &. 

12 Mr. Hartley mentions a fact in the later 
Christian history of Colosse# which is at least 
curious when considered in connection with 
St. Paul’s warning concerning angels, and the 
statement of Herodotus regarding the river 
Lycus. The modern Greeks have a legend to 
this effect: — “‘ An overwhelming inundation 
threatened to destroy the Christian population 
of that city. They were fleeing before it in 
the utmost consternation, and imploring supe 


Compare 


15 


19 


21 


23 


ii. 1 


158 


intruding! rashly into things which he has not seen, puffed up by 
fleshly mind, and not holding fast the Head, from whom? the whole bod 
by the joints which bind it, draws full supplies* for all its needs, and » 
knit together, and increases in godly growth. 

If, then,‘ when you died with Christ, you put away the childish lessor 
of outward things, why, as though you still lived in outward things, 
you submit yourselves to decrees (“ hold® not, taste not, touch not” 
forbidding the use of things which are all made to be consumed in 
using)* founded on the precepts and doctrines of men? For these pr 
cepts, though they have a show of wisdom, in a self-chosen worship, at 
in humiliation, and chastening of the body, are of no value to check? 


indulgence of fleshly passions. 


If, then,® you were made partakers of Christ’s resurrection, Exhe 
seek those things which are above, where Christ abides,’ seated affections. 
on the right hand of God. Set your heart on things above, not on thir 
earthly ; for ye are dead,” and your life is hid with Christ in God. 
Christ, who is our life, shall be made manifest, then shall ye also be m 


manifest" with Him in glory. 


rior succor for their deliverance. At this criti- 
cal moment, the Archangel Michael descended 
from heaven, opened the chasm in the earth to 
which they still point, and at this opening the 
waters of the inundation were swallowed up 
and the multitude was saved.” (Res. in Greece, 
p. 52.) Achurch in honor of the archangel 
was built at the entrance of the chasm. A 
council held at the neighboring town of Lao- 
dicea, in the 4th century, condemned this 
Angel worship; and Theodoret speaks of it 
as existing in the same region. 

1 We join vainly (rashly) with what pre- 
cedes. 

2 From whom, not from which, as in A. V. 

8 Literally, furnished with all things necessary 
to its support. 

4 The reference is to verse 12. The literal 
translation is, if you died with Christ, putting 
away, ¥c. 

& Hold is distmguished from touch, the for- 
mer conveying (according to its original sense) 
the notion of close contact and retention, the 
latter of only momentary contact; compare 
1 Cor. vii. 1, and also John xx. 17, where the 
words should probably be translated “hold 
me not,” or “ cling not to me.” 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 








































6 This appears to be the best view of 
very difficult passage, on a comparison 
1 Cor. vi. 13, and with St. Paul’s general 
of this verb. 

7 Literally this is, in reference to the in 
gence of the flesh. The difficulty of this ve 
is well known. ‘The interpretation, wh 
leaves the verse a mere statement of the fa’ 
able side of this Colossian asceticism, 1 
anced by any contrary conclusion, and 
nothing to answer to “having a show,” 
appears very untenable. We consider “in 
honor” here to be used as “of no yall 
See Acts xx. 24, Rev. xvii. 4. Since the f 
edition of this word was published, we 
ascertained that the view above taken of t 
verse was proposed by Archbishop Sum 
(Practical Expos. in loco), who interpre 
“These things are of little honor or ¥ 
against the fulness of the flesh, the motions 
sin in the members;” and quotes the La 
in illustration. 8 ‘The reference is to ii. 

® Stronger than “ is seated.” 1 

10 Literally, you have died; for the 
must here be used for a perfect, since 
coupled with a perfect following. 

0 §o also in Rom. viii. 19 the com 


«OMAP, XXV, 


,% 
hy 


EPISTLE TO THE COLOSSIANS. 759 


Give, therefore, unto death your earthly members; fornica 
tion, uncleanness,' shameful appetites, unnatural desires, and 
the lust of concupiscence,? which is idolatry. For these things 
bring the wrath of God upon the children of disobedience ; among whom 
you also walked in former times, when you lived therein; but now, with 
a us,’ you likewise must renounce them all. Anger, passion, and 
ta putonthe malice must be cast away, evil-speaking and reviling put out 
Bitievarious of your mouth. Lie not one to another, but‘ put off the old 
oo man with his deeds, and put on the new’ man, who grows 
continually to a more perfect knowledge and likeness of his Creator.° 
Wherein there is not “Greek and Jew,” “circumcision and uncircum- 
cision,” “‘ barbarian,” “‘ Scythian,” ‘“ bondsman,” “ freeman ;”” but Christ 
is all, and in all. Therefore, as God’s chosen people, holy and beloved, put 
on tenderness of heart, kindness, self-humiliation,’ gentleness, long-suffer- 
ing ; forbearing one another, and forgiving one another, if any thinks him- 
self aggrieved by his neighbor ; even as Christ forgave you, so also do ye. 
And over all the rest put on the robe * of love, which binds together and 
completes the whole.’ Let the peace of Christ” rule in your hearts, to 
which also you were called in one body : and be thankful one ” to another. 


it 
Heathen im- 
purity and 
other vices. 


Christ in glory is identified with the manifesta- 
tion of the sons of God. St. Paul declares, 
that the real nature and glory of Christ’s 
people (which is now hidden) will be mani- 
fested to all mankind when Christ shall come 
again, and force the world to recognize Him, 
by an open display of His majesty. The 
Authorized Version, though so beautiful in 
this passage that it is impossible to deviate 


_ from it without regret, yet does not adequate- 


ly represent the original. 

1 Viz. of word as well as deed. 

2 Lust of concupiscence, whence the before- 
named special sins spring, as branches from 
the root. For the meaning of the original 
word, see note on 1 Cor. v.11. Lust is called 
idolatry, either because impurity was so closely 
connected with the Heathen idol-worship, or 
because it alienates the heart from God. 

8 You also, — you as well as other Christians. 
There should be a comma after v. 7, and a full 
stop in the middle of v. 8. Then the exhorta- 
tion beginning anger, &c., follows abruptly, a 


repetition of renounce being understood from 
the sense. 

* “Put of.”” The participle is equivalent 
to the imperative. Compare “put on,” y. 12. 

§ For this use of new compare Heb. xii. 24. 

§ Literally, who is continually renewed [pres- 
ent participle] to the attainment of a true knowl- 
edge according to the likeness of his Creator. 

7 It is remarkable that the very same quali- 
ty which is condemned in the false teachers is 
here enjoined ; showing that it was not their 
self-humiliation which was condemned, but 
their exaggerated way of showing it, and the 
false system on which it was ingrafted. 

® Above all in the sense of over all. See 
Eph. vi. 16. 

® Literally, which is the bond of completeness. 

10 The great majority of MSS. read Christ. 

Ul This is most naturally understood of 
gratitude towards one another, especially as the 
context treats of their love towards their 
brethren ; for ingratitude destroys mutual 
love. 


10 


12 


13 


14 
15 


iv. 1 


780 


Let the Word of Christ dwell in you richly. Teach and admonish Gm 


another in all wisdom.! 


Let your singing be of psalms, and hymns, and spiritual postive r 
songs,” sung in thanksgiving, with your heart, unto* God. 
And whatsoever you do, in word or deed, do all in the name of the 
Jesus, giving thanks to God our Father through Him. 

Wives, submit yourselves to your husbands, as it is fit im gyhoration 


the Lord. 


Husbands, love your wives, and deal not harshly with them. ™=*4¢lfe. — 
Children, obey your parents in all things ; for this is acceptable in 


Lord.‘ 


Fathers, vex not your children, lest their spirit should be broken. 

Bondsmen, obey in all things your earthly masters; not in 
eye-service, as men pleasers, but in singleness of heart, fear- 
And whatsoever you do, do it heartily, as for the Lord, 
and not for men; knowing that from the Lord you will receive the re 
ward of the inheritance ; for you are the bondsmen of Christ, our 
But he who wrongs another will be requited for the wrong 
which he has done, and [in that judgment] there is no respect 


ing the Lord. 


and Master.® 


persons.’ 


Masters, deal rightly and justly with your bondsmen, knowing that you 


also have a Master in heaven. 


Persevere in prayer, and join thanksgiving with your watch- He asks for 
fulness therein; and pray for me likewise, that God would ‘Preven 
open to me a door of entrance*® for His Word, that I may declare 


1 The punctuation here adopted connects 
“in all wisdom” with what follows. The 
participles are used imperatively, as in Rom. 
xii. 9-16. 

2 The reading adopted is Tischendorf’s, a 
stop being put after the preceding. St. Paul 
appears to intend (as in Eph. v. 18, 19, which 
throws light on the present passage) to con- 
trast the songs which the Christians were to 
employ at their meetings with those impure 
or bacchanalian strains which they formerly 
sang at their heathen revels. It should be 
remembered that singing always formed a part 
of the entertainment at the banquets of the 
Greeks Compare also James v. 13, “Is any 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL 


















ines how to 


to the fulfil- — 
ment of the 
duties of do- 





masters. 


man merry? Let him sing psalms.” Forth 
“ Thanksgiving” see 1 Cor. x. 30, where t 
same word is used. 
3 God is the reading of the best MSS. 
* “ Acceptable in the Lord” is the read! 
of the MSS. } 
5 « The Lord ” is the reading of the MSS. 
® The correlative meanings of Lord (Mas- 
ter) and Servant (Slave) give a force to this in 
Greek, which cannot be fully expressed i 
English. . 
7 ie. slaves and masters are equal 
Christ’s judgment-seat. 
* Compare 2 Cor. ii. 12. 


omar. «xv. EPISTLE TO THE COLOSSIANS. 761 


mystery of Christ,’ which is the very cause of my imprisonment: pray 
for me that I may declare it openly, as I ought to speak. 

Conduct yourselves with wisdom towards those without the 
Church,’ and forestall opportunity. Let your speech be always 
gracious, with a seasoning of salt,‘ understanding how to give to every 
man a fitting answer. 


believers. 


Mission of All that concerns me wil] be made known to you by Tychi- 
Onesimus. cus, my beloved brother and faithful servant and fellow-bonds- 


man in the Lord, whom J have sent to you for this very end, that he 
might learn your state, and comfort your hearts; with Onesimus, the 
faithful and beloved brother, your fellow-countryman ; they will tell you 
all which has happened here. 

Greetings | Aristarchus, my fellow-prisoner, salutes you, and Marcus, 
iansinRome. the cousin ® of Barnabas, concerning whom you received in- 
structions (if he come to you, receive him), and Jesus surnamed Justus. 
Of the circumcision * these only are my fellow-laborers for the kingdom 
of God, who have been a comfort to me. 

Epaphras your fellow-countryman salutes you ; a bonsdman of Christ, 
who is ever contending on your behalf in his prayers, that in ripeness of 
anderstanding, and full assurance of belief,’ you may abide steadfast in all 
the will of God; for I bear him witness that he is filled with zeal® for 
you, and for those in Laodicea and Hierapolis. 

Luke, the beloved physician, and Demas, salute you. 

Salute the brethren in Laodicea, and Nymphas, with the 
Church at his house. And when this letter has been read 
among you, provide that it be read also in the Church of the 
Laodiceans, and that you also read the letter from Laodicea. And say to 
Archippus, “‘ Take heed to the ministration which thou hast received in 
the Lord’s service, that thou fulfil it.” 
| 1 See above, i. 27. 


_ 2 Compare 1 Thess. iv. 12 and 1 Cor. v. 12. 
® This is the literal translation. Like the 


to 
Colossian and 
Laddicean 


6 We adopt the punctuation of Lachmann 
and Meyer. Literally, these, who are of the cir- 
cumcision, are alone fellow-workers; i. e. alone 


ish forestall, the verb means to buy up an 
wlicle oz.t of the market, in order to make the 
‘argest possible profit from it. 
| 4 i.e. free from insipidity. It would be well 
: religions speakers and writers had always 
| ept this precept in mind. 
| § The original word has the meaning of 
in (not nephew) both in classical and Helle- 


tein tireck 








among those of the circumcision; for other 
fellow-workers are mentioned below. 

7 We adopt Lachmann and Tischendorf’s 
reading. For the meaning of the word, see 
Rom. iv. 21. 

8 If, with some MSS., we read tou! here, i? 
will not materially alter the sense. 


10 


il 


12 


13 
14 
15 
16 


17 


iv. 
18 





































762 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


The salutation of me, Paul, with my own hand, Remember Antog a 
. 6 salutation aaa 
my chains.' Grace be with you.’ penediction 


We have seen that the above Epistle to the Colossians, and that | 
Philemon, were conveyed by Tychicus and Onesimus, who travelle 
together from Rome to Asia Minor. But these two were not the on 
letters with which Tychicus was charged. We know that he carried 
third letter also; but it is not equally certain to whom it was address¢ 
This third letter was that which is now entitled the Epistle to the Eph 
sians ;* concerning the destination of which (disputed as it is) perha 
the least disputable fact is, that it was not addressed to the Church 


j 


Ephesus.‘ 
This point is established by strong evidence, both internal and ext 


nal. To begin with the former, we remark, First, that it would be ine 
plicable that St. Paul, when he wrote to the Ephesians, amongst whe 
he had spent so long a time, and to whom he was bound by ties of su 
close affection (Acts xx. 17, &c.), should not have a single message 
personal greeting to send. Yet none such are found in this Hpist 
Secondly, He could not have described the Ephesians as a Church wh 
conversion he knew only by report (i. 15). Thirdly, He could not spe 
to them, as only knowing himself (the founder of their Church) to 
Apostle by hearsay (iii. 2), so as to need credentials to accredit him ith 
them (iii. 4). Fourthly, He could not describe the Ephesians as s¢ 
clusively Gentiles (ii. 11, iv. 17), and so recently converted (v. 8,i 1 
ii. 13). 

This internal evidence is confirmed by the following external evide’ 
also. 
(1.) St. Basil distinctly asserts, that the early writers whom he I 
consulted declared that the manuscripts of this Epistle in their time 
not contain the name of Ephesus, but left out altogether the name of | 
Church to which the Epistle was addressed. He adds, that the mos 
ancient manuscripts which he had himself seen gave the same testi 


This assertion of Basil’s is confirmed by Jerome, Epiphanius, and Ter 
| 


tullian.® 


1 We have before remarked that the right recently-discovered Sinaitic MS. is @ 
hand, with which he wrote these words, was confirmation of the view here expressed. —#.| 
fastened by a chain to the left hand of the 6 Tertullian accuses Marcion of addina th 
soldier who was on guard over him. title “'To the Laodiceans,” but not of altering 

2 ‘The Amen (as usual) was added by the the salutation; whence it is clear that * 
copyists, and is absent from the best MSS. MSS. used by Tertullian did not contal 

8 See Eph. vi. 21, 22. words “in Ephesus.” It is scarcely neces tT 

4 [This statement has been blamed, as ex- _ here to notice the apocryphal Epistola ad } 
treme; and perhaps it is too strong: but the _dicenses, which only exists in Latin MSS. t 
omission of the words “in Ephesus” from the is a mere cento compiled from the Bpistl m | 





| OHAP. XXV, 


this Epistle was not addressed to the Ephesians. 


EPISTLE 10 THE EPHESIANS (SO CALLED). 763 


(2.) The most ancient manuscript now known to exist, namely, that of 
the Vatican Library, fully bears out Basil’s words; for in its text it does 
not contain the words “in Ephesus” at all; and they are only added in 
its margin by a much later hand.! 

(3.) We know, from the testimony of Marcion, that this Epistle was 
entitled in his collection “the Epistle to the Laodiceans.” And _ his 
authority on this point is entitled to greater weight from the fact that he 
was himself a native of the district where we should expect the earlier 
copies of the Epistle to exist.’ 

The above arguments have convinced the ablest modern critics that 
But there has not been 
by any means the same approach to unanimity on the question who 
were its intended readers. In the most ancient manuscripts of it (as we 
have said) no Church is mentioned by name, except iv those consulted 
by Marcion, according to which it was addressed to ‘he Laodiceans. 


_ Now the internal evidence above mentioned proves that the Epistle was 


addressed to some particular church or churches, who were to receive 
intelligence of St. Paul through Tychicus, and that it was not a treatise 
addressed to the whole Christian world; and the form of the salutation 
shows that the name of some place * must originally have been inserted in 
it. Again: the very passages in the Epistle which have been above 
referred to, as proving that it could not have been directed to the Ephe- 


sians, agree perfectly with the hypothesis that it was addressed to the 
_ Laodiceans. 
St. Paul did write a letter to Laodicea (Col. iv. 16) about the same time 


Lastly, we know from the Epistle to the Colossians, that 


with that to Colosse.* On these grounds, then, it appears the safest 


the Galatians and Philippians; and was evi- 
dently a forgery of a very late date, originat- 
ing from the wish to represent the epistle, men- 

tioned Col. iv. 16, as not lost. 

1 [See remark, p. 762, n. 4, on the Sinaitic 

: MS. — u.] 
2 Many critics object to receive Marcion’s 
_ evidence, on the ground that he often made 
‘arbitrary alterations in the text of the New 
| Testament. But this he did on doctrinal 
grounds, which could not induce him to alter 
the title of an epistle. 
_ §& Compare the salutations at Rom. i. 7; 
| 3Cor.i.1; Phil. i.1; the analogy of which 
| tenders it impossible to suppose “ those who 
are’ used emphatically (“ those who are really 
| Saints”), as some commentators mentioned 
|| by Jerome took it. It is true that this (the 
|) Oldest known form of the text) might be 












translated “to God’s people who are also 
faithful in Christ Jesus;” but this would 
make the Epistle addressed (like the 2d of 
Peter) to the whole Christian world; which 
is inconsistent with its contents, as above re- 
marked. 

* De Wette argues that the letter to Lao- 
dicea, mentioned Col. iv. 16, must have been 
written some time before that to Colosse, 
and not sent by the same messenger, because 
St. Paul in the Colossian Epistle sends greet- 
ings to Laodicea (Col. iv. 15), which he would 
have sent directly if he had written to Laodi- 
cea at the same time. But there is not much 
weight in this objection, for it was agreeable 
to St. Paul’s manner to charge one part of 
the church to salute the other; see Rom. xvi. 
3, where he says “salute ye,” not “I salute.” 
Moreover it seems most probable that Col. iv. 





















THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. HAF. 


' 


764 


course to assume (with Paley, in the Hore Pauline) that the testim on 
of Marcion (uncontradicted by any other positive evidence) is co 
and that Laodicea was one at least of the Churches to which this Epist 
was addressed. And, consequently, as we know not the name of an 
other Church to which it was written, that of Laodicea should be in 
serted in the place which the most ancient manuscripts leave vacant. 

Still, it must be obvious, that this does not remove all the difficulties of 
the question. For, first, it will be asked, how came the name of Laodice 
(if originally inserted) to have slipped out of these ancient manuscript f 
and again, how came it that the majority of more recent manuscript 
inserted the name of Ephesus? These perplexing questions are in som 
measure answered by the hypothesis originated by Archbishop Ush a 
that this Epistle was a circular letter addressed not to one only, but t 
several Churches, in the same way as the Epistle to the Galatians wa 
addressed to all the Churches in Galatia, and those to Corinth we 
addressed to the Christians “‘in the whole province of Achaia.” On thi 
view, Tychicus would have carried several copies of it, differently sup 
scribed, one for Laodicea, another, perhaps, for Hierapolis, another ft 
Philadelphia, and so on. Hence the early copyists, perplexed by th 
diversity in their copies, might many of them be led to omit the words 
which the variation consisted; and thus the state of the earliest know 
text? of the Epistle would be eee Afterwards, however, as ¢0 x 
of the Epistle became spread over the world, all imported from Ephest 
(the commercial capital of the district where the Epistle was original 
circulated), it would be called (in default of any other name) the Episi 
from Ephesus, and the manuscripts of it would be so entitled ; and thene 
the next step, of inserting the name of Ephesus into the text, in a pla 
where some local designation was plainly wanted, would be a very eas 
one. And this designation of the Epistle would the more readily prevai 
from the natural feeling that St. Paul must have written * some Epist 
to so great a Church of his own founding as Ephesus. 


16-18 was a postscript, added to the Epistle 
after the Epistle to Laodicea was written. It 
is difficult to imagine that the “‘letter from 
Laodicea”’ (Col. iv. 16) could have been re- 
ceived much before that to the Colossians, 
from the manner in which it is mentioned, and 
the frequent intercourse which must have oc- 
curred between such neighboring churches. 
The hypothesis of Wieseler, that the Laodi- 
cean Epistle was that to Philemon, is quite 
arbitrary, and appears irreconcilable with the 
fact that Onesimus is expressly called a Co- 












lossian, and was sent to Coloss# on this 
occasion. See also Hore Pauline (in loco). 

1 See 2 Cor. i. 1, and p. 485. 

2 That of the Codex Vaticanus, 
described as agreeing with the most a 
MSS. seen by Basil. 

3 We cannot doubt that St. Paul did 
many epistles which are now lost. He hi 
self mentions one such to the Corinthians (5 
page 421); and it is a mysterious dispem: 
of Providence that his Epistles to the | 
great metropolitan churches of Antioch 








at. SEV. EPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS (SO CALLED), 768 


Thus the most plausible account of the origin of this Epistle seems to 
be as follows. Tychicus was about to take his departure from Rome for 
Asia Minor. St. Paul had already written! his Epistle to the Colossians 
at the request of Epaphras, who had informed him of their danger. But 
Tychicus was about to visit other places, which, though not requiring the 
same warning with Colosse, yet abounded in Christian converts. Most 
of these had been Heathens, and their hearts might be cheered and 
strengthened by words addressed directly to themselves from the great 
Apostle of the Gentiles, whose face chey had never seen, but whose name 
they had learned to reverence, and whose sufferings had endeared him 
to their love. These scattered Churches (one of which was Laodicea) ? 
had very much in common, and would all be benefited by the same 
instruction and exhortation. Since it was not necessary to meet the 
individual case of any one of them, as distinct from the rest, St. Paul 
wrote the same letter to them all, but sent to each a separate copy au- 
thenticated by the precious stamp of his own autograph benediction. 


_ And the contents of this circular epistle naturally bore a strong resem- 


blance to those of the letter which he had just concluded to the Colos- 


_gians, because the thoughts which filled his heart at the time would ne- 


cessarily find utterance in similar language, and because the circum 
stances of these Churches were in themselves very similar to those of the 
Colossian Church, except that they were not infected with the peculiar 
errors which had crept in at Colosse.* The Epistle which he thus wrote 


consists of two parts: first, a doctrinal, and, secondly, a hortatory portion. 
The first part contains a summary, very indirectly conveyed (chiefly in 


the form of thanksgiving), of the Christian doctrines taught by St. Paul, 
and is especially remarkable for the great prominence given to the aboli- 
tion of the Mosaic Law. The hortatory part, which has been so dear to 
Christians of every age and country, enjoins unity (especially between 


Ephesus, with which he was himself so pecu- 
isrly connected, should not have been pre- 
Served to us. 

1 Tt is here assumed that the Epistle to the 
Colossians was wriiten before that (so called) 
to the Ephesians. This appears probable 
from a close examination of the parallel pas- 
Sages in the two Epistles; the passages in 


_ Ephesians bear marks of being expanded from 


those in Colossians ; and the passages in Co- 
lossians could not be so well explained on the 
converse hypothesis, that they were a conden- 
gation of those in Ephesians. We have re- 
marked, however, in a previous note, that we 
Must assume the reference in Colossians to 


- other epistle (Col. iy. 16) to have been 


added as a postscript ; unless we suppose that 
St. Paul there refers to “ the letter from Laodi- 
cea” before it was actually written (as intend- 
ing to write it, and send it by the same mes- 
senger), which he might very well have done. 

2 It has been objected to the circular hy- 
pothesis, that the Epistle, if meant as a circular, 
would have been addressed “‘ to those who are 
in Asia.” But to this it may be replied, that 
on our hypothesis the Epistle was not addressed 
to all the churches in Proconsular Asia, and 
that it was addressed to some churches not in 
that province. 

5 On this part of the subject, see Appen: 
dix I. 


i.1 


766 


Jewish aid Gentile Christians), the renunciation of Heathen vices, an 
It lays down rules (the same as the 
in the Epistle to Colosse, only in an expanded form) for the performar 
of the duties of domestic life, and urges these new converts, in the midst 
of the perils which surrounded them, to continue steadfast in watchfulne 
Such is the substance, and such was most probably the his- 


the practice of Christian purity. 


and prayer. 
tory, of the following Epistle : — 


THE EPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS (SO CALLED). 


PAUL, an Apostle of Jesus Christ, by the will of God, To Salutation. — 
THE SAINTS? WHO ARE [IN LaopIcEA],’ AND WHO HAVE FAITH IN CHRIE 


JESUS. 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 











4 





Grace be to you and peace, from God our Father, and from our La 


Jesus Christ. 


Blessed be God, the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, who Thankss 
has given us‘ in Christ all spiritual blessings in the heavens.’ £oowicage 


1 In the above introductory remarks it is 
assumed that this Epistle was contemporary 
with that to the Colossians, which is stated in 
the Epistle itself (vi. 21; compare Col. iv. 


'7). Its date, therefore, is fixed by the argu- 


ments in p. 752. We may here shortly notice 
the arguments which have been advanced by 
some German critics for rejecting the Epistie 
altogether as a forgery. Their objections 
against its authenticity are principally the fol- 
lowing. First, the difficulties respecting its 
destination, which have been already noticed. 
Secondly, The want of originality in its matter, 
the substance of its contents being found also 
in the Colossians, or others of St. Paul’s Epis- 
tles. This phenomenon has been accounted 
for above (p. 765), and is well explained by 
Paley (Hore Pauline). Thirdly, Certain 
portions of the doctrinal contents are thought 
to indicate a later origin, e. g. the Demonology 
{ii. 2, and vi. 12) Fourthly, Some portions 
of the style are considered un-Pauline. Fifth- 
ly, Several words are used in a sense different 
from that which they bear in St. Paul’s other 
writings) These three last classes of difficn]- 
ties we cannot pretend fully to explain, nor is 
this the place for their discussion; but as a 
general answer to them we may remark: 
First, That if we had a fuller knowledge of 
the persons to whom, and especially of the 























for 


amanuensis by whom, the letter was writ 
they would probably vanish. Secondly, 
no objector has yet suggested a 
explanation of the origin of the Epistle, if j 
were a forgery ; no motive for forgery can 
detected in it; it contains no attack on post 
apostolic forms of heresy, no indication of § 
later development of church gove 
The very want of originality slicers 
it would not leave any motive for its forgery. 
Thirdly, It was unanimously received as S$) 
Paul’s Epistle by the early church, and if 
quoted by Polycarp and Irenssus ; and, as ap 
pears by the lately discovered work of Hippol; 
tus against heresies (which has appeared si 
this was first published), it is also que 
most distinctly by Valentinus (about 
A.D.), who cites Eph. iii. 14, 16, 17, and 1 
verbatim. é 
2 For the translation here, see note 0 
1 Cor. i. 2. 
5 See the preceding remarks, p. 763. 
* “Us” (here) includes both the writer ant 
(apparently) the other Apostles; while “yo 
likewise” (y. 13) addresses the readers as 
tinguished from the writer. 
5 Literally, in the heavenly places. This 
pression is peculiar to the presen? — 
which it oceurs five times. 


sTact 


4 


EPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS (SO CALLED). 767 





the Christian 
given 
pos- 


tles. world, that we should be holy and spotless in His sight. 


Even as He chose us in Him, before the foundation of the 
For 
in His love! He predestined us to be adopted among His children through 
Jesus Christ, according to the good pleasure of His will, that we might 
praise and glorify His grace, wherewith He favored? us in His beloved. 
For in Him we have our redemption through His blood, even the forgive- 
ness of our sins, in the richness of His grace,’ which He bestowed upon 
us above measure; and He made known‘ to us, in the fulness of wisdom 
and understanding, the mystery of His will, according to His good pleas- 
ure, which He had purposed in Himself to fulfil, that it should be 
‘dispensed® in the fulness of time ;* to make all things one’ in Christ as 
head, yea, both things in heaven and things on earth in Him; in whom 
we also receive the portion of our lot,® having been predestined thereto 
‘according to His purpose, whose working makes all fulfil the counsel of 


ry 


His own will; that unto His praise and glory * we might live, who have 





& hoped in Christ before” you. 


ens itor And you, likewise, have hoped in Him, since you heard the 
pepenter, message of the truth, the Glad-tidings of your salvation ; and 
“enment. s~ you believed in Him, and received His seal, the holy Spirit 


of promise ; who is an" earnest of our inheritance, given to” receem that 
which He hath purchased, to the praise of His glory. 


1 We join “in love” with v. 5. 

_ 7 The verbal connection would be more 
_Titerally given thus: His favor wherewith He 
favored us. 

® Comma at the end of verse 7, colon in 
“the middle of v. 8, and no stcp at the end of 

_y. 8, taking the verb transitively. 

_ #4 This is referred to in iii. 3. Compare 
“made known to us the mystery, &c.,” with 
Bmade an to me the mystery,” which 
‘Proves “us” here to correspond with “me” 

i there. 

Bs Dispensation. According to most inter- 
| ‘preters this expression is used in this Epistle 
in the sense of adjustment, or preparation; but 

F 88 the meaning it bears elsewhere in St. Paul’s 

| ‘Writings (viz. the office of a steward in dispens- 

[ tng his master’s goods: see 1 Cor. ix. 17, and 

ef Col. i. 25) gives a very intelligible sense to 

the passages in this Hpistle, it seems needless 
to depart from it. The meaning of the pres- 

‘fit passage is best illustrated by iii. 2, 3. 

ia 






§ Literally, for a dispensation [of it] which 
belongs to the fulness of time. 

7 Literally, to unite all things under one head, 
in union with Christ: so Chrysostom explains 
it. For the doctrine compare 1 Cor. xv. 24. 

® Literally, were portioned with our lot. 

® The original may be considered as a 
Hebraism ; literally, that we should be for the 
glory-praise of Him ; compare verse 6. 

10 This might mean, as some take it, to /ook 
forward with hope: but the other meaning 
appears most obvious, and best suits the con- 
text. Compare “went before to ship,” Acts 
xx. 13. 

11 Compare Rom. viii. 28; and note on 
1 Cor. i. 22. 

12 Not until (A. V.). 

18 Used in the same sense here as “ the 
church which He purchased” (Acts xx. 28}. 
The metaphor is, that the gift of the Holy 
Spirit was an earnest (that is, a part payment in 
advance) of the price required for the full de 


10 


1k 


12 


13 


14 


16 
17 


21 


23 


768 


Wherefore I, also, since I heard of your faith in our Lord Jesus, anc 
your love to all the saints, give thanks for you without ceasing, and niake 
mention of you in my prayers, beseeching the God of our Lord Jesu 
Christ, the Father of glory, to give you a spirit of wisdom and of in- 
sight, in the knowledge of Himself; the eyes of your understanding * 
being filled with light, that you may know what is the hope of His ca 
ing, and how rich is the glory of His inheritance among the saints, an¢ 
how surpassing is the power which He has shown toward us who believe 
[for He has dealt with us] in the strength of that might where- office ana 
with He wrought in Christ, when He raised Him from the Obrist. 
dead; and set Him on His own right hand in the heavens, far aboy 
every? Principality and Power, and Might, and Domination, and ever} 
name which is named, not only in this world, but also in that which i 


tocome. And “ He put all things under Dis feet,” * and gave 
to be sovereign head of the Church, which is His body ; the * Fulness o 
Him who fills all things everywhere with Himself. And you, 
likewise, He raised from death * to life, when you were dead in 
transgressions and sins; wherein once you walked according 
to the course of this* world, and obeyed the Ruler of the Powers of 
Air,’ even the Spirit who is now working in the children of disobedience 
amongst whom we also, in times past, lived, all of us, in fleshy lust 
fulfilling the desires of our flesh and of our imagination, and were b 
nature children of wrath, no less than others. But God, who is rich ii 
mercy, because of the great love wherewith He loved us, even whe 
we were dead in sin, called us to share the life of Christ (by grace yo 


liverance of those who had been slaves of sin, 
but now were purchased for the service of 
God. 

1 The majority of MSS. read “heart,” 
which would give the less usual sense, the eyes 
of your heart. 

2 See Col. i. 16, and note. 

5 Ps. viii. 6 (LXX.), quoted in the same 
Messianic sense, 1 Cor. xv. 27, and Heb. ii. 8. 
Compare also Ps. ex. 1. 

* Wesee here again the same allusion to 
the technical use of the word Pleroma by false 
teachers as in Col. ii. 9,10. St. Paul there 
asserts, that not the angelic hierarchy, but 
Christ himself, is the true fidness of the God- 
bead ; and here that the Church is the /iudness 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8ST. PAUL. 




































dignity of 





of Christ, that is, the full manifestation of H 
being, because penetrated by His life, 
living only in Him. It should be observ 
that the Cnurch is here spoken of so far for 
as it corresponds to its ideal. 
6 The sentence (in the original) is left a 
finished in the rapidity of dictation; but t 
yerb is easily supplied for the context. 
8 Compare 2 Cor. iv. 4, 1 Cor. i. 20, &&. 
7 In the Rabbinical theology evil spin 
were designated as thé “ Powers of the Ai 
St. Paul is here again probably alludin 
the language of those teachers against 
he wrote to the Colossians. 
8 Literally, the rest of mankind, i. ¢. 
ers. Compare 1 Thess. iv. 13 


, 


, 


pe. XXv. EPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS (SO CALLED). 769 


are saved); and in! Christ Jesus He raised us up with Him from the 
dead, and seated us with Him in the heavens; that, in the ages which 
are coming,’ He might manifest the surpassing riches of His grace, show- 
ing kindness toward us in Christ Jesus. For by grace you are saved, 
through faith; and that not of yourselves, it is the gift of God; not 
won by works, lest any man should boast. For we are His workman- 
ship, created in Christ Jesus to do good works, which God has prepared‘ 
that we should walk therein. 
and incorpe- Wherefore remember that you, who once were reckoned 
God’sIsrael. among carnal Gentiles, who are called the Uncircumcision 
by that which calls itself the Circumcision (a circumcision of the flesh,‘ 
made by the hands of man) — that in those times you were shut out from 
Christ, aliens from the commonwealth of Israel, and strangers from the 
covenants® of the promise, having no hope, and without God in the 
world. But now, in Christ Jesus, ye, who were once far off, have been 
brought near through the blood of Christ. For He is our 
25 peace, who has made both one,’ and has broken down the’ 
wall which parted us; for,in His* flesh, He destroyed the 


ground of our enmity, the law of enacted ordinances; that so, making ; 


peace between us, out of both He might create® in himself one new man; 
‘and that, by His cross, He might reconcile both, in one body, unto God, 
having slain their enmity thereby. And when He came, He published 
the Glad-tidings of peace to you that were far off, and to them that were 
near. For through Him we both have power to approach the Father in the 
fellowship” of one Spirit. Now, therefore, you are no more strangers and 


1 The meaning is, that Christians share in 
| their Lord’s glorification, and dwell with Him 
im heaven, in so far as they are united with 
‘Him. 

2? Viz. the time of Christ’s perfect triumph 
over evil, always contemplated in the New 
| Testament as near at hand. 
| * ae. God, by the laws of His Providence, 
has prepared opportunities of doing good for 

* Meaning a circumcision of the flesh, not of 
_ the spirit, — made by man’s hands, not by God's. 
_® Covenants of the promise. Compare Gal. 
| ii. 16, and Rom. ix. 4. 

' © Both. viz Jews and Gentiles. 
2 49 










7 The allusion is evidently to that “ balus- 
trade of stone” described by Josephus, which 
separated the Court of the Gentiles from the 
holier portion of the Temple, and which it 
was death for a Gentile to pass. See Ch. 
XXI. p. 630. 

8 te. by His death, as explained by the 
parallel passage, Col. i. 22. 

% Christians are created in Christ (see above, 
y. 10), t. ¢. their union with Christ is the es- 
sential condition of their Christian existence. 

10 “Jpn one spirit.” It is sometimes im- 
possible to translate such expressions accu- 
rately, except by a periphrasis. 


= ge BP 


10 


il 


12 


18 
18 






















770 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


sojourners, but fellow-citizens of the saints, and members Of They are built 
99 God’s household. You are built upon the foundation of the pin of God. . 
Apostles and Prophets, Jesus Christ himself being the chief corner-stone ; 

21 in whom all the building, fitly framed together, grows into a temple 
92, hallowed by the’ indwelling of the Lord. And in Him, not others only, 
but you also, are built up together, to make a house wherein God may 

Be dwell by the® presence of His Spirit. . 
1 Wherefore I, Paul, who, for maintaining the cause of you 
2 Gentiles, am the prisoner of Jesus Christ *— for® I suppose {aimed by 
that you have heard of the stewardship of God’s grace, which Poul ap . 

8 was given me for you; and how, by revelation, was ® made known to me 
4 the mystery (as I have already shortly? written to you so that, whe 
you read, you may perceive my understanding in the mystery of Christ ! 

b which, in the generations of old, was not made known to the sous 0 men, 
as it has now been revealed by the indwelling * of the Spirit, to His holy 

@ Apostles and Prophets ; to wit, that the Gentiles are heirs of the s ni 
inheritance, and members of the same body, and partakers of the * sam 
promise in Christ, by means of the Glad-tidings. 

7 And of this Glad-tidings I was made a ministering servant, accor¢ 1 
to the gift of the grace of God, which wax given me in the full meas : 

g of His mighty working ; to me, I say, who am less than the least of all th 
saints, this grace was given, to bear among the Gentiles the Glad-tidix 

9 of the unsearchable riches of Christ, and to bring light to all, that they 
might behold what is the stewardship ” of the mystery which, from che 

10 ages of old, has been hid in God, the maker of all things ;™ that now 
11 by the Church,” the manifold wisdom of God might be made known ta 


6 Jn the MSS. the verb is passive. 

7 The reference is to chap. i. 9, 10. 

8 See notes on verses 18 and 21 above. — 
° « His” is omitted by the best MSS. 
10 The best MSS. have stewardship, 


1 “Holy in the Lord.” See the preceding 
note. 

2 You as well as others. 

8 Compare 1 Cor. iii. 16; and see note 1. 
“Jn the spirit” might, however, be taken 


(with Olshausen and others) merely as an 
antithesis to ‘in the flesh.” 

4 The senter ye is abruptly broken off here, 
but carried on again at v.13. The whole pas- 
sage bears evident marks of the rapidity of 
dictation. 

5 Literally, if, as I suppose you have heard of 
we office of dispensing (see note on i. 10) the 
rare of God which was given me for vou. 


lowship. See noteoni.10. St. Paul di 
the nature of his “stewardship” by the 
ner in which he discharged its auties. 
pare 1 Cor. ix. 17, and 2 Cor. iv. andv. 
u «By Jesus Christ” is not in the bes 
MSS. ‘ 
12 ine. by the anion of all mankind in 
Church. That which calls forth the 
sions of rapturous admiration here, and in 





ewsr, XXv. EPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS (SO CALLED). V7 


the Principalities and Powers in the heavens, according to His eternal 
purpose, which He wrought in Christ Jesus our Lord ; in whom we can 
approach without fear to God, in trustful confidence, through faith in 


He prays for Wherefore I pray that I may not faint under my sufferings 
oa for you, which are your glory. For this cause I bend my 
strengthened knees before the Father,! whose children? all are called in 
heaven and in earth, beseeching Him, that, in the richness of His glory, 
“iientenea, He would grant you strength by the entrance of His Spirit into 
your inner man, that Christ may dwell in your hearts by faith ; that having 
your root and your foundation in love, you may be enabled, with all the 
saints, to comprehend the breadth and length, and depth and height 
thereof; and to know the love of Christ, which passeth knowledge,’ that 
you may be filled therewith, even to the measure of‘ the fulness of God. 
Dorology. Now unto Him who is able to do exceeding abundantly, above 
all that we ask or think, in the power of his might which works within 
us, —unto Him, in Christ Jesus, be glory in the Church, even to all the 
“generations of the age of ages. Amen. 
Te rtation 1, therefore, the Lord’s prisoner, exhort you to walk worthy 
‘Biterent gine of the calling wherewith you were called; with all lowli- 
oa ness,®> and gentleness, and long-suffering, forbearing one 
oy another in love, striving to maintain the unity of the Spirit, 
‘bound together with the bond of peace. You are one body and one 
: ‘spirit, even as you were called to share one common hope; you have 
one Lord, you have one faith, you have one baptism; you have one God 
| and Father of all, who is over all, and works through all, and dwells in 
_all® But each one of us received the gift of grace which he possesses 
according to the measure’ wherein it was given by Christ. Wherefore 


| similar passage in Romans (xi. 33), is the might be literally rendered from whom every 
| divine plan of including all mankind in a fatherhood in heaven and earth is named; i.e. 
universa! redemption. the very name of fatherhood refers us back to 
| 7 The words, “of our Lord Jesus Christ,” God as the father ofall. The A. V. is incor- 
|| ate not in the best MSS. rect, and would require the definite article. 

| #4 The sense depends on a paronomasia, the % Again we observe an apparent allusion to 
|) word for “family” (A. V.' meaning a race de- the technical employment of the words Gnosis 
tcended from a common ancestor. Compare Luke and Pleroma. * Unto, net with (A. V.). 
If fatherhood had this meaning in 5 See note on Col. iii. 12. 

(as it might have had, according to 5 You omitted in best MSS. 

the analogy of “a brotherhood”), the verse 7 This verse is parallel to Rom. xii. 6, 
1 2 

,. 











=H 


ao con » & 


13 


14 


15 


16 


17 


18 













7172 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


it is! written: “When Be toent up on high, He led captivity cap 
tibet, and gabe gifts unto men.” Now that word “He went up,” wha 
saith it, but that He first came down to the earth below? Yea, He who 
came down is the same who is gone up, far above all the heavens, that He 
might fill all things.” And He gave some to be apostles,’ and some prophets 
and some evangelists, and some pastors and teachers; for the perfecting 
of the saints, to labor‘ in their appointed service. to build up the body 
of Christ; till we all attain the same’ faith and knowledge of the Son of 
God, and reach the stature of manhood,’ and be of ripe age to receive 
the fulness of Christ ;7 that we should no longer be children, tossed t 


and fro, 


joints) derives its continued growth in the working of His bounty, whic 
according to the measure of each several part, that 


supplies its needs, 
may build itself up in love. 


and blown round by every shifting current of teaching, tricke 
by the sleight of men, and led astray into the snares* of the cunning 
out that we should live in truth and love, and should grow up in eve 
part ® to the measure of His” growth, who is our head, even Christ. 
whom" the whole body (being knit together, and compacted by all i 










This I say, therefore, and adjure you in the Lord, to live no Bzhortation 


longer like other Gentiles, whose minds are filled with folly, Feitten 
whose understanding is darkened, who are estranged from the 
life of God because of the ignorance which is in them, 





through t 


blindness of their hearts; who, being past feeling, have given themselt 


“having gifts differing according to the grace 
which God has given us.” The whole context 
of the two passages also throws light on both. 
1 Literally, it says, i. e. the Scripture says. 
The quotation is from Ps. Ixviii. 18, but slight- 
ly altered, so as to correspond neither with the 
Hebrew nor with the Septuagint. Our two 
authorized versions of the Psalms have here de- 
parted from the original, in order to follow the 
present passage ; probably on the supposition 
that St. Paul quoted from some older reading. 
2 Again we remark an allusion to the doc- 
trine of the Pleroma. Compare i. 23. 
8 On this classification of church offices, 
see p. 381. 
4 The word does not mean “the ministry os 
(A. V.). 
5 Literafly, the oneness of the faith and of the 
knowledge. 











6 Literally, a man of mature age. 

7 See again note on iii. 19. 

8 Literally, cunningly toward the 
misleading error. 

® “Tn every part.” See following verse 

10 To grow into Him is to grow to the sta 
of His growth. 

U1 Literally rendered, this is from w 
the body (being knit together and compac 
every joint), according to the working of his 
teous providing in the measure of each several 
continues the growth of the body. Compar 
parallel passage, Col. ii. 19, from whe 
whole body, by the joints which bind it, dra 
supplies for its needs, and is knit toge 
increases in godly growth. A-child deriv 
life from its father, and grows up to the s 
ard of its father’s growth. 


S 


OMAP, XXV. KPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS (SO CALLED). 173 


over to lasciviousness, to work all uncleanness in lust.' But you have 
not so learned Christ; if, indeed, you have heard His voice, and been 
taught in Him, as the truth is in Jesus; to forsake your former life, and 
put off the old man, whose way is® destruction, following the desires 
which deceive ; and to be renewed in the spirit of your mind, and to put 
on the new man, created after God’s likeness, in the righteousness and 


Against 
several speci- 
fied vices. 


holiness of the Truth. Wherefore, putting away lying, speak 
every man truth with his neighbor; for we are members one 
of another. “ Se ye angry, and sin not.”* Let not the sun go down 26,21 
upon your wrath, nor give away to the Devil. Let the robber* rob no 28 
more, but rather let him labor, working to good purpose with his hands, 
that he may have somewhat to share with the needy. From your mouth 29 
let no filthy words come forth, but such as may build up® the Church 

according to its need, and give a blessing to the hearers. 30 
not the Holy Spirit of God, who was given to seal you® for the day of 

redemption. 


evil-speaking, ve put away from you, with all malice; and be’ kind one 
‘Exhortation 
to Christ-like 


forgiveness 
and love. 


example, as the children of His love. 
loved us, and gave Himself for us, an offering and a sacrifice unto God, 


for “‘ wy onnr of stoeetness.” ° 


a But, as befits the saints, let not fornication or any kind of 8 


And grieve 


31 
32 


Let all bitterness, and passion, and anger, and clamor, and 


to another, tender-hearted, forgiving one another, even as God 


in Christ has forgiven you. Therefore be followers of God’s v.1 


And walk in love, as Christ also 


1¥For this see note on 1 Cor. v. 11; and 
compare chap. v. 3. 

*Not “corrupt” (A. V.), but going 
on in the way of ruin. 

mes. iv. 4 (xX X.). 

*Him that steals (present). The A. 
V. would require the aorist. It should 
be remembered that the stealers 
| (klephts) of the N. T. were not what we 
| should now eall thieves (as the word is 
| generally rendered in A. V.), but ban- 
| dits; and there is nothing strange in 
' finding such persons numerous in the 












building up 
| Plies “the church” or something equiva- 


lent), that it may give a blessing to the 
hearers. 

®The tense is mistranslated in A. V. 
Literally, in whom you were sealed. The 
meaning is rendered evident by i. 13, 14. 
It is the constant doctrine of St. Paul 
that the gift of the Holy Spirit is a seal 
or mark of Christ’s redeemed, which was 
given them at their conversion and recep- 
tion into the Church, as a foretaste of 
their full redemption. Compare Rom. 
viii. 23. 

‘Literally, “become ye.” This word 
is sometimes used as simply equivalent 
to “be ye.”” Compare v. 17. 

®Gen. villi. 21 (LXX.): see Phil. iv. 
18, where it is also quoted. 


T74 


uncleanness or lust! be so much as named among you; nor 
filthiness, nor buffoonery, nor ribald jesting, for such speech 
beseems you not, but rather thanksgiving. Yea, this you know; for you 
have learned that no fornicator, or impure or lustful man, who is nothing 
better than an? idolater, has auy inheritance in the kingdom of Christ 
and God. Let no man mislead you by empty* words; for these are the 
deeds‘ which bring the wrath of God upon the children of disobedience 
Be not ye, therefore, partakers with them; for you once were darkness, 
but now are light in the Lord. Walk as children of light ; for the fruit 
of light® are in all goodness, and righteousness, and truth. Examine well 
what is acceptable to the Lord, and have no fellowship with 

the unfruitful works of darkness, yea, rather expose their foul- rob 
ness.* For, concerning the secret deeds of the Heathen,’ it is —_ 
shameful even to speak; yet all these things, when exposed, bie 
are made manifest by the shining of the light; for whatsoever is ms i 
manifest becomes light. Wherefore it is written,’ ¥ Atouke, thou 8 
sleepest, and arise from the Dead, and Christ shall sbine upor 


thee.” 


1 It has been before remarked that this 
passage is conclusive as to the use of this par- 
ticular Greek word by St. Paul; for what 
intelligible sense is there in saying that “cov- 
cousness”” taust not be so much as named? 
See note on 1 Cor. v. li. It was there 
remarked that the use of concupiscence im 
English is an analogous case; it might be 
added that the word dust itself is likewise used 
in both senses; e. g. “ the lust of gold.” 

{Since our First Edition, we are glad to see 
that this old view of the Pauline usage of 
the word has been adopted by Prof. Jowett 
and Prof. Stanley, in their notes on Rom. i. 
29, and 1 Cor. v. 11, respectively, and by Dean 
Trench in his Synonymes.| 

2 See note on Col. iii. 5. 

® Namely, reasonings to prove the sins of 
impurity innocent. See 1 Cor. vi. 12-20, and 
the note. 

* Viz., the sins of impurity. Compare 
Rom. i. 24-27. 

6 Light, not Spirit, is the reading of the 
best MSS. 


THR LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 
















other sins of © 
Heathen dark 
neas; 


* The verb means to lay bare the real charas 
ter of a thing by exposing it to open scrutiny. 

7 « What is done by them,” i.e. the Heath 

8 Such appears to be the meaning of th 
difficult verse, viz., that, when the light f 
on any object, the object itself reflects 
rays; implying that moral evil will be ree 
nized as evil by the conscience, if it is show 
in its trae colors by being brought into 
trast with the laws of pure morality. 7 
preceding “is made manifest” does not Y 
us to translate the same form immediate 
following as active (as A. V.). k 

® See note on iv. 8. 

10 There is no verse exactly correspondil 
with this in the O. T. But Isaiah Ix. 
perhaps referred to. We must remembe 
however, that there is no proof that St. Pa 
intends (either here or 1 Cor. ii. 9) to quo 
the Old Testament. Some have supposed thai 
he is quoting a Christian hymn; others, # 
saying of our Lord (as at Acts xx. 4.) 


r 


¢ 


OMAP, XXV. EPISTLE TO THE £PHESIANS (SOQ CALLED). 775 


See, then, that you walk! without stumbling, not in folly, but in 15 
wisdom, forestalling * opportunity, because the times are evil. Therefore, 16,13 
be not without understanding, but learn to know what the will of the 
Lord is. 

Festive mea Be not drunk with wine, like those* who live riotously ; but 1 
be celebrated. be filled with the indwelling of the Spirit, when you speak one 
to another. Let your singing be of psalms and hymns and spiritual 19 
songs; and make melody with the music of your hearts, to the Lord.5 


And at all times, for all things which befall you, give thanks to our God 2¢ 


and Father, in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ. 


Duties of 
wives and 
husbands. 


Submit yourselves one to another in the fear of Christ.® 
Wives, submit yourselves to your husbands, as unto the Lord; 


for the husband is head of the wife, even as Christ is head of the Church,’ 


His body, which He saves.* 


But,? as the Church submits itself to Christ, 


50 let the wives submit themselves to their husbands in all things. 
Husbands, love your wives, as Christ also loved the Church, and 

gave Himself for it, that, having purified it by the water wherein it is 

washed,” He might hallow it by the indwelling of the word of God; that 


1 Dean Ellicott’s translation, “See then 
how ye walk with exactness,” is literally accu- 
Tate, though scarcely intelligible to an English 
teader 


2 See Col. iv. 5, and note. 

8 Literally, in doing which is riotous living. 

* We put a full stop after to one another 
(here), as Col. iii. 16. 

5 Throughout the whole passage there is a 
contrast implied between the Heathen and the 
Christian practice, q.d. When you meet, le 
your enjoyment consist, not in fulness of wine, but 
fulness of the Spirit ; ld your songs be, not the 
drinking-songs of heathen feasts, but pselms and 

; and their accompaniment, not the music 
| of the lyre, but the melody of the heart ; while you 
: sing them to the praise, not of Bacchus or Venus, 
but of the Lord Jesus Christ. For the construc- 
tion and punctuation, see Col. iii. 16. 

§ Christ is the reading of the best MSS. 
_ That this comprehends all the special relations 
of subjection which follow (and should be 
_ joimed with what follows) is shown by the 
| Smission of submit yourselves (in the next verse) 


| 








by the best MSS.; an omission to which 
Jerome testifies. The transition of participial 
into imperative clauses is according to the 
analogy of the similar hortatory passage, 
Rom. xii. 8 to 19. j 

7 This statement occurs 1 Cor. ii. 3 almost 
verbatim. 

8 The literal English is, he 2s the deliverer of 
his body ; and an analogy is implied to the con- 
jugal relation, in which the husband maintains 
and cherishes the wife. 

® The conjunction cannot be translated 
“ therefore” (A. V.). 

10 “ The water” (not simply “‘ water’’) ; 
literally, by the laver of the water, equivalent to 
laver of regeneration (Titus iii.5). The follow- 
ing tn the word is exceedingly difficult. Chrys- 
ostom and the patristic commentators general- 
ly explain it of the formula of baptism; De 
Wette-takes the same view. But see St. Paul’s 
use of the same expression elsewhere, Rom. x. 
8, x. 17, also Eph. vi. 17; and moreover, as 
Winer and Meyer have remarked, the junction 
of “in the word” with the verb better suits 


25 
26 


29 self: 
0,31 it, as Christ® also the Church ; for we are members of His body.‘ 
this cause shall a man lene bis father and bis mother, and she 
tleabe unto bis wife, and they two shall be ome flesh.”* 
mystery is great, but I* speak of Christ and of the Church. Neverthe 


82 
83 


ple 
GC bw pe 


\ 


a 
io] 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8ST. PAUL 







He might Himself’ present unto Himself* the Church in stainless glory 
not having spot or wrinkle, or any such thing ; but that it should be hol 
and unblemished. In like manner, husbands ought to love their wives a 
they love their own bodies; for he that loves his wife does but love him. 


and a man never hated his own flesh, but nourishes and cherishe: 







for 


less, let every one of you individually’ so love his wife even as himsel! 


and let the wife sce that she reverence her husband. 

Children, obey your parents in the Lord ; for this is right. puties ot« 
“Sonor thy father and thy mother,”* which is the first paeas 
“ Chat it may be toell with thee, ani 
thou shalt libe long upon the earth.” 


commandment with ® promise : 







And ye, fathers, vex not your children; but bring them up in sue 


training and correction as befits the servants of the Lord.” 

Bondsmen, obey your earthly masters with anxiety and self- Duties of 
6 distrust,” in singleness of heart, as unto Christ ; not with eye- masters. 
service, as men-pleasers, but as bondsmen of Christ, doing the will ¢ 
With good will fulfilling your service, as to the Lo 
our master, and not to men. For you know that whatever good any mé 
does, the same shall he receive from the Lord, whether he be bond or fre 


God from the soul. 


the Greek. On this view, the meaning 
is that the Church, having been purified 
by the waters of ‘baptism, is hallowed 
by the revelation of the mind of God 
imparted to it, whether mediately or 


immediately. Compare Heb. iv. 12, 13. 


‘ 


+The best MSS. read thus. 

*The Church is compared to a bride, 
as 2 Cor. xi. 2. 

* The best MSS. read Christ. 

*The words “of his flesh and of his 
bones ” are not found in the MSS. of 
highest authority (A. and B.). They 
may have easily been introduced from 
the Septuagint, where they occur imme- 
diately before the following quotation, 
Viz. at Gen. ii. 23. 

5Gen. ii. 24 (LXX.). 


*The pronoun is emphatic: but I, 















while I quote these words out of the 
Scriptures, use them in a higher sense. a 
*In your individual capacity, n- 
trasted with the previous collective viet 
of the members of the Church as tht 
bride of Christ. 
8 Ex. xx. 12, and Deut. v. 16 (LXX) 
*Literally, in a promise. Th 
mand being (as it were) set in a pror 
ise. 
10 Hix. xx. 12, and Deut. v. 16 ( 
not exactly verbatim). j 
“The word lord implies the idea © 
servants. ; 
2 «< With fear and trembling ” has thi 
meaning in St. Paul’s language. C 
pare 1 Cor. ii. 3. 
**See note on Col. iii. 25. 


CO] 


HAP. XKV. 7717 


EPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS (SO CALLED). 


And ye, masters, do in like manner by them, and abstain from threats: 
knowing that your own’ Master is in heaven, and that with Him is no 
respect of persons. 
Finally, my brethren, let your hearts be strengthened in the 
Lord,’ and in the conquering power of His might. Put on the 
whole armor of God, that you may be avle to stand firm 
against the wiles of the Devil. For the adversaries with whom we wrestle 
are not flesh and blood, but they are* the Principalities, the Powers, and 
the Sovereigns of this‘ present darkness, the spirits of evil in the 
heavens. Wherefore, take up with you to the battle*® the whole armor 
of God, that you may be able to withstand them in the evil day, and, 
having ® overthrown them all, to stand unshaken. Stand, therefore, giri 
with the belt of truth, and wearing the breastplate of righteousness, and 

shod as ready messengers of the Glad-tidings of peace: and take up to 

cover you’ the shield of faith, wherewith you shall be able to quench ali 
the fiery darts of the Evil One. Take, likewise, the helmet of salvation,‘ 
and the sword of the Spirit, which is the word of God.® 

Continue to pray at every season with all earnestness of sup- 
plication in the Spirit; and to this end be watchful with all 
perseverance in prayer for all the saints; and for me, that utterance may 
be given me, to open my mouth and make known with boldness the 
mystery of the Glad-tidings, for which I am an ambassador in fetters.” 
Pray that I may declare it boldly, as I ought to speak. 

But that you, as well as" others, may be informed of my 
concerns, and how I fare, Tychicus, my ” beloved brother, and 


Exhortation 
to fight in the 
Christian 
armor. 


To for 
ites and for 
Paul. 


‘Tychicue the 
messenger. 


"1 Some of the best MSS. read “both their 
and your,” which brings out still more forcibly 
the equality of slaves and masters in the sight 
_ of Christ. 
_ #2 This is the literal meaning. 
| Compare Col. ii. 15, and the note; also 
John xii. 31. 
* « This world ” is omitted in the best MSS. 
5 “ Take up,” literally. 
5 Not “done” (A. V.), but “ overthrown.” 
7 To cover all. If it meant in addition to all 
(Ellicott), it -would surely have come last in 
the list. 
| ® The head of the Christian is defended 





against hostile weapons by his knowledge of 
the salvation won for him by Christ. 

9 For the meaning of “word of God,” see 
note on chap. v. 26. It is here represented as 
the only offensive weapon of Christian warfare. 
The Roman pilum (Joh. xix. 34) is not men 
tioned. For a commentary on this military 
imagery, and the circumstances which natural- 
ly suggested it, see the beginning of the next 
chapter. 

10 See Paley’s observations (Hore Pauline, 
in loco), and our preceding remarks on Custo- 
dia Militaris. 1 “You also.” 

12 See the parallel passage, Col. iv. 7. 


2i 


778 WHO LIFE AND &PISTLES OF ST. : PAULL 


22 faithful servant in the Lord, will make all known to you. 
sent him to you for this very end, that you may learn what ¢ 
and that he may comfort your hearts. 

23 Peace be to the brethren, and love with faith, from God our ,, 
Father, and our Lord Jesus Christ. 

4 Grace be with all who love our Lord Jesus Christ in lie 








CHAPTER XXVL 


fhe Pretorium and the Palatine. — Arrival of Epaphroditus. — Political Events at Rome. — 
Octavia and Poppsa. — St. Paul writes the Epistle to the Philippians. — He makes Converts 
in the Imperial Household. 


HE close of the Epistle to which our attention has just been turned 

contains a remarkable example of the forcible imagery of St. Paul.’ 
Considered simply in itself, this description of the Christian’s armor 
is one of the most striking passages in the Sacred Volume. But if we 
view it in connection with the circumstances with which the Apostle was 
‘surrounded, we find a new and living emphasis in his enumeration of all 
the parts of the heavenly panoply,? — the belt of sincerity and truth, with 
which the loins* are girded for the spiritual war,— the breastplate of 
that righteousness,‘ the inseparable links whereof are faith and love,> — 
the strong sandals,® with which the feet of Christ’s soldiers are made 
ready,’ not for such errands of death and despair as those on which the 
Pretorian soldiers were daily sent, but for the universal message of 
the Gospel of peace, — the large shield * of confident trust,? wherewith the 
whole man is protected,” and whereon the fiery arrows" of the Wicked 


1 Eph. vi. 14-17. 

2 “The whole armor of God.” For au- 
thentic information regarding the actual 
Roman armor of the time, we may refer to 
Piranesi’s fine illustrations of the columns of 
Trajan and Marcus Aurelius. There are also 
Many useful engravings in Dr. Smith’s Dic- 
tionary of Antiquities. 

8 “Your loins girt about with truth.” The 
belt or zona passed round the lower part of the 
bedy, below the “breastplate,” and is to be 
distinguished from the dalteus, which went over 
the shoulder. 

* “Wearing the breastplate of righteous- 
ness.” The “breastplate” was a cuirass or 
corselet, reaching nearly to the loins. 

5 In the parallel passage (1 Thess. v. 8), the 
hreastplate is described as “the breastplate of 
faith and love.” 

® The Roman caligez were not greaves, 
which in fact would not harmonize with the 





context, but strong and heavy sandals. See 
the anecdote of the death of the centurion 
Julian in the Temple at Jerusalem. Joseph. 
War, vi. 1, 8. 

7 “Shod as ready messengers,” &c. 

8 The “shield” here is the large oblong or 
oval Roman shield — the scutum, not the clipeus 
— specimens of which may be seen in Piranesi. 
See especially the pedestal of Trajan’s column. 

» “ The shield of faith.” 

10 Observe “ over all,” which is not clearly 
translated in the Authorized Version. 

1 Part of the artillery in an ancient siege 
consisted of darts and heavier missiles, in the 
heads of which were inflammable materials. 
Diodorus Siculus, in his account of one of the 
sieges of Rhodes, uses the very expression 
here employed by the Apostle. The Latin 
names for these missiles were falarice and 
malleoli. Liv. xxi. 8; Cic. Cat. i. 18. 


779 


720 


One fall harmless and dead,—the close-fitting helmet,’ with which th 
hope of salvation? invests the head of the believer,— and finally th 
sword of the Spirit, the Word of God,’ which, when wielded by the Great 
Japtain of our Salvation, turned the Tempter in the wilderness to fligh 
while in the hands of His chosen Apostle (with whose memory the swor¢ 
seems inseparably associated)‘ it became the means of establishing Chri 


tianity on the earth. 


All this imagery becomes doubly forcible if we remember that wher 
St. Paul wrote the words he was chained to a soldier, and in the close 
neighborhood of military sights and sounds. 
Pretorian guards was daily familiar to him ;—as his “ chains” on the 
other hand (so he tells us in the succeeding Epistle) became “ wel 
known throughout the whole Pretorium.” 
of opinion has existed as to the precise meaning of the word in this pas 
Some have identified it, as in the Authorized Version, with the 
“ house of Cesar” on the Palatine:5 more commonly it has been suf 
posed to mean that permanent camp of the Praetorian guards, whicl 
Tiberius established on the north of the city, outside the walls.‘ 
regards the former opinion, it is true that the word came to be use¢ 
almost as we use the word “ palace,” for royal residences generally, 
for any residences of a princely splendor,’ and that thus we read, in othe 
parts of the New Testament, of the Pretorium of Pilate at Jerusalem 
and the Pretorium of Herod at Cesarea.° 
employed for the Imperial house at Rome: and we believe the truer yv 
to be that which has been recently advocated,” namely, that it deno 
here, not the palace itself, but the quarters of that part of the Impe: 
guards which was in immediate attendance upon the Emperor. 
military establishment is mentioned in the fullest account which we poi 
sess of the first residence of Augustus on the Palatine :™ and it is in hi 


sage. 


1 One of these compact Roman helmets, 
preserved in England, at Goodrich Court, is 
engraved in Dr. Smith’s Dictionary. (See under 
Galea). 

2 With “helmet of salvation” (Eph. vi. 
17) we should compare “as a helmet the hope 
of salvation” (1 Thess. v. 8). 

3 See note on the passage. 

* It is the emblem of his martyrdom: and 
we can hardly help associating it also with this 
passage. The small short sword of the Ro- 
mans was worn ike a dagger on the right side. 
Specimens may be seen in Piranesi. Those 
readers who have been in Rome will remember 
shat Pope Sixtus V. dedicated the column of 
Aurelius (ab omni impietate purgatam) to St. 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


oe 


CHAP. 3x) 
























The appearance of th 


(Phil. i. 13.) A difference 


Yet we never find the wor 


oa 


Paul, and that a statue of the Apostle, t 
ing the sword, is on the summit. 

5 With Phil. i. 13 we should on 
22 in the Authorized Version. 

® See above, in the description of E 
and compare the map. . 

7 We find the word used in Suetonius f 
the Imperial castles out of Rome. Else 
it is applied to the palaces of foreign prine 
and even private persons. 

8 See above, p. 634. 

® See above, p. 659, m. 4. 

10 In Wieseler’s note, p. 408. : 

11 « The Imperial residence is called Pal 
tium ... because the Emperor dwelt — 
Mount Palatine, and there he had his mili! 


THE PALATINE. 781 


a 
mony with the general ideas on which the monarchy was founded. The 
Emperor was pretor' or commander-in-chief of the troops, and it was 
natural that his immediate guard should be in a pretorium near him. 
It might, indeed, be argued that this military establishment on the Pala- 
tine would cease to be necessary when the Pretorian camp was estab- 
lished: but the purpose of that establishment was to concentrate near the 
city those cohorts which had previously been dispersed in other parts of 
Italy: a local body-guard near the palace would not cease to be neces- 
sary: and Josephus, in his account of the imprisonment of Agrippa,? 
speaks of a “camp” in connection with the “royal house. Such we 
conceive to have been the barrack immediately alluded to by St. Faul: 
though the connection of these smaller quarters with the general camp 
was such that he would naturally become known to “ all the rest’’* of 
the guards, as well as those who might for the time be connected with 
‘the Imperial household. 
What has just been said of the word “ pretorium ” applied still more 
extensively to the word “ palatium.” Originally denoting the hill on 
which the twin-brothers were left by the retreating river, it grew to be, 
and it still remains, the symbol of Imperial power. Augustus was born 
on the Palatine ;‘ and he fixed his official residence there when the Civil 
Wars were terminated. Thus it may be truly said, that, “after the 
Capitol and the Forum, no locality in the ancient city claims so much of 
our interest as the Palatine hill,— at once the birthplace of the infant 
‘city, and the abode of her rulers during the days of her greatest 
splendor, — where the red-thatched cottage of Romulus was still pre- 
served in the midst of the gorgeous structures of Caligula and Nero.’’5 
About the close of the Republic, this hill was the residence of many 
distinguished citizens, such as Crassus, Cicero, Catiline, Clodius, and 
Antony. Augustus himself simply bought the house of Hortensius, and 
lived there in modest state. But the new era was begun for the 
Palatine, when the first Emperor, soon after the battle of Actium, raised 
the temple of Apollo, with its celebrated Greek and Latin libraries,’ on 
the side near the Forum. Tiberius erected a new palace, or an addition 


fores (Pretorium) ... hence it comes that * Suet. Aug. 5. 
wherever the Emperor is living it is called 5 Bunbury in the Classical Museum, vol. y. 
Palatium.” Dio Cass. liii. 16. p. 229. We learn from Plutarch and Diony- 


1 See what has been said (pp 129,180) in sius that this “wooden hut thatched with 


Tefereece to the term propretor in the prov- 
inces 

2 Joseph. Ant. xviii. 6. He uses orparémedov 
for tke pretorium, and Gaciizwy for the pala- 
tium. ‘“ompare what is said of Drusus, Suet. 
Fa. “< 3 Ibid. 





reeds, which was preserved as a memorial of 
the simple habitation of the Shepherd-king,” 
was on the side of the hill tcwards the Cireus, 
p- 232. 

§ Suet. Aug. 72. 


7 Hor. Ep. 1. iii. 17. Suet. Aug. 29. 


182 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. oHAar, Ti 


















.o the old one, on the opposite side of the hill, immediately above the 
Circus Maximus.’ It remained for subsequent Emperors to cover the 
whole area of the hill with structures connected with the palace 
Caligula extended the Imperial buildings by a bridge (as fantastic as that 
at Baiw),? which joined the Palatine with the Capitol. Nero made 
similar extension in the direction of the Esquiline: and this is the point 
at which-we must arrest our series of historical notices ; for the burning 
of Rome and the erection of the Golden House intervened between the 
first and second imprisonments of the Apostle Paul. The fire, more 
over, which is so closely associated with the first sufferings of the Chureh 
has made it impossible to identify any of the existing ruins on the 
Palatine with buildings that were standing when the Apostle was among 
the Pretorian guards. Nor indeed is it possible to assign the ruins t 
their proper epochs. Allis now confusion on the hill of Romulus and 
Augustus. Palace after palace succeeded, till the Empire was lost in the 
mist of the Middle Ages. As we explore the subterraneous chambers 
where classical paintings are still visible on the plaster, or look out 
through broken arches over the Campagna and its aqueducts, the min¢ 
is filled with blending recollections, not merely of a long line of Romar 
Czsars, but of Ravenna and Constantinople, Charlemagne and Rienzi 
This royal part of the Western Babylon has almost shared the fate of th 
city of the Euphrates. The Palatine contains gardens and vineyards,’ 
and half-cultivated spaces of ground, where the acanthus-weed grows i 
wild luxuriance: but its population has shrunk to one small convent 
and the unhealthy air seems to brood like a curse over the scene of 
Nero’s tyranny and crime. 

St. Paul was at Rome precisely at that time when the Palatine ¥ 
the most conspicuous spot on the earth, not merely for crime, but fo 
splendor and power. This was the centre of all the movements of # 
Empire.’ Here were heard the causes of all Roman citizens who | 
appealed to Cwsar.6 Hence were issued the orders to the governors of 
provinces, and to the legions on the frontier. From the “ Golden Mile 
stone” (Milliarium Aureum)? below the palace, the roads niin 
all directions to the remotest verge of civilization. The official me: 
of the Emperor were communicated along them by means of post 


1 The position of the “Domus Tiberiana ” * The Franciscan convent of St. Bona’ 
& determined by the notices of itin theaccount tura, facing the Forum. © Tae. Hist. iii. 1 
ef the murder of Galba. 6 See the account of St. Paul’s trial in t 

2 See above. p. 724. next chapter. 


8 The Farnese Gardens and the Villa Mills 7 The Milliarium Aureum (afterwards called 
formerly Villa Spada) are well known to the Umbilicus Rome) is believed to have bee 
favellers. Some of the finest arches are in discovered at the base of the Capitol, near ' 
the Vigna del Collegio Inglese. Temples of Saturn and Concord, 


may, KXYL, EPAPHRODITUB. 788 


established by the government :! but these roads afforded also the means 
of transmitting the letters of private citizens, whether sent by means of 
tabellarzi,? or by the voluntary aid of accidental travellers. Tio such 
communications between the metropolis and the provinces others were 
now added of a kind hitherto unknown in the world,—not different 
indeed in outward appearance*® from common letters, — but containing 
commands more powerful in their effects than the despatches of Nero, — 
touching more closely the private relations of life than all the correspond- 
ence of Seneca‘ or Pliny, —and proclaiming, in the very form of their 
salutations, the perpetual union of the Jew, the Greek, and the Roman.® 
It seems probable that the three letters which we have last read were 
despatched from Rome when St. Paul had been resident there about a 
year,° that is, in the spring of the year 62 a.p. After the departure of 
Tychicus and Onesimus, the Apostle’s prison was cheered by the arrival. 
of Hpaphroditus, who bore a contribution from the Christians of Philippi. 
We have before seen instances’ of the noble liberality of that Church, 
and now once more we find them ministering to the necessities of their 


beloved teacher. 


Epaphroditus, apparently a leading presbyter among 


the Philippians, had brought on himself, by the fatigues or perils of his 


journey, a dangerous illness. 
affection. 


1 So far as related to government de- 
spatches, Augustus estabiished posts similar to 
_ those of King Ahasuerus. Compare Suet. 

Aug. 49 with Esther viii. 13, 14. 
2 See Becker’s Gallus, p. 250 (Eng. Trans.). 
3 In p. 357, a general reference was made 
to the interest connected even with the writing 
Materials employed by St. Paul. ‘There is lit- 
tle donbt that these were reed-pens, Egyptian 
paper, and black ink. All these are mentioned 
by St. John (paper and ink, 2 Joh. 12; ink and 
pen, 3 Joh. 18); and St. Paul himself, in a 
passage where there is a blended allusion to 
inscriptions on stone and to letter-writing (2 
Cor. iii. 3), speaks of ink. Representations of 
ancient inkstands found at Pompeii, with reed- 
pens, may be seen in Dr. Smith’s Dictionary, 
under Atramentum. Allusion has been made 
in a previous page to the paper-trade of Egypt. 
Parchment (2 Tim. iv. 18) was of course used 
for the secondary MSS. in which the Epistles 
were preserved. Letters were written in the 
large or uncial character, though of course the 
handwriting of different persons would vary. 
See Gal. vi. 11 
_ * We most not pass by the name of Seneca 


x 
HM 





St. Paul speaks of him with touching 
He calls him his “ brother, and companion in labor, and fel- 


without some allusion to the so-called corre- 
spondence between him and St. Paul: but a 
mere allusion is not enough for so vapid and 
meaningless a forgery. These Epistles (with 
that which is called the Ep. to the Laodiceans, 
described p. 762, note 5) will be found in Jones 
on the Canon (vol. ii.). 

5 We allude to the combination of the Ori- 
ental “peace” with the Greek “grace” or 
“joy” in the opening salutations of all St. 
Paul’s Epistles. We may compare Horace’s 
“Celso gaudere,” &., Ep. 1. viii., with the 
opening of the letter of Lysias to Felix, Acts 
xxiii. 26. 

6 The state of things described in the 4th 
chapter of Colossians, the conversion of 
Onesimus and his usefulness to St. Paul 
(Philem. 11-13), imply the continuance of St. 
Paul’s ministry at Rome during a period 
which can hardly have been less than a year. 
Nor would St. Paul, at the beginning of his 
imprisonment, have written as he does (Philem. 
22) of his captivity as verging towards its te. 
mination. 

See the account of the Macedonian co!- 
lection, p. 480. 


ak! 
7 San 


784 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. ousr, xxv 























low-soldier” (ii. 25); declares that “ his labor in the cause of Christ 
had brought him near to death ” (ii. 30), and that he had “ hazarded his 
tte?’ dn order to sipply the means of communication between th 
Philippians and himself. And, when speaking of his recovery, he says 
“God had compassion on him, and not on him only, but on me also, that 
I might not have sorrow upon sorrow.” (ii. 27.) We must suppose 
from these expressions, that Epaphroditus had exposed himself to some 
unusual risk in his journey. Perhaps his health was already feeble when 
he set out, so that he showed self-devotion in encountering fatigues which 
were certain to injure him. 

Meanwhile St. Paul continued to preach, and his converts to multiply. 
We shall find that when he wrote to the Philippians, either towards 
the close of this year, or at the beginning of the next, great effects had 
already been produced; and that the Church of Rome was not only 
enlarged, but encouraged to act with greater boldness upon the surround. 
ing masses of Heathenism,' by the successful energy ut the apostoli 
prisoner. Yet the political occurrences of the year might well ha 
alarmed him for his safety, and counselled a more timid course. Wi 
have seen that prisoners in St. Paul’s position were under the charge of 
the Pretorian Prefect ; and in this year occurred the death of the virtu 
ous Burrus,? under whose authority his imprisonment had been 
unusually mild. Upon this event the prefecture was put into com 
mission, and bestowed on Fenius Rufus and Sofonius Tigellinus. The 
former was respectable,? but wanting in force of character, and quit 
unable to cope with his colleague, who was already notorious for tha 
energetic wickedness which has since made his name proverbial. & 
Paul’s Christian friends in Rome must have trembled to think of him a 
subject to the caprice of this most detestable of Nero’s satellites. It doe 
aot seem, however, that his situation was altered for the worse ; possibl 
he was never brought under the special notice of Tigellinus, who was t¢ 
intent on court intrigues, at this period, to attend to so trifling a matte 
as the concerns of a Jewish prisoner. 

Another circumstance occurred about the same time, which seemed 
threaten still graver mischief to the cause of Paul. This was the ma 
riage of Nero to his adulterous mistress Poppea, who had become 
proselyte to Judaism. This infamous woman, not content with inducin 


1 Phil. i, 12-14. 

2 Tac. Ann. xiv. 51. The death of Burrus 
was an important epoch in Nero’s reign. 
Tacitus tells us in the following chapter that 
it broke tye power of Seneca and established 
the influem.s of Tigellinus; and from this pe- 


riod Nero’s public administration became gra 
ually worse and worse, till at length his i 
my rivalled that of his private life. j 

8 Fenius Rufus was afterwards executed fi 
his share in Piso’s conspiracy (Tac. Ann. xy. 6 
68), in which he showed lamentable imbecilit 







ar, XXV1. ST. PAUL’S RELEASE DOUBTFUL. 785 


3r paramour to divorce his young wife Octavia, had demanded and 
tained the death of hor rival; and had gloated over the head of the 
urdered victim,! which was forwarded from Pandataria to Rome for her 
spection. Her power seemed now to have reached its zenith, but rose 
ill higher at the beginning of the following year, upon the birth of « 
sughter, when temples were erected to her and her infant,? and divine 
mors paid them. We know from Josephus ® that she exerted her influ- 
ice over Nero in favor of the Jews, and that she patronized their emis- 
ries at Rome; and assuredly no scruples of humanity would prevent 
sr from seconding their demand for the punishment of their most 
stested antagonist. 

These changed circumstances fully account for the anticipations of 
1) unfavorable issue to his trial, which we shall find St. Paul now ex- 
essing ;* and which contrast remarkably with the confident expectation 
‘release entertained by him when he wrote the letter® to Philemon. 
Then we come to discuss the trial of St. Paul, we shall see reason to 
lieve that the providence of God did in fact avert this danger; but at 
resent all things seemed to wear a most threatening aspect. Perhaps 
ie death of Pallas® (which also happened this year) may be considered, 
a the other hand, as removing an unfavorable influence; for, as the 
other of Felix, he would have been wi!ling to soften the Jewish accusers 
‘that profligate governor, by co-operating with their designs against 
. Paul. But his power had ceased to be formidable, either for good or 
il, some time before his death. 

Meanwhile Epaphroditus was fully recovered from his sickness, and 
le once more to travel; and he willingly prepared to comply with St. 
aul’s request that he would return to Philippi. We are told that he 
as “ filled with longing ” to see his friends again, and the more so when 
s heard that great anxiety had been caused among them by the news of 
is sickness.’ Probably he occupied an influential post in the Philippian 
hurch, and St. Paul was unwilling to detain him any longer from his 
aties there. He took the occasion of his return to send a letter of 
rateful acknowledgment to his Philippian converts. 

Tt has been often remarked that this Epistle contains less of censure 
id more of praise than any other of St. Paul’s extant letters. It gives 










1 Tac. Ann. xiv. 64. Temple. They sent ambassadors to Rome, who 
2 Tac. Ann. xv. 23. The temples to Pop- succeeded by Poppsa’s intercession in carrying 
@ are mentioned in a fragment of Dio. their point. * Phil. ii. 17, and iti. 11. 
ie Josephus, Antig. =x. 8, 11, speaks of 5 Philem. 22, 23. 

Pro as “granting favors to the Jews, to ® Pallas was put to death by poison soon 
pase Poppzea, who was a religious woman.” after the marriage of Poppxa, and in the same 
his was on the occasion of the wall which the year. Tac. Ann. xiv. 65. 

bys built to en view of the 7 Phil. ii 26. 


11 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. wBAP. © 













736 


us a very high idea of the Christian state of the Philippians, as shown t 
the firmness of their faith under persecution,! their constant obedience 
and attachment to St. Paul,? and the liberality which distinguished the: 
above all other Churches.* They were also free from doctrinal error 
and no schism had as yet been created among them by the Judaizing part 
They are warned, however, against these active propagandists, who we 
probably busy in their neighborhood, or (at least) might at any tim 
appear among them. The only blemish recorded as existing in th 
Church of Philippi is, that certain of its members were deficient in low 
ness of mind, and were tkus led into disputes and altercations with the 
brethren. Two women of consideration amongst the converts, Euod 
and Syntyche by name, had been especially guilty of this fault; 
their variance was the more to be regretted because they had be 
labored earnestly for the propagation of the faith. St. Paul exhorts # 
Church, with great solemnity and earnestness,‘ to let these disgracef 
bickerings cease, and to be all “of one soul and one mind.” He al 


gives them very full particulars about his own condition, and the spre 
He writes in a tone of most affectionate reme 
prance, and, while anticipating the speedily-approaching crisis of his fa 
he expresses his faith, hope, and joy with peculiar fervency. 


of the Gospel at Rome. 


THE EPISTLE TO THE PHILIPPIANS- 


PAUL and Timotheus, bondsmen of Jesus Christ, To ALL 
THE SAINTS® IN CHRIST JESUS WHO ARE AT PHILIPPI, WITH THE BISHOP 


AND DEACONS.® 


1 Phil. i. 28, 29. 

2 Phil. ii. 12. 

# Phil. ii. 1, 2, and iv. 2. 

5 The following are the grounds of the 
date assigned to this Epistle : — 

(1.) It was written during an imprisonment 
at Rome, because (a) the Pretorium (i. 13) 
was at Rome; (B) So was the Emperor’s 
household (iv. 22); (c) He expects the imme- 
diate decision of his cause (i. 19, ii. 24), which 
could only have been given at Rome. 

(2.) It was written during the first imprison- 
ment at Rome, because (A) the mention of the 
Pretorium agrees with the fact, that, during 
his first imprisonment, he was in the custody 
of the Prsetorian Prefect; (B) His situation 
described (i. 12-14) agrees with his situation 
in the first two years of his imprisonment 
(Acts xxviii. 30, 81). 


8 Phil. iv. 15. 










(8.) It was written towards the conclusion 
this first imprisonment, because (4) he exp 
the immediate decision of his cause; 
Enongh time had elapsed for the Philipp 
to hear of his imprisonment, send Epaphr 
tus to him, hear of Epaphroditus’s arrival 
sickness, and send back word to Rome of 
distress (ii. 26). 

(4.) It was written after Colossians 
Philemon; both for the preceding reason 
because Luke was no longer at Rome, a 
was when those were written; otherwix 
would have saluted a Churen in which he 
labored, and would have “‘ cared in e 
their concerns ” (see ii. 20). 

© For Saints, see note on 1 Cor. i. 2. — 
7 Bishops. This term was at this 
period applied to all the presbyters : see p. 
® Deacons: see p. 879. Jt is singular 





oHA?. XXVI. EPISTLE TO THE PHILIPPIANS. 737 


Grace be to you, and peace, from God our Father, and from our Lord 
Jesus Christ. 
, I’ thank my God upon every remembrance of you (contin- 
= ually in all my prayers making my supplication for you all? 
with joy), for your fellowship in forwarding * the Glad-tidings, 

from the first day until now. And I am confident accordingly,‘ that He 

who has begun a good work in you will perfect it, even until the day of 
_ Jesus Christ. And it is just that I should be thus mindful® of you all, 
_ because you have me in your hearts, and, both in my imprisonment and 
in my defence and confirmation * of the Glad-tidings, you all share in the 
grace’ bestowed upon me. God is my witness how I long after you all, 
in the tender affection of Christ Jesus. 

And this I pray, that your love may abound yet more and more, in true 
_ knowledge, and in all understanding, teaching you to distinguish good * 
_ from evil; that you may be pure, and may walk without ® stumbling until 
: the day of Christ ; being filled with the fruits of righteousness which are 
i by Jesus Christ, unto the glory and praise of God. 
¥ - Tnteligence I would have you know, brethren, that the things which 
_ ton: Eome. have befallen me have tended rather to the furtherance than 
é “hinderance of the Glad-tidings. So that my chains have become well 
_ known in the name of Christ, throughout the whole Pretorium,” and to 


all the rest.“ And thus most ” of the brethren in the Lord, rendered con- 


for 


% 
presbyters and deacons should be men- 

" tioned separately in the address of this Epis 

fle only. It has been suggested that they 

d collected and forwarded the contribution 

ent by Epaphroditus. 

_ 12 Observe “Panl and Timotheus” fol- 

towed immediately by “1,” in confirmation of 

the remarks in the note on 1 Thess. i 2. 

ene constant repetition of “all” in con- 

Rection with “ you ” in this Epistle is remarka- 

Sle. It seems as if St. Paul implied that he 

(@ least) would not recognize any divisions 

ong them. See above. 

| * Not “in the Gospel ” (A. V.). 

_ * Accordingly: compare 2 Cor. ii. 3, and 

. i. 10. 

| *° Mindfil, &c. This refers to the preced- 

) ig mention of his prayers for them. 

| * St Paul defended his doctrine by his 

|) Words, and confirmed it by his life. 

|| 7 The grace or gift bestowed on St. Paal. 
















and also on the Philippians, was the power of 
confirming the Gospel by their sufferings: the 
corresponding verb is used in v. 29. 

% Compare Rom. ii. 18. 

° “ Without offence” seems used here in- 
transitively ; at 1 Cor. x. 32, the same word is 
active. 

1° Pretorium. For the explanation of this, 
see above, p. 780. We have seen that St. 
Paul was committed to the enstody of the 
Prafectus Pretorio, and guarded by different 
Pretorian soldiers, who relieved one another. 
Hence his condition would be soon known 
throughout the Pretorian quarters. 

0 This expression is very obscure; it may 
mean either to the Praetorian soldiers who guard 
mé, and to all the rest of those who visit me; or 
to all the rest of the Praetorian Guards. The 
latter view gives the best sense. 

2 “ Most,” not “many” (A. V.). 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. OHAP, X40, 


788 


fident by my chains, are very much emboldened to speak the Word fear- 
lessly. Some, indeed, proclaim Christ’ even out of envy and contention ;? 
but some, also, out? of good will. These do it from love,‘ knowing that J 


am appointed to defend the Glad-tidings ; but those announce Christ from 
a spirit of intrigue,” not sincerely, thinking to stir® up persecution against 
What then? nevertheless, every way, whether 
in pretence or in truth, Christ is announced ; and herein I rejoice now, 
yea, and I shall rejoice hereafter. For I know that ss these things j 
shall fall out to my salvation,” ® through your prayers, and through 
the supply of all my needs ® by the Spirit of Jesus Christ ; according to 
my earnest expectation and hope, that I shall in no wise be put to 
as at all other times, so now also, 
Christ will be magnified in my body, whether by my life or by my death. 
21,22 For to me life is Christ, and death is gain. But whether this life™ in the 
flesh shall be the fruit of my labor, and what I should choose, I know 
But” between the two I am in perplexity; having the desire to 
depart and be with Christ, which is far better; yet to remain in the flesh 
And in this confidence I know that I 


me in my imprisonment. 


shame, but that with all boldness, 


not. 


js more needful, for your sake. 


1 “Christ” has the article, which perhaps 
may indicate that they were Jews, who pro- 
claimed Jesus as the Messiah. The verb in 
y. 15 denotes to proclaim (as a herald); that in 
y. 17, to declare tidings of (as @ messenger). 

2 These were probably Judaizers. 

3 Wecan by no means assent to Professor 
Jowett’s proposal to translate the preposition 
here “amid.” See his note on Gal. iv. 13. 

« The order of verses 16 and 17 (as given 
in the best MSS.) is transposed in the Re- 
csived Text. 

5 See note on Rom. ii. 8. 

6 Such is the reading of the best MSS. 
The Judaizers probably, by professing to 
teach the true version of Christianity, and 
accusing Paul of teaching & false and anti- 
national doctrine, excited odium against him 
among the Christians of Jewish birth at 
Rome. 

7 These things, viz. the sufferings resulting 
from the conduct of these Judaizers. 

* The words are quoted verbatim from 
Job xiii. 16 (LXX.). Yet perhaps St. Paul 

id not so much deliberately quote them, as 
ase an expression which floated in his memory. 



















® The words literally applied would mes 
the supplying of all needs {of the chorus] by the 
Choregus. So the words here mean the supply- 
ing of all needs [of the Christian] by the Spiri 
Compare Eph. iv. 16, and Col. ii. 19. 
10 St. Paul was confident that his faith and 
hope would not fail him in the day of tri 
Compare Rom. v. 5, “our hope cannot sham 
us.” He was looking forward to his fir 
hearing, as we have already seen, page 785. 
1 We punctuate this very difficult verse § 
that the meaning is literally, but whether tha 
life in the flesh (compare this mortal, 1 Cor. 
54, and my present life in the flesh, Gal. ii. 20) 
be my labor’s fruit, and what I shall choose, 
know not. The A. V. assumes an ellipsis, am 
gives no intelligible meaning to fruit of 
labor. On the other hand, De Wette’s trans 
lation, if life in the flesh, — if this be my labo 
Sruit, what I shall choose I know not, cav 
a redundancy, and is otherwise objection 
Beza’s translation, “an vero yivere in ca 
mihi oper pretium sit, et quid eligam ignoro, 
comes nearest to that which we adopt. 
2 The MSS. read “but,” and not “for 


here. 


oHAP, XVI, EPISTLE TO THE PHILIPPIANS. 789 


shall remain,: and shall continue with you all, to your furtherance and 
joy in faith ; that you may have more abundant cause for your boasting’ 
in Christ Jesus on my account, by my presence again among you. 

Only live’ worthy of the Glad-tidings of Christ, that 


Exhortations 
to steadfast 
endurance, whether I come and see you, or be absent, I may hear con- 
towliness. 


cerning you, that you stand firmly in one spirit, contending 
together with one mind for the faith of the Glad-tidings, and nowise 
terrified by its enemies ;‘* for their enmity is to them an evidence of per- 
dition, but to you of salvation, and that from God. For to you it has 
been given, on behalf of Christ, not only te believe on Him, but also to 
suffer for His sake; having the same conflict which once you saw® in me, 
and which now you hear that I endure. 

If, then, you can be entreated ° in Christ, if you can be persuaded, by 
love, if you have any fellowship in the Spirit, if you have any tenderness 
or compassion, I pray you make my joy full,’ be of one accord, filled with 
the same love, of one soul, of one mind. Do nothing in a spirit of in- 
trigue® or vanity, but in lowliness of mind let each account others above 
himself. Seek not your private ends alone, but let every man seek like- 





wise his neighbor’s good. 


29 


30 


Let this mind be in you, which was also in Christ Jesus ; who, being 5, 6 
in the form of God, thought it not robbery® to be equal with God, but 4 
stripped " Himself [of His glory] and took upon Him the form of a 


1 Shall remain, i. 6. alive. 

2 «Whose boasting is in Christ.” Com- 
pare iii. 3. 

8 See note on iii. 20. 

4 Compare “many adversaries,” —1 Cor. 
xvi. 9. 

5 They had seen him sent to prison, Acts 
xvi. 23. 

6 The first word means to entreat, see Matt. 
xviii. 32; the second, to urge by persuasion or 
entreaty, see 1 Thess. ii. 11. 

7 The extreme earnestness of this exhorta- 
tion to unity shows that the Philippians were 
guilty of dissension; perhaps Euodia and 
Syntyche, whose opposition to each other is 
mentioned iv. 2, had partisans who shared 
their quarrel. 

8 See above, i. 27. 

9 This very difficult expression admits of 
the translation adopted in the Authorized Ver- 


sion; from which, therefore, we have not 
thought it right to deviate. The majority of 
modern interpreters, however, take it as mean- 
ing to reckon a thing as a booty, to look on a thing 
as a robber would look on spoil. It is a con- 


‘siderable (though not a fatal) objection to this 


view, that it makes a word denoting the act of 
seizing identical with one denoting the thing 
seized. The Authorized Version is free from 
this objection ; but it is liable to the charge of 
rendering the connection with the following 
verse less natural than the other interpretation. 
Tf the latter be correct, the translation would 
be, He thought not equality with God a thing to 
be seized upon ; i. e. though, essentially, even while 
on earth, He was in the form of God, yet He did 
not think fit to claim equality with God until Hs 
had accomplished His mission. 
10 Literally, emptied Himsdf. 


oo 


16 


790 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


slave, being changed? into the likeness of man. And having appeared 
in the guise of men, He abased Himself and showed obedience,’ even 
unto death, yea, death upon the cross. Wherefore God also exalted Him 
above measure, and gave Him the* name which is above every name; 
that in the name of Jesus “ every knee should bote,”® of all who dwell 
in heaven, in earth, or under the earth, and every tongue should confess 
that Jesus Christ is Lord, to the glory of God the Father. 

Wherefore, my beloved, as you have always obeyed me, not as in my 
presence only, but now much more in my absence, work out your own 
salvation with fear and trembling ;°* for it is God who works in you both 
will and deed. Do all things for the sake of good will,’ without murmur- 
ings and disputings, that you may be blameless and guileless, the sons of 
God without rebuke, in the midst of “a crooked and perverse genera- 
tion,” * among whom ye shine like stars * in the worid; holding fast the 
Word of Life ; that you may give me ground of boasting, even to the day 


of Christ, that I have not run in vain, nor labored in vain. 


1 The likeness of man was the form of a 
slave to Him, contrasted with the form of God 
which essentially belonged to Him. 

2 Literally, having become in the likeness, 
which in English is expressed by being changed 
into the likeness, 

3 He “showed obedience” to the laws of 
human society, to His parents, and to the civil 
magistrate; and carried that self-humiliating 
obedience even to the point of submitting to 
death, when He might have summoned 
“‘ twelve legions of angels” to His rescue. 

* The best MSS. have “the name.” 

5 Tsaiah xlv. 28 (LXX.), quoted Rom. xiv. 
ll. It is strange that this verse should often 
have been quoted as commanding the practice 
of bowing the head at the name of Jesus; a 
practice most proper in itself, but not here 
referred to: what it really prescribes is kneeling 
in adoration of Him. 

® We have already remarked that with 
anxiety and self-distrust is a nearer representa- 
tion of this Pauline phrase than the literal 
English, as appears by the use of the same 
phrase 1 Cor. ii. 3; 2 Cor. vii. 15; Eph. vi. 5. 
The “fear” is a fear of failure, the “trem- 
bling ” an eager anxvety. 

' This phrase has perplexed the interpreters, 


because they have all joined it with the preced- 
ing words. We put a stop after the preceding 
verb, and take the noun in the same sense as 
at i. 15 above, and Luke ii. 14. It is strange 
that so clear and simple a construction, in- 
volving no alteration in the text, should not — 
have been before suggested. 

Since the above was first published, it has 
been objected that the position of the Greek 
article negatives the above rendering ; because 
the insertion of the article (where it is gener- 
ally omitted) between a preposition and an — 
abstract noun, gives to the latter a reflective 
sense; so that the phrase would mean “your 
good will,” not good will in the abstract. 
This grammatical statement is not universally 
true; but even if the objection were valid, it — 
would not negative the construction proposed, 
nor materially alter the meaning. The trans 
lation would then stand: —“‘ Do all things far 
the sake of maintaining your mutual good will.” 

[It seems very doubtful whether this view is 
tenable: and the ordinary rendering gives @ 
very forcible sense. — H.] 

8 Deut. xxxii. 5 (LXX.). The preceding 
“without rebuke” calls up a corresponding 
word in the Greek context of the LXX. 

§ Compare Gen. i. 14 (ILXX.). 





uar. XXVI. EPISTLE TO THE PHILIPPIANS. 791 

ii. 
3t.Panrsex- | But! though my blood? be poured forth upon the ministra- 17 
pectations and 


intentions. tion of the sacrifice of your faith, I rejoice for myself, and re- 
joice with you all; and do ye likewise rejoice, both for yourselves and 18 
But I hope in the Lord Jesus to send Timotheus to you’ 19 


20 


with me. 
shortly, that I also may be cheered, by learning your state ; for I have no 
other like-minded with me, who would care in earnest for your concerns ; 
for all seek their own, not the things of Jesus Christ. But you know‘ the 21,29 
trials which have proved his worth, and that, as a son with a father, he 
has shared my servitude, to proclaim the Glad-tidings. Him, then, I 
hope to send without delay, as soon as I see how it will go with me; but 
I trust in the Lord that I also myself shall come shortly. 


23 
24 


Epaphroditus, who is my brother and companion in labor and 25 


Return of 
Epaphroditus. fellow-soldier, and your messenger to minister ® to my wants, I 
have thought it needful to send to you. For he was filled with long- 
ing for you all, and with sadness, because you had heard that he was 
sick. And, indeed, he had a sickness which brought him almost to death, 
but God had compassion on him ; and not on him only, but on me, that 
I might not have sorrow upon sorrow. Therefore I have been * the more 


anxious to send him, that you may have the joy of seeing him again, and 


26 
27 
28 
that I may have one sorrow the less. 
Lord, with all gladness, and hold such men in honor ; because his labor 


in the cause of Christ brought him near to death; for he hazarded’ his 
life that he might supply all which you could not do,’ in ministering to me. ... 


Receive him, therefore, in the 29 


30 


iii. 
Finally, my brethren, rejoice in the Lord. 1 
Warning To repeat the same* warnings is not wearisome to me,and __ 
againstJudae | , “ 
fers,and =» it is safe for you. Beware of the Dogs,! beware of the Evil 2 


1 This but seems to connect what follows 
with i. 25, 26. 

2 Literally, I be poured forth. The meta- 
pho: is probably from the Jewish drink-offer- 
ings (Numb. xxviii. 7) rather than from the 
‘Heathen libations. The Heathen converts 
are spoken of as a sacrifice offered up by St. 
Paul as the ministering priest, in Rom. xv. 16. 
_ ® The Greek construction is the same as in 
1 Cor. iv. 17. 

* Timotheus had labored among them at 
the first. See Acts xvi. 

5 Minister. We have the corresponding 
jabstract noun in v. 30. 
| ° The aorist used from the position of the 
reader, according to classical usage. 










‘s 
i 


7 This is the meaning of the reading of the 
best MSS. 

8 The same expression is used of the mes- 
sengers of the Corinthian Church. 1 Cor. 
xvi 17. The .snglish reader must not under- 
stand the A. V. “lack of service” to convey & 
reproach. From this verse we learn that the 
illness of Epaphroditus was caused by some 
casualty of his journey, or perhaps by over- 
fatigue. 

® Literally, to write the same things to you. 
St. Paul must here refer either to some previ- 
ous Epistle to the Philippians (now lost), or 
to his former conversations with them. 

10 The Judaizers are here described by three 
epithets: “the dogs,” because of their un- 


10 


12 


13 


14 


792 


Workmen, beware of the Concision. 
cision, who worship God! with the spirit, whose boasting ? is 
in Christ Jesus, and whose confidence is not in the flesh. Although 
might have confidence in the flesh also. 
he has ground of confidence in the flesh,I have more. Circumcise 
the eighth day, of the stock of Israel, of the tribe of Benjamin, a Hebre 
6 of the Hebrews; as to the Law, a Pharisee ; as to zeal, a persecutor ¢ 
7 the Church; as to the righteousness of the Law, unblamable. 
8 once was gain to me, that I have counted loss for Christ. Yea, doubtles 
and I count all things but loss, because all are nothing-worth in cor 
parison * with the knowledge of Christ Jesus my Lord; for whom I ha 
suffered the loss of all things, and count them but as dung that I ms 
gain Christ, and be found in Him; not having my own righteousness ¢ 
the Law, but the righteousness of faith in Christ, the righteousness whi 
God bestows on Faith;‘* that I may know Him, and the power of 
resurrection, and the fellowship of His sufferings, sharing the likeness 
His death; if by any means I might attain to the resurrection from f 


dead. 


Not that I have already won,’ or am already perfect; but I pre 
onward, if indeed I might lay hold on that for which Christ also 
hold on me.* Brethren, I count not myself to have laid hold there 
but this one thing I do — forgetting that which is behind, and reach 
forth to that which is before, I press onward towards the mark, for # 
prize of God’s heavenly calling in Christ Jesus. 


cleanness (of which that animal was the type; 
compare 2 Pet. ii. 22); “the evil workmen” 
(not equivalent to “evil workers’’), for the 
same reason that they are called “deceitful 
workmen ” in 2 Cor. xi. 13; and “the concis- 
ion,” to distinguish them from the true cir- 
cumcision, the spiritual Israel. 

1 We retain “God ” here, with the Textus 
Receptus, and a minority of MSS., because 
of the analogy of Rom. i. 9 (see note there). 
The true Christians are here described by con- 
trast with the Judaizers, whose worship was the 
carnal worship of the Temple, whose boasting 
was in the law, and whose confidence was in 
the circumcision of their flesh. 

2 Apparently alluding to Jer. ix. 24, “ He 
that boasteth iet rim boast in the Lord,” which is 
quoted } Cor. i. 8) and 2 Cor. x. 7. 

* Literally Jwranse of the supereminence of 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 














For we are the Circum- exhortation | 


the Chri 
tian race. 


If any other man thinks 


But wh 


the knowledge of Christ, i. e. because the ki 
edge of Christ surpasses all things else. 

* Of God (i. e. which He bestows) on c 
tion of faith. Compare Acts iii. 16. 

5 “ Won,” i.e. “ the prize” (v. 14). Ce 
pare 1 Cor. ix. 24, “So run that ye 
win.” It is unfortunate that in A. V. thi 
translated by the same verb attain, whic 
used for another verb in the preceding 
so as to make it seem to refer to that. 

® Our Lord had “laid hold on” Paul, 
order to bring him to the attainment of “the 
prize of God’s heavenly calling.” “Jesus” i 
omitted by the best MSS. ' 

7 'The image is that of the runner in 4 foot 
race, whose body is bent forwards in the di 
tion towards which he runs. See beginn 
of Ch. XX. 





cHar, XXVI. EPISTLE TO THE PHILIPPIANS. 


Let us all, then, who are ripe! in understanding, be thus minded; and 
if in any thing you are otherwise minded, that also shall be revealed to 
you by God [in due time]. Nevertheless, let us walk according to that 
which we have attained.? 

Brethren, be imitators of me with one consent, and mark those who 
walk according to my example. For many walk, of whom I told you 
often in times® past, and now tell you even weeping, that they are the 
enemies ‘ of the cross of Christ; whose end is destruction, whose God is 


their belly,’ and whose glory is in their shame; whose mind is set on 


7938 


Lh 


19 


earthly things. For my ® life? abides in heaven ; from whence also I look 20,2 
for a Saviour, the Lord Jesus Christ ; who shall change my vile*® body 22 
into the likeness of His glorious body ; according to the working whereby 
He is able even to subdue all things unto Himself. Therefore, my iv.? 
brethren, dearly beloved and longed for, my joy and crown, so stand fast 


in the Lord, my dearly beloved. 


Buodia and 
Byntyche 
must be 

teconciled. 


1 The translation in A. V. (here and in v. 
12) by the same word makes St. Paul seem to 
contradict himself. ‘“ Perfect” is the antithesis 
of “babe.” Compare 1 Cor. xiv. 20. 

2 The precept is the same given Rom. xiv. 
5. The words “think the same thing” are 
omitted in the best MSS. 

8 Literally, Z used to tell you. 

4 For the construction, compare 1 John ii. 
25. The persons meant were men who led 
licentious lives (like the Corinthian freethink- 
ers), and they are called ‘enemies of the cross i 
because the cross was the symbol of mortifica- 
tion. 

5 Cf. Rom. xvi. 18. 

6 On St. Paul’s use of “we” see note on 
i Thess. i. 3. An objection has been made to 
translating it in the singular in this passage, 
on the ground that this seems to limit St. 
Paul’s expression of Christian hope and faith 
to himself; but a very little consideration will 
suffice to show the futility of such an objection. 
Where St. Paul speaks of his hopes and faith 
as a Christian, his words are necessarily appli- 
cable to other Christians as well as to himself. 
And, in fact, some of the passages to which 
Christians in general have ever turned with 


I exhort Euodia, and I exhort Syntyche,® to be of one mind 
in the Lord. Yea, and I beseech thee also, my true yoke- 
fellow,!° to help them [to be reconciled] ; for they strove ear- 


the most fervent sympathy, and which they 
have most undoubtingly appropriated, are 
those very passages where St. Paul uses the 
“singular: ” as, for example, “for me,” Gal. 
ii. 20. 

7 This noun must not be translated citizen- 
ship (as has been proposed), which would be a 
different word (cf. Acts xxii. 28). The corre- 
sponding verb means to perform the functions 
of civil life, and is used simply for to live; see 
Acts xxiii. 1, and Phil. i.27. Hence the noun 
means the tenor of life. It should be also 
observed that the verb here means more than 
simply “is,” though it is difficult here to ex- 
press the shade of difference in English. 

8 Literally, the body of my humiliation. 

9 These were two women (the pronoun is 
feminine in vy. 3, which is mistranslated in 
A. V.) who were at variance. 

10 We have no means of knowing who was 
the person thus addressed. Apparently some 
eminent Christian at Philippi, to whom the 
Epistle was to be presented in the first instance 
The old hypothesis (mentioned by Chrysos: 
tom), that the word is a proper name, is not 
without plausibility; “who art Syzygus in 
name and in fact,”’ as a commentator says 


iv. 


on 


10 


li 


16 


794 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. CHAP, XXV1L 















uestiy in the work of the Glad-tidings with me, together with Clemens’ : 
and my other fellow-laborers, whose names are in the Book? of Life. 
Rejoice in the Lord at all times. Again will* I say, rejoice. mxhortationte 
Let your forbearance be known to all men. The‘ Lord is at elation, and to 
hand. Let no care trouble you, but in all things, by prayer °” #°°o"™ 
and supplication with thanksgiving, let your requests be made known to — 
God. And the peace of God, which passeth all understanding, shall 
keep ® your hearts and minds in Christ Jesus. Finally, brethren, what- 
soever is true, whatsoever is venerable, whatsoever is just, whatsoever is 
pure, whatsoever is endearing, whatsoever is of good report, —if there 
be any virtue, and if there be any praise,—be such your treasures.* 
That which you were taught and learned, and which you heard and saw — 
in me, — be that your practice. So shall the God of peace be with you. 
I rejoiced in the Lord greatly when I found that now, after Liberality of 
so long a time, your care for me had borne fruit again ;* Church. 
though your care indeed never failed, but you lacked opportunity. Not 
that I speak as if I were in want; for I* have learned, im whatsoever 
state I am, to be content. I can bear either abasement or abundance. 
In all things, and amongst all men, I have been taught the secret,’ to be 
full or to be hungry, to want or to abound. I can do all things in Him“ : 
who strengthens me. Nevertheless, you have done well, in contributing 
to the help of my affliction. And you know yourselves, Philippians, that, 
in the beginning of the Glad-tidings, after I had left Macedonia,” no 
Church communicated with me on account of giving and receiving, but 
you alone. For even while I was [still] in Thessalonica,” you sent once 


8 The verb is future. He refers to iii. 1. 

* They are exhorted to be joyful under 
persecution, and show gentleness to their 
persecutors, becausé the Lord’s coming would 
soon deliver them from all their afflictions, 
Compare note on 1 Cor. xvi. 22. 

5 Literally, garrison. 


1 We learn from Origen (Comm. on John i. 
29) that this Clemens (commonly called Clem- 
ent) was the same who was afterwards Bishop 
of Rome, and who wrote the Epistles to the 
Corinthians which we have before referred to 
(p. 541). Eusebius quotes the following state- 
ment concerning him from Irenseus: “In the 


third place after the Apostles the episcopal 
office was held by Clemens, who also saw the 
blessed Apostles, and lived with them.” — Hist. 
Eccl. y.6. It appears from the present pas- 
sage that he had formerly labored successfully 
at Philippi. 

2 Compare “ Book of the living,” Ps. Ixix. 
28 (LXX.), and also Luke x. 20, and Heb. 
xii. 23. 


6 Literally, recken these things tn account, 
Compare 1 Cor. xiii. 5. 

7 The literal meaning is to put forth 
shoots. 8 This “I” is emphatic. 

® Literally, ‘I have been initiated.” 

10 “ Christ” is omitted in the best MSS 
For “strengthen,” cf. Rom. iv. 20 

1 Compare,2 Cor. xi. 9, and p. 338. 

1 See p 284. 





HAP, XXVI. CONVERTS IN THE IMPERIAL HOUSEHOLD. 795 


ind again to relieve my need. Not that I seek your gifts, but I seek 
he fruit which accrues therefrom to your account. But I have all which 
| require, and more than I require. I am fully supplied, having received 
rom Epaphroditus your gifts, “un odor of stoeetness,’* an acceptable 
acrifice well pleasing to God. And your own needs? shall be all 
upplied by my God, in the fulness of His glorious riches in Christ 
jesus. Now to our God and Father be glory unto the ages of ages. 
{men. 
alutations, Salute every saint in Christ Jesus. The brethren who are 
vith me * salute you, 

All the saints here salute you, especially those who belong to the 
jouse of Cesar.‘ 
= The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ be with your spirits. 


ion. 

The above Epistle gives us an unusual amount of information concern- 
ng the personal situation of its writer, which we have already endeav- 
red to incorporate into our narrative. But nothing in it is more 
uggestive than St. Paul’s allusion to the Pretorian guards, and to the 
onverts he had gained in the household of Nero. He tells us (as we 
ave just read) that throughout the Pretorian quarters he was well 
own as a prisoner for the cause of Christ, and he sends special saluta- 
ions to the Philippian Church from the Christians in the Imperial house- 
old.’ These notices bring before us very vividly the moral contrasts by 
thich the Apostle was surrounded. The soldier to whom he was chained 
day might have been in Nero’s body-guard yesterday; his comrade 
rho next relieved guard upon the prisoner might have been one of the 
xecutioners of Octavia, and might have carried her head to Poppma a 
aw weeks before. Such were the ordinary employments of the fierce 
nd blood-stained veterans who were daily present, like wolves in the 
uidst of sheep, at the meetings of the Christian brotherhood. If there 
1Gen. viii. 21 (LXX.). Compare also is used by Josephus (Ant. xviii. 5, 8). If St. 
bY i. 9, and Eph. v. 2. Paul was at this time confined in the neigh- 
3 The your is emphatic. borhood of the Pretorian quarters attached to 
® This brethren with me, distinguished from the palace, we can more readily account for the 
the saints in the next verse, seems to denote conversion of some of those who lived in the 
, Paul’s special attendants, such as Aristar- buildings immediately contiguous. 

Epaphras, Demas, Timotheus, &. Cf. 5 The majority of uncial MSS. read “ spir- 
i. 2. it,” and omit the “amen.” 


* These members of the Imperial household 6 Phil. i. 1. 
we probably slaves ; so the same expression 7 Phil. iv. 22. 







iv 
17 
18 


20 


21 


796 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF sit. PAUL. CHAP. X3 
















were any of these soldiers not utterly hardened by a life of cruelty, th 
hearts must surely have been touched by the character of their prison 
brought as they were into so close a contact with him. They must ha 
been at least astonished to see a man, under such circumstances, | 
utterly careless of selfish interests, and devoting himself with an ene: 
so unaccountable to the teaching of others. Strange indeed to 
ears, fresh from the brutality of a Roman barrack, must have been f 
sound of Christian exhortation, of prayers, and of hymns; stranger st 
perhaps, the tender love which bound the converts to their teacher and | 
one another, and showed itself in every look and tone. 
‘ But if the agents of Nero’s tyranny seem out of place in such a scer 
still more repugnant to the assembled worshippers must have been t 
instruments of his pleasures, the ministers of his lust. Yet some ey 
among these, the depraved servants of the palace, were redeemed fr 
their degradation by the Spirit of Christ, which spoke to them in t 
words of Paul. How deep their degradation was we know ff 
authentic records. We are not left to conjecture the services requ 
from the attendants of Nero. The ancient historians have polluted 
pages! with details of infamy which no writer in the languages of Chi 
tendom may dare to repeat. Thus the very immensity of moral ame 
ration wrought operates to disguise its own extent, and hides ff 
inexperienced eyes the gulf which separates Heathenism from Chi 
tianity. Suffice it to say that the courtiers of ‘Nero were the spectatt 
and the members of his household the instruments, of vices so monstr 
and so unnatural, that they shocked even the men of that generati 
steeped as it was in every species of obscenity. But we must remem 
that many of those who took part in such abominations were involuni 
agents, forced by the compulsion of slavery to do their master’s bidd 
And the very depth of vileness in which they were plunged must 
excited in some of them an indignant disgust and revulsion against 
Under such feelings, if curiosity led them to visit the Apostle’s p 
they were well qualified to appreciate the purity of its moral atmosph 
And there it was that some of these unhappy bondsmen first tasted 
spiritual freedom, and were prepared to brave with patient heroism 
tortures under which they soon? were destined to expire in the gar 
of the Vatican. 
History has few stranger contrasts than when it shows us Paul pre 


1 See Tac. Ann. xv. 87, Dio. Ixiii. ‘3 and in the summer of 64 a. D.; that is, wil 
especially Suetonius, Nero, 28, 29. cnan two years of the time when the Bj 
2 The Neronian persecution, in waich sued = to.- Phihun’ was written. See the next 
vast multitudes of Christians perish, occurred — ter 


A 


AP. ZEVL MODERN INFIDELITY. 797 


g Christ under the walls of Nero’s palace. Thenceforward, there were 
at two religions in the Roman world ; the worship of the Emperor, and 
1e worship of the Saviour. The old superstitions had been long worn 
at ; they had lost all hold on educated minds. There remained to 
-vilized Heathens no other worship possible but the worship of power; 
nd the incarnation of power which they chose was, very naturally, the 
overeign of the world. This, then, was the ultimate result of the noble 
stuitions of Plato, the methodical reasonings of Aristotle, the pure 
sorality of Socrates. All had failed for want of external sanction and 
uthority. The residuum they left was the philosophy of Epicurus, and 
he ~eligion of Nerolatry. But anew doctrine was already taught in the 
Yorum, and believed even on the Palatine. Over against the altars of 
Jero and Poppa, the voice of a prisoner was daily heard, and daily 
roke in grovelling souls the consciousness of their divine destiny. Men 
istened, and knew that self-sacrifice was better than ease, humiliation 
nore exalted than pride, to suffer nobler than to reign. They felt that 
he only religion which satisfied the needs of man was the religion of 
sorrow, the religion of self-devotion, the religion of the cross. 

_ There are some amongst us Now who think that the doctrine which 
Paul preached was @ retrograde movement in the course of humanity: 
ere are others, who, with greater plausibility, acknowledge that it was 
useful in its season, but tell us that it is now worn out and obsolete. 
The former are far more consistent than the latter; for both schools of 
infidelity agree in virtually advising us to return to that effete philosophy 
which had been already tried and found wanting when Christianity was 
winning the first triumphs of its immortal youth. This might well sur- 
prise us, did we not know that the progress of human reason in the 
paths of ethical discovery is merely the progress of a man in a tread- 
mill, doomed forever to retrace his own steps. Had it been otherwise, we 
might have hoped that mankind could not again be duped by an old and 
useless remedy, which was compounded and re-compounded in every 
possible shape and combination two thousand years ago, and at last 
utterly rejected by a nauseated world. Yet for this antiquated anodyne, 
disguised under a new label, many are once more bartering the only true 
medicine that can heal the diseases of the soul. 

‘ For such mistakes there is, indeed, no real cure, except prayer to Him 
who giveth sight to the blind ; put a partial antidote may be supplied by 
the history of the Imperial Commonwealth. The true wants of the 
Apostolic age can best be learned from the Annals of Tacitus. There 
men may still see the picture of that Rome to which Paul preached; and 
thence they may comprehend the results of civilization without Christi- 








EE DT ee ee Oe Ne a 


wey 
v% a ie 
( | ey it, ; 
798 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. aha 5 


anity, and the impotence of a moral philosophy destitute of supernatu 
attestation.? 





Coin of Philippi? 





*Had Arnold lived to complete his wickedness, and his enthusiastic 


task, how nobly would his history of the moral beauty, made him worthy of su 
Empire have worked out this great ar- a theme. i 


gument! His indignant abhorrence of * From the British Museum, 








CHAPTER XXVIL. 


authorities tor St. Panl’s Subsequent History —His Appeal is heard.— His Acquittal. — He 
goes from Rome to Asia Minor.— Thence to Spain, where he resides Two Years. — He 
returns to Asia Minor and Macedonia. — Writes the First Epistle to Timotheus. — Visits Crete. 
— Writes the Epistle to Titus. — He winters at Nicopolis. — He is again imprisoned at Rome. 
— Progress of his Trial. — He writes the Second Epistle to Timotheus. —His Condemnation 
and Death. 


E have already remarked that the light concentrated upon that por- 
tion of St. Paul’s life which is related in the latter chapters of the 
Acts makes darker by contrast the obscurity which resis upon the re- 
mainder of his course. The progress of the historian who attempts to 
trace the footsteps of the Apostles beyond the limits of the Scriptural nar- 
rative, must, at best, be hesitating and uncertain. It has been compared’ 
to the descent of one who passes from the clear sunshine which rests upon 
a mountain’s top into the mist which wraps its side. But this is an 
inadequate comparison: for such a wayfarer loses the daylight gradually, 
and experiences no abrupt transition, from the bright prospect and the 
distinctness of the onward path, into darkness and bewilderment. Our 
case should rather be compared with that of the traveller on the Chinese 
frontier, who has just reached a turn in the valley along which his course 
has led him, and has come to a point whence he expected to enjoy the 
view of a new and brilliant landscape; when he suddenly finds all 
farther prospect cut off by an enormous wall, filling up all the space 
between precipices on either hand, and opposing a blank and insuperable 
barrier to his onward progress. -And if a chink here and there should 
allow some glimpses of the rich territory beyond, they are only enough 
to tantalize without gratifying his curiosity. 

Doubtless, however, it was a Providential design which has thus limited 
our knowledge. The wall of separation, which forever cuts off the 
Apostolic age from that which followed it, was built by the hand of God. 
That age of miracles was not to be revealed to us as passing by any 
gradual transition into the common life of the Church: it was intention- 
aily isolated from all succeeding time, that we might learn to appreciate 


1 The comparison occurs somewhere in Arnold’s works. 
728 


800 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


more fully its extraordinary character, and see, by the sharpness of the 
abruptest contrast, the difference between the human and the divine. 

A few faint rays of light, however, have been permitted to penetrate 
beyond the dividing barrier, and of these we must make the best use we 
can; for it is now our task to trace the history of St. Paul beyond the 
period where the narrative of his fellow-traveller so suddenly terminates.’ 
The only contemporary materials for this purpose are his own letters to 
Titus and Timotheus, and a single sentence of his disciple, Clement of 
Rome ; and during the three centuries which followed we can gather but 
a few scattered and unsatisfactory notices from the writers who have 
handed down to us the traditions of the Church. 

The great question which we have to answer concerns the termination 
of that long imprisonment whose history has occupied the preceding chap- 
ters. St. Luke tells us that Paul remained under military custody in 
Rome for “‘ two whole years” (Acts xxviii. 16 and 30); but he does 
not say what followed at the close of that period. Was it ended, we are 
ieft to ask, by the Apostle’s condemnation and death, or by his acquittal 
and liberation? Although the answer to this question has been a subject 
of dispute in modern times, no doubt was entertained about it by the 
ancient Church.? It was universally believed that St. Paul’s appeal to 
Czxsar terminated successfully ; that he was acquitted of the charges laid 
against him; and that he spent some years in freedom before he was” 
again imprisoned and condemned. The evidence on this subject, though 
(as we have said) not copious, is yet conclusive so far as it goes, and it is - 
all one way.° 







1 Numerous explanations have been at- 
tempted of the sudden and abrupt termination 
of the Acts, which breaks off the narrative of 
St. Paul’s appeal to Cesar (up to that point so 
minutely detailed) just as we are expecting its 
conclusion. The most plausible explanations 
are — (1) That Theophilus already knew of the 
conclusion of the Roman imprisonment ; wheth- 
er it was ended by St. Paul’s death or by his 
liberation. (2) That St. Luke wrote before the 
conclusion of the imprisonment, and carried his 
narrative up to the point at which he wrote. 
But neither of these theories is fully satisfacto- 
ry. We may take this opportunity to remark 
that the “dwelt” and “received ” (Acts xxviii. 
30) by no means imply (as Wieseler asserts) 
that a changed state of things had succeeded to 
that there described. In writing historically, 
the historical tenses would be used by an an- 
cient writer, even though (when he wrote) the 
events described by him were still going on. 










2 If the Epistle to the Hebrews was written 
by St. Paul, it proves conclusively that he was 
liberated from his Roman imprisonment ; for 
its writer is in Italy and at liberty. (Heb. xiii. 
23, 4.) But we are precluded from using this 
as an argument, in consequence of the doubts 
concerning the authorship of that Hpistle. 
See the next chapter. 

8 Since the above was published, the same 
opinion has been expressed yet more strongly 
by Chevalier Bunsen, whose judgment on such 
a point is entitled to the greatest weight. He 
says, “Some German critics have a peculia 
idiosyncrasy which leads them to disbelieve th 
second captivity of Paul. Yet it appears 
me very arbitrary to deny a fact for which 
have the explicit evidence of Paal’s disciple ar 
companion Clemens.” —Bunsen’s Hippolyt 
Second Ed., yol. i. p. 27. 









CRAP, XXV—OL ST. PAUL’S LIBERATION. 80% 


The most important portion of it is supplied by Clement, the disciple of 
St. Paul, mentioned Phil. iv. 3,! who was afterwards Bishop of Rome. 
This author, writing from Rome to Corinth, expressly asserts that Paul 
had preached the Gospel “IN THE EAST AND IN THE WuST;” that “he 
had instructed the whole world [i. e. the Roman Empire, which was com- 
monly so called] in righteousness;” and that he “had gone to T 
EXTREMITY OF THE WEST ”’ before his martyrdom.’ 

Now, in a Roman author, the extremity of the West could mean nothing 
short of Spain, and the expression is often used by Roman writers to 
denote Spain. Here, then, we have the express testimony of St. Paul’s 
own disciple that he fulfilled his original intention (mentioned Rom. xv. 
24-28) of visiting the Spanish peninsula ; and consequently that he was 
liberated from his first imprisonment at Rome. 

The next piece of evidence which we possess on the subject is contained 
in the canon of the New Testament, compiled by an unknown Christian 
about the year A. D. 170, which is commonly called “ Muratori’s Canon.” 
In this document it is said, in the account of the Acts of the Apostles, 
that “‘ Luke relates to Theophilus events of which he was an eye-witness, as 
also, in a separate place (remote) [viz. Luke xxii. 31-33], he evidently 
declares the martyrdom of Peter, but [omits] THE JOURNEY OF PAUL FROM 
Rome to Spain.” ® 

In the next place, Eusebius tells us, “ after defending himself successfully, 
it is currently reported that the Apostle again went forth to proclaim the 
Gospel, and afterwards came to Rome a second time, and was martyred 
under Nero.” 4 

Next we have the statement of Chrysostom, who mentions it as an 
undoubted historical fact, that “St. Paul, after his residence in Rome, 
departed to Spain.” ® 

About the same time St. Jerome bears the same testimony, saying that 
“ Paul was dismissed by Nero, that he might preach Christ's Gospel in the 
West.” ° 

Against this unanimous testimony of the primitive Church there is no 


1 For the identity of St. Paul’s disciple 
Clemens with Clemens Romanus, see the note 
on Phil. iv.3. We may add, that even those 
who doubt this identity acknowledge that 
Clemens Romanus wrote in the first century. 

2 Clem. Rom. i. chap. v. We need scarcely 
remark upon Wieseler’s proposal to translate 
the words for the extremity of the West (79 tépua 
The Odcewc), the Sovereign of Rome! That inge- 
nious writer has been here evidently misled by 
his desire to wrest the passage (quocunque 
modo) into conformity with his theory. Schra- 

51 


der translates one phrase “ having been mar- 
tyred there,” and then argues that the extremity 
of the West cannot mean Spain, because St. Paul 
was not martyred in Spain; but his “there” is 
a mere interpolation of his own. 

8 For an account of this fragment see 
Routh’s Reliquie Sacre, vol. iv. p. 1-12. 

* Hist. Eccl. ii, 22. 

5 He aids, “whether he went to the Mast- 
ern part of the Empire, we know not.” This 
does not imply a doubt of his return to Rome. 

6 Hieron. Catal. Script. 


802 


external evidence! whatever to oppose. 
of St. Paul from his imprisonment are obliged to resort to a gratuitous © 
hypothesis, or to inconclusive arguments from probability. 
try to account for the tradition of the Spanish journey by the arbitrary 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8ST. PAUL. 






CHAP, ZXViL. 


Those who doubt the liberation’ 


Thus they | 


supposition that it arose from a wish to represent St. Paul as having ful- 
filled his expressed intentions (Rom. xv. 19) of visiting Spain. Or they — 
say that it is emprodable Nero would have liberated St. Paul after he had 
fallen under the influence of Poppza, the Jewish proselyte. Or, lastly, — 
they urge, that, if St. Paul had really been liberated, we must have had 


some account of his subsequent labors. 
The second, as to the probability of — 
the matter, may be met by the remark, that we know far too little of the — 
circumstances, and of the motives which weighed with Nero, to judge 
how he would have been likely to act in the case. To the third argu- 
ment we may oppose the fact, that we have no account whatever of St. 
labors, toils, and sufferings, during several of the most active 
years of his life, and only learn their existence by a casual aHusion in a 
letter to the Corinthians (2 Cor. xi. 24,25). Moreover, if this argument 
be worth any thing, it would prove that none of the Apostles except 
St. Paul took any part whatever in the propagation of the Gospel after 
the first few years; since we have no testimony to their subsequent 
labors at all more definite than that which we have above quoted concern- — 
ing the work of St. Paul after his liberation. | 

But farther, unless we are prepared to dispute the genuineness of the 
Pastoral Epistles? we must admit not only that St. Paul was liberated 
from his Roman imprisonment, but also that he continued his Apostolic 
labors for at least some years afterwards. 
nearly all those who are competent to decide on such a question,’ first, 


answer, being a mere hypothesis. 


Paul’s 


1 Tt bas indeed been urged that Origen 
knew nothing of the journey to Spain, be- 
cause Eusebius tells us that he speaks of Paul 
“preaching from Jerusalem to Ilyricum,” — 
a manifest allusion to Rom. xv. 19. It is 
strange that those who use this argument 
should not have perceived that they might, 
with equal justice, infer that Origen was igno- 
rant of St. Paul’s preaching at Malta. Still 
more extraordinary is it to find Wieseler rely- 
ing on the testimony of Pope Innocent I., who 
asserts (in the true spirit of the Papacy) 
that “all the churches in Italy, Gaul, Spain, 
Africa, Sicily, and the interjacent islands, 
were founded by emissaries of St. Peter or 
his successors ;” an assertion manifestly con- 
tradicting the Acts of the Apostles, and the 


The first argument needs no — 

























For it is now admitted by 


known history of the Gallican Church, and 
made by a writer of the fifth century. It has 
been also argued by Wieseler that Eusebius 
and Chrysostom were led to the hypothesis of 
a second imprisonment by their mistaken vie 
of 2 Tim. iv. 20. But it is equally probable 
that they were led to that view of the passag 
by their previous belief in the tradition of th 
second imprisonment. Nor is their view 
that passage untenable, though we think 
mistaken. 

2 On the question of the date of the P 
‘ral Epistles, see Appendix II. 

8 Dr. Davidson is an exception, and hai 
summed up all that can be said on the oppo 
site side of the question with his usual ability 
and fairness. With regard to Wieseler, seé 


AP. xxVO. HIS PERSONAL HISTORY AFTER LIBERATION. 803 


that the historical facts mentioned in the Epistles to Timotheus and Titus 
cannot be placed in any portion of St. Paul’s life before or during his first 
imprisonment in Rome; and, secondly, that the style in which those 
Epistles are written, and the condition of the Church described in them, 
forbid the supposition of such a date. Consequently, we must acknowl- 
edge (unless we deny the authenticity of the Pastoral Epistles) that after 
St. Paul’s Roman imprisonment he was travelling at liberty in Ephesus,’ 
Crete,? Macedonia, Miletus,‘ and Nicopolis,’ and that he was afterwards a 
second time in prison at Rome.® 

But, when we have said this, we have told nearly all that we know of 
the Apostle’s personal history, from his liberation to his death. We can- 
not fix with certainty the length of the time which intervened, nor the 
order in which he visited the different places where he is recorded to have 
labored. The following data, however, we have. In the first place, his 
martrydom is universally said to have occurred’ in the reign of Nero. 
Secoadly, Timotheus was still a@ young man (i. e. young for the charge 
committed to him)*® at the time of Paul’s second imprisonment at 
Rome. Thirdly, the three Pastoral Epistles were written within a few 
months of one another.’ Fourthly, their style differs so much from the 
style of the earlier Epistles, that we must suppose as long an interval 
petween their date and that of the Epistle to Philippi as'is consistent with 
the preceding conditions. 

These reasons concur in leading us to fix the last year of Nero as that 
of St. Paul’s martrydom. And this is the very year assigned to it by 
Jerome, and the next to that assigned by Eusebius, the two earliest 
writers who mention the date of St. Paul’s death atall. We have already 
seen that St. Paul first arrived in Rome in the spring of A. D. 61: we 
therefore have, on our hypothesis, an interval of five years between the 
period with which St. Luke concludes (4. D. 63) and the Apostle’s mar- 
trydom.” And the grounds above mentioned lead us to the conclusion 
that this interval was occupied in the following manner. 


‘the note in the Appendix, above referred to. 1] Tim.i. 3. 

fim an able and candid review of this work, 2 Titus i. 5. 

| which appeared in Kitto’s Journal of Sacred 31 Tim.i. 3. 

Literature, the reviewer has misunderstood our 4 2 Tim. iv. 20. 
assertion in the text, on which this is a note. 5 Titus iil. 12. 






He states that we have there asserted that 
competent judges are nearly unanimous in 
gereeing with our view of the second imprison- 


6 2 Tim. i. 16, 17. 
7 See the references to Tertullian, Eusebius, 
Jerome, &c., given below, p. 847, note 1. 


ment. But any one who reads carefully what 
we have written above will perceive that this 
| is not what we have said We have only as- 
serted that most competent judges are agreed 
| in thinking that the Pastoral Epistles cannot be 
placed before the first captivity.] 







8 1 Tim. iii. 2, 2 Tim. ii. 22. 

® See remarks on the date of the Pastoral 
Epistles, in Appendix IT. 

10 The above data show ns the necessity of 
supposing as long an interval as possible 
between St. Paul’s liberation and his second 


804 


In the first place, after the long delay, which we have before endeay 
ored to explain, St. Paul’s appeal came on for hearing before the 
Emperor. The appeals from the provinces in civil causes were heard, 
not by the Emperor himself, but by his delegates, who were persons of 
consular rank: Augustus had appointed one such delegate to hear 
appeals from each province respectively.’ But criminal appeals appes 
generally to have been heard by the Emperor in person,” assisted by his 
Tiberius and Claudius had usually sat for this 
purpose in the Forum;* but Nero, after the example of Augustus 
heard these causes in the Imperial Palace,‘ whose ruins still crow 
the Palatine. Here, at one end of a splendid hall, lined with the 
precious marbles® of Egypt and of Lybia, we must imagine the Czsa 
seated, in the midst of his Assessors. 
ber, were men of the highest rank and greatest influence. Among then 
were the two consuls,’ and selected representatives of each of the othe: 
great magistracies of Rome.’ The remainder consisted of Senate 
chosen by lot. Over this distinguished bench of judges presided th 
representative of the most powerful monarchy which has ever existed, 
the absolute ruler of the whole civilized world. But the reverenti 
awe which his position naturally suggested was changed into contemg 
and loathing by the character of the Sovereign who now presided ove 
that supreme tribunal. For Nero was a man whom even the awful attr 
bute of “ power equal to the gods” * could not render august, except 1 
title. The fear and horror excited by his omnipotence and his cruel 
were blended with contempt for his ignoble lust of praise, and his sham 


council of Assessors. 


imprisonment. Therefore we must assume 
that his appeal was finally decided at the end 
of the “two years ” mentioned in Acts xxviii. 
30, — that is, in the spring of a.D. 63. 

1 Sueton. Oct. 33; but Geib thinks this 
arrangement was not of long duration. 

2 « Other matters he himself examined and 
decided with his assessors, sitting on the tribu- 
nal in the Palatium.” (Dio, lv. 27.) This is 
said of Augustus. 

8 As to Tiberius, see Dio, lvii. 7; and as 
to Claudius, Dio, lx. 4. 

4 Tiberius built a tribunal on the Palatine 
(Dio, lvii. 7). 

6 Dio mentions that the ceilings of the 
Halls of Justice in the Palatine were painted 
by Severus to represent the starry sky. The 
old Roman practice was for the magistrate to 
sit under the open sky, which probably sug- 
gested this kind of ceiling. Even the Basili- 
cas were not roofed over (as to their central 
aave) till a late period. 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 

























These councillors, twenty in n 


6 Those who are acquainted with R 
will remember how the interior of many 
the ruined buildings is lined with a coating 
these precious marbles. 

7 Memmius Regulus and Virginius Rui 
were the consuls of the year a.D. 63 (A.U, 
816). Under some of the Emperors, the eo 
suls were often changed several times dur 
the year; but Nero allowed them to hold 
fice for six months. So that these con 
would still be in office till July. q 

8 Such, at least, was the constitution 
the council of assessors, according to the 0 
nance of Augustus, which appears to B 
remained unaltered. See Dio, liii. 21. 
see Sueton. Tiber. 55, and the passages of I 
referred to in the notes above. 

® “Diis equa potestas” was the 
of the Emverors. (Juv. iv.) 


¥ 


OHAP, XXVU. THE TRIAL. 805 


less licentiousness. He had not as yet plunged into that extravagance of 
tyranny, which, at a later period, exhausted the patience of his subjects, 
and brought him to destruction. Hitherto his public measures had been 
guided by sage advisers, and his cruelty had injured his own family 
rather than the State. But already, at the age of twenty-five, he had 
murdered his innocent wife and his adopted brother, and had dyed his 
hands in the blood of his mother. Yet even these enormities seem to 
have disgusted the Romans less than his prostitution of the Imperial pur- 
ple, by publicly performing as a musician on the stage and a charioteer 
in the circus. His degrading want of dignity, and insatiable appetite for 
vulgar applause, drew tears from the councillors and servants of his 
house, who could see him slaughter his nearest relatives without remon- 
strance. 

Before the tribunal of this blood-stained adulterer, Paul the Apostle 
was now brought in fetters, under the custody of his military guard. We 
may be sure that he who had so often stood undaunted before the dele- 
gates of the Imperial throne did not quail when he was at last confronted 
with their master. His life was not in the hands of Nero: he knew that 
while his Lord had work for him on earth, HE would shield him from the 
tyrant’s sword; and, if his work was over, how gladly would he “ depart 
and be with Christ, which was far better.” ! To him all the majesty of 
Roman despotism was nothing more than an empty pageant ; the Impe- 
rial demigod himself was but one of “the princes of this world, that 
come to nought.”? Thus he stcod, calm and collected, ready to answer 
the charges of his accusers, and knowing that in the hour of his need it 
should be given him what to speak. 

The prosecutors and their witnesses were now called forward to sup- 
port their accusation :* for although the subject-matter for decision was 
contained in the written depositions forwarded from Judea by Festus, 
yet the Roman law required the personal presence of the accusers and 
the witnesses, whenever it could be obtained. We already know the 
charges® brought against the Apostle. He was accused of disturbing 
the Jews in the exercise of their worship, which was secured to them by 





1 See his anticipations of his trial. Phil. * As to the accusers, see above, p. 688, 


i. 24-25, and Phil. ii. 17. 2 1 Cor. ii. 6. 

® The order of the proceedings was (1) 
Speech of the prosecutor; (2) Examination 
gnd cross-examination of witnesses for the 
prosecution ; (3) Speech of the prisoner; (4) 
Examination and cioss-examination of the 
witnesses for the defence. The introduction 
| of cross-examination was an innovation upon 
the old Republican procedure. 









note 8. Written depositions were received at 
this period by the Roman Courts, but not 
where the personai presence of the witnesses 
eould be obtained. See also Acts xxiv. 19, 
“who ought to have been here present before 
thee.” 

5 See Acts xxiv. 5,6, and xxv 7, 8, and 
pages 660, 661, and 668. 


806 THE 11FE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


law; of desecrating their Temple; and, above all, of violating the public 
peace of the Empire by perpetual agitation, as the ringleader of a new 
and factious sect. This charge! was the most serious in the view of a 
Roman statesman; for the crime alleged amounted to majestas, or 
treason against the Commonwealth, and was punishable with death. 

These accusations were supported by the emissaries of the Sanhedrin 
and probably by the testifmony of witnesses from Judewa, Ephesus, Co 
inth, and the other scenes of Paul’s activity. The foreign accusers, 
however, did not rely on the support of their own unaided eloquence 
They doubtless hired the rhetoric of some accomplished Roman pleader 
(as they had done even before the provincial tribunal of Felix) to set off 
their cause to the best advantage, and paint the dangerous character of 
their antagonist in the darkest colors. Nor would it have been difficul 








to represent the missionary labors of Paul as dangerous to the securi 
of the Roman state, when we remember how ill informed the Romat 
magistrates, who listened, must have been concerning the question 
really at issue between Paul and his opponents; and when we conside 
how easily the Jews were excited against the government by any fanat 
cal leader who appealed to their nationality, and how readily the king 
dom of the Messiah, which Paul proclaimed, might be misrepresented 4 
a temporal monarchy, set up in opposition to the foreign domination ¢ 


Rome. 


We cannot suppose that St. Paul had secured the services of an 
professional advocate to repel such false accusations,’ and put the t 
We know that he resorted to no suc 
method on former occasions of a similar kind. And it seems more 
sistent with his character, and his unwavering reliance on his Master 
promised aid, to suppose that he answered * the elaborate harangue ¢ 
the hostile pleader by a plain and simple statement of facts, like 
which he addressed to Felix, Festus, and Agrippa. 


clearly before his Roman judges. 


prove the falsehood of the charge of 


1 It must be remembered that the old Re- 
publican system of criminal procedure had 
undergone a great change before the time of 
Nero. Under the old law (the system of 
Questiones Perpetue), different charges were 
tried in distinct courts, and by different magis- 
trates. In modern language, a criminal indict- 
ment could then only contain one count. But 
this was altered under the Emperors; “ut si 
quis sscrilegii simul et homicidii accusetur ; 
quod nune in publicis judiciis [i.e. those of 
the Queestiones Perpetue, which were still not 
entirely obsolete] non accidit, quoniam Pretor 











He could east 
sacrilege by the testimony of thos 


certa lege sortitur; Principum autem et Se 
tds cognitionibus frequens est.” (Quint 
Inst. Orat. iii. 10.) 
2 It was most usual, at this period, t 
both parties should be represented by adi 
cates; but the parties were allowed to cond) 
their cause themselves, if they preferred ¢ 
so. 
8 Probably all St. Paul’s judges, on tf 
occasion, were familiar with Greek, and th 
fore he might address them in his own 2 
tongue, without the need of an interpreter, 


, 
iv 


‘CHAP. XXxvo. THE TRIAL. 807 


who were present in the Temple; and perhaps the refutation of this 
more definite accusation might incline his judges more readily to attrib- 
ute the vaguer charges to the malice of his opponents. He would then 
proceed to show, that, far from disturbing the exercise of the religio lictta 
ef Judaism, he himself adhered to that religion, rightly understood. He 
would show, that, far from being a seditious agitator against the state, he 
taught his converts everywhere to honor the Imperial Government, and 
submit to the ordinances! of the magistrate for conscience’ sake. And, 
though he would admit the charge of belonging to the sect of the Naza- 
renes, yet he would remind his opponents that they themselves ackuowl- 
edged the division of their nation into various sects, which were equaily 
entitled to the protection of the law; and that the sect of the Nazarenes 
had a right to the same toleration which was extended to those of the 
Pharisees and the Sadducees. 

We know not whether he entered on this occasion into the peculiar 
doctrines of that “‘ sect” to which he belonged; basing them, as he ever 
did, on the resurrection of the dead ;? and reasoning of righteousness, 
temperance, and judgment to come. If so, he had one auditor at least 
who had more need to tremble than even Felix. But doubtless a seared 

“conscience, and a universal frivolity of character, rendered Nero proof 
against emotions which for a moment shook the nerves of a less auda- 
cious criminal. 

When the parties on both sides had been heard,’ and the witnesses all 
examined and cross-examined (a process which perhaps occupied several 

days), the judgment of the court was taken. Each of the assessors gave 
his opinion in writing to the Emperor, who never discussed the judgment 
‘with his assessors, as had been the practice of better emperors, but, after 
reading their opinions, gave sentence according to his own pleasure,’ 
without reference to the judgment of the majority. On this occasion, it 


1 Compare Rom. xiii. 1-7. 4 Plin. Epist. ii. 11. “The giving of the 


2 Compare the prominence given to the 
Resurrection in the statement before the San- 
- hedrin (Acts xxiii. 6), before Felix (Acts xxiv. 

15), before Festus (Acts xxv. 19), and before 
Agrippa (Acts xxvi. 8). 

8 We are told by Snetonius, as we have 
mentioned before, that Nero heard both parties 
on each of the counts of the indictment sepa- 
rately, and gave his decision on one count 
‘before he proceeded to the next. (Sueton. 
Nero, 15. The proceedings, therefore, which 
we have described in the text, must have been 
“repeated as many times as there were separate 


charges against St. Paul. 





proofs continued till the third day ;” and again, 
Ep. iv. 9, “ On the following day, Titius, Ho- 
mullus, and Fronto pleaded admirably for 
Bassus: the proofs occupied four days.” 

6 Suet. Nero, 15. This judgment was not 
pronounced by Nero till the next day. The 
sentence of a magistrate was always given in 
writing at this period, and generally delivered 
by the magistrate himself. But in the case of 
the Emperor, he did not read his own sentence, 
but caused it to be read in his presence by his 
Questor. 





808 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. CHAP. XXVb 


might have been expected that he would have pronounced the condem- 
nation of the accused; for the influence of Poppwa had now! reached 
its culminating point, and she was, as we have said, a Jewish proselyte. 
We can scarcely doubt that the emissaries from Palestine would have 
sought access to so powerful a protectress, and demanded her aid? for 
the destruction of a traitor to the Jewish faith ; nor would any scruples 
have prevented her from listening to their request, backed as it prcbably 
was, according to the Roman usage, by a bribe. If such influence was 
exerted upon Nero, it might have been expected easily to prevail. But we 
know not all the complicated intrigues of the Imperial Court. Perhaps 
some Christian freedman of Narcissus* may have counteracted, » through: 
the interest of that powerful favorite, the devices of St. Paul’s antago- 
nists ; or possibly Nero may have been capriciously inclined to act upon 
his own independent view of the law and justice of the case, or to show 
his contempt for what he regarded as the petty squabbles of a super- 
stitious people, by “ driving the accusers from his judgment-seat” with 
the same feelings which Gallio had shown on a similar occasion. 
However this may be, the trial resulted in the acquittal of St. Paul. 
He was pronounced guiltless of the charges brought against him, his 
fetters were struck off, and he was liberated from his lengthened captivi. 
ty. And now at last he was free to realize his long-cherished purpose 
of evangelizing the West. But the immediate execution of this design 
was for the present postponed, in order that he might first revisit some 
of his earlier converts, who again needed his presence. 
Immediately on his liberation it may reasonably be supposed that he 
fulfilled the intention which he had lately expressed (Philem. 22, and 
Phil. ii. 24), of travelling eastward through Macedonia, and seeking the 
churches of Asia Minor, some of which, as yet, had not seen his face i 
the flesh. We have already learnt, from the Epistle to the Colossians 
how much his influence and authority were required among those Asiati¢ 
Churches. We must suppose him, therefore, to have gone from Rome 
by the usual route, crossing the Adriatic from Brundusium to Apollonia, 
or Dyrrhachium, and proceeding by the great Egnatian road thro 
Macedonia; and we can imagine the joy wherewith he was welcomed by 
his beloved children at Philippi, when he thus gratified the expectatior 
which he had encouraged them to form. There is no reason to suppose, 
however, that he lingered in Macedonia. It is more likely that he 





















1 Poppsa’s influence was at its height from 8 This Narcissus must not be confounde 
the birth to the death of her daughter Claudia, with the more celebrated favorite of Claudit 
who was born at the beginning of 63, and lived See Dio, Ixiv.8. The Narcissus here met 
four months. tioned had Christian converts in his establish 

2? See last chapter, p. 785, note 3. ment; see Rom. xvi. 11, and nom 


os 


‘quae, xxvu. HE PROCEEDS TO ASIA AND SPAIN. 80S 


hastened o1 to Ephesus, and made that city once more his centre of 
operations. if he effected his purpose,’ he now for the first time visited 
Colossz, Laodicea, and other churches in that region. 

Having accomplished the objects of his visit to Asia Minor, he was at 
length enabled (perhaps in the year following that of his liberation) to un- 
dertake his long-meditated journey to Spain. By what route he went, we 
know not ; he may either have travelled by way of Rome, which had been 
his original intention, or more probably, avoiding the dangers which at 
this period (in the height of the Neronian persecution) would have beset 
him there, he may have gone by sea. There was constant commercial 
intercourse between the East and Massilia (the modern Marseilles); and 
Massilia was in daily communication with the Peninsula. We may sup- 
pose him to have reached Spain in the year 64, and to have remained 
there about two years; which would allow him time to establish the 
germs of Christian Churches among the Jewish proselytes who were to 
be found in all the great cities, from Tarraco to Gades, along the Spanish 
coast.” 

From Spain St. Paul seems to have returned, in a.pD. 66,5 to Ephesus ; 
and here he found that the predictions which he had long ago uttered to 
the Ephesian presbyters were already receiving their fulfilment. Hereti 
eal teachers had arisen in the very bosom of the Church, and were lead- 
ing away the believers after themselves. Hymenzus and Philetus were 
sowing, in a congenial soil, the seed which was destined in another 
century to bear so ripe a crop of error. The Hast and West were infus- 
ing their several elements of poison into the pure cup of Gospel truth. 
In Asia Minor, as at Alexandria, Hellenic philosophism did not refuse to 
blend with Oriental theosophy; the Jewish superstitions of the Cabala, 
and the wild speculations of the Persian magi, were combined with the 
Greek craving for an enlightened and esoteric religion. The outward 
forms of superstition were ready for the vulgar multitude ; the interpre- 
tation was confined to the aristocracy of knowledge, the selfstyled 
Gnostics (1 Tim. vi. 20); and we see the tendencies at work among the 
latter, when we learn that, like their prototypes at Corinth, they denied 
the future resurrection of the dead, and taught that the only true resur 
rection was that which took place when the soul awoke from the death of 
ignorance to the life of knowledge.! We recognize already the germ of 
hose heresies which convulsed the Church in the succeeding century ; 
and we may imagine the grief and indignation aroused in the breast of 


£ 








1 1 See Philem. 22. Epistles. See remarks in Appendix II. on their 
meee p.17. . date, and the Chronological Table given in 
_* This hypothesis best explains the subse- Appendix III. 

Went transactions recorded in the Pastoral * See p. 394. 


810 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. CHAP. XXVI 


St. Paul, when he found the extent of the evil, and the number of Chris- 
tian converts already infected by the spreading plague. 

Nevertheless, it is evident from the Epistles to Timotheus and Titus 
written about this time, that he was prevented by other duties from stay 
ing in this Oriental region so long as his presence was required. He left 
his disciples to do that, which, had circumstances permitted, he would 
nave done himself. He was plainly hurried from one point to another 
Perhaps also he had lost some of his former energy. This might well b 
the case if we consider all he had endured during thirty years of labo 
The physical hardships which he had undergone were of themselve 
sufficient to wear out the most robust constitution; and we know that nis 
health was already broken many years before.’ But in addition to thes 
bodily trials, the moral conflicts which he continually encountered coult 
not fail to tire down the elasticity of his spirit. The hatred manifeste 
by so large and powerful a section even of the Christian Church ; th 
destruction of so many early friendships ; the faithless desertion of fo 
lowers; the crowd of anxieties which pressed upon him daily, and “ th 
care of all the Churches,” must needs have preyed upon the menté 
energy of any man, but especially of one whose temperament was § 
ardent and impetuous. When approaching the age of seventy,’ he migh 
well be worn out both in body and mind. And this will account for th 
comparative want of vigor and energy which has been attributed to : 
Pastoral Epistles, if there be any such deficiency ; and may perhaps a 
be in part the cause of his opposing those errors by deputy, which ¥ 
might rather have expected him to uproot by his own personal exertions 

However this may be, he seems not to have remained for any long tim 
together at Ephesus, but to have been called away from thence, first | 
Macedonia,’ and afterwards to Crete;‘ and immediately on his retw 
from thence, he appears finally to have left Ephesus for Rome, by way ¢ 
Corinth. But here we are anticipating our narrative: we must retu 
to the first of these hurried journeys, when he departed from Ephes 
to Macedonia, leaving the care of the Ephesian Church to Timotheus, a) 
charging him especially with the duty of counteracting the efforts 
those heretical teachers whose dangerous character we have described. 

When he arrived in Macedonia, he found that his absence might p 
sibly be prolonged beyond what he had expected; and he proba 
felt that Timotheus might need some more explicit credential fre 
himself than a mere verbal commission, to enable him for a longer per 
to exercise that Apostolic authority over the Ephesian Church wherey 





























1 See Gal. iv. 13, 14, and 2 Cor. xii. 7-9. 8 Tim. i. 3. 
2 See p. 59, and compare Philem. 9 and the * Titus i. 5. 
hronological Table in Appendix III. 5 2 Tim. iv. 20 


sHar, XVI. FIRST EPISTLE TO TIMOTHEDS. ail 


he had invested him. It would also be desirable that Timotheus should 
be able, in his struggle with the heretical teachers, to exhibit documext- 
ary proof of St. Paul’s agreement with himself, and condemnation of the 
opposing doctrines. Such seem to have been the principal motives which 
led St. Paul to despatch from Macedonia that which is known as “ the 
First Epistle to Timothy ;” in which are contained various rules for the 
government of the Ephesian Church, such as would be received with sub- 
mission when thus seen to proceed directly from its Apostolic founder, 
while they would perhaps have been less readily obeyed if seeming to be 
the spontaneous injunctions of the youthful Timotheus. In the same 
manner it abounds with impressive denunciations against the false teach- 
ers at Ephesus, which might command the assent of some who turned a 
deaf ear to the remonstrances of the Apostolic deputy. There are also 
exhortations to Timotheus himself, some of which perhaps were rather 
meant to bear an indirect application to others, at the time, as they have 
ever since furnished a treasury of practical precepts for the Christian 
Church. 


THE FIRST EPISTLE TO TIMOTHEUS.' 


‘Galutation. PAUL, an Apostle of Jesus Christ, by command of God our 
Saviour and Christ Jesus? our hope, To TIMOTHEUS MY TRUE SON IN® 
‘FAITH. 

Grace, mercy, and peace, from God our Father, and Christ Jesus our 


As I desired thee to remain in Ephesus,‘ when I was setting 
the coma out for Macedonia, that thou mightest command certain per- 
Bem tcoppose sons not to teach® falsely, nor to regard fables and endless * 
— genealogies, which furnish ground for disputation rather than 
for the exercising of the stewardship 7 of God in faith. 

_ Now the end of the commandment is love, proceeding from a pure 
heart, and good conscience, and undissembled faith. Which some have 


h 1 For the date of this Epistle, see Appen- 5 This Greek word occurs nowhere but im 


b 


dix I. 

2 “Lord ” is omitted in the best MSS. 

8 Not “the faith” (A. V.), which would 

_ require the definite article. 

‘ 4 This sentence is left incomplete. Prob- 
ably St. Paul meant to complete it by “so I 

still desire thee,” or something to that effect ; 

| but forgot to express this, as he continued to 
dictate the subjects of his charge to Timo- 

_thens- 










this Epistle. 

5 See p. 396, and Titus iii. 9. 

7 “ Stewardship ” (not “ edifying”) is. the 
reading of the MSS. Compare 1 Cor. ix. 17. 
Tt would seem from this expression that the 
false teachers in Ephesus were among the num- 
ber of the presbyters, which would agree with 
the anticipation expressed in Acts xx. 30. 


bun ** 


7 of the Law} understanding neither what they say nor whereof they 


11 


12 


18 
19 


812 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. CHAP. x= 


missed, and have turned aside to vain babbling, desiring to be teacher 





affirm. But we know that the Law is good if a man use it lawfully 
knowing this, that the? Law is not made for a‘ righteous man, but for 


the lawless and disobedient, for the impious and sinful, for the unholy 
and profane, for parricides‘ and murderers, for fornicators, sodomites 
slave-dealers,’ liars, perjurers, and whatsoever else is contrary to sound 


doctrine. 
was committed to my trust. 


Such is the glorious Glad-tidings of the blessed God, which 


And I thank Him who has given me trond Christ Jesus The commis. 
our Lord, that He accounted me faithful, and appointed me to ing of Paul.” 
minister unto His service, who was before a blasphemer and persecutor. 
and doer of outrage ; but I received mercy because I acted ignorantly. 
in unbelief. And the grace of our Lord abounded beyond * m | 


with faith and love which is in Christ Jesus. 





Faithful is the saying,’ 


worthy of all acceptation, “Christ Jesus came into the world to save si 


ners ;”’ 


of whom I am first. But for this cause I received mercy, that 





me first Jesus Christ might show forth all His long-suffering, for a patter 
of those who should hereafter believe on Him unto life everlasting. No 


to the King eternal,’ immortal, invisible, the only * God, be honor ¢ 
Amen. 

This charge I commit unto thee, son Timotheus, accord- 
: E ts 2 Timotheus 
ing to the former prophecies” concerning thee ; that in the enjoined ta 
strength thereof thou mayest fight the good fight, holding faith ™*™ 


glory unto the ages of ages. 


1 We must observe that this expression 
may be taken in two ways; either to denote 
Judaizers, who insisted on the permanent obli- 
gation of the Mosaic Law (which seems to suit 
the context best), or to denote Platonizing ex- 
pounders of the Law, like Philo, who pro- 
fessed to teach the true and deep view of the 
Law. To suppose (with Baur) that a Gnostic 
like Marcion, who rejected the Law altogether, 
could be called “a teacher of the Law,” is (to 
say the least of it) a very unnatural hy- 
pothesis. 

2 The noun in the original is without the 
article here, as often when thus used. Com- 
pare Rom. ii. 12, iii. 31, iv. 13, &e. 

® Compare Gal. y. 18, “If ye are led by 
the Spirit, ye are not under the Law,” and the 
note on that passage. 


* This word in English includes parricide 
and matricides, both of which are expressed i 
the original. 

5 This is the literal translation. 

® Compare Rom. v. 20, “ the gift of g 
overflowed beyond.” ~ 

7 See note on iii. 16. 

8 This seems the best interpretation 
“king of the ages;” compare Apoc. xi. 15. 
* “ Wise” is omitted in the best MSS. 

10 These prophecies were probably made 
the time when Timotheus was first called 
the service of Christ. Compare Acts xiii. 
2, when the will of God for the mission ¢ 
Paul and Barnabas was indicated by tf 
Prophets of the Church of Antioch. 





HAP, XXVI. 


FIRST EPISTLE TO TIMOTHEUS. 813 


and a good conscience, which some have cast away, and made shipwreck 
concerning the faith. Among whom are Hymenzus’ and Alexander, 
whom I delivered over unto Satan? that they might be taught by * pun- 
ishment not to blaspheme. 

I exhort, therefore, that, first of all,‘ supplications, prayers, 
intercessions, and thanksgivings be made for all men; for 
kings® and all that are in authority, that we may lead a quiet 
‘and peaceable life in all godliness* and gravity. For this is 
good and acceptable in the sight of God our Saviour, who wills that all 
men should be saved, and should come to the knowledge’ of the truth. 
For [over all] there is but* one God, and one mediator between God and 
men, the man ® Christ Jesus, who gave Himself a ransom for all men, to 
be testified in due time. And of this testimony I was appointed herald 
and apostle (1 speak the truth in Christ, I lie not), a teacher of the Gen- 
tiles, in faith and truth. I desire, then, that in every place the men” 
should offer up prayers, lifting up their hands” in holiness, putting away 


Directions for 
public wor- 
ship, and a 


1 These are probably the same mentioned 
im the second Epistle (2 Tim. ii. 17, and iv. 
14, Baur and De Wette argue that this pas- 
sage is inconsistent with the hypothesis that 
2 Tim. was written after 1 Tim. ; because Hy- 
menzus (who in this place is described as 
excommunicated and cut off from the Church) 
appears in 2 Tim. as a false teacher still 
active in the Church. But there is nothing at 
‘all inconsistent in this; for example, the inces- 
‘tuous man at Corinth, who had the very same 
‘sentence passed on him (1 Cor. v. 5), was 
restored to the Church in a few months, on 
his repentance. De Wette also says, that, in 
2 Tim. ii. 17, Hymenzus appears to be men- 
tioned to Timotheus for the first time; but this 
(we think) will not be the opinion of any one 
Who takes an unprejudiced view of that pas- 
gage. 
_ ? On this expression, see the note on 1 Cor. 
vy. 5. 
_ 8 The Greek verb has this meaning. Cf. 
Jake xxiii. 16, and 2 Cor. vi. 9. 
5 # “First of all,’ namely, before the other 
him This explanation, which is Chrysos- 
’s, seems preferable to that adopted by De 
| Wette, Huther, and others, who take it to 
mean “above all things.” It is clear from 











what follows (vy. 8) that St. Paul is speaking 
of public prayer, which he here directs to be 
commenced by intercessory prayer. 

5 Here we see a precept directed against the 
seditious temper which prevailed (as we have 
already seen, p. 399) among some of the early 
heretics, Compare Jude 8, and 2 Pet. ii. 9, 
and Rom. xiii. 1. 

6 This term for Christian piety is not used 
by St. Paul, except in the Pastoral Epistles. 
We musi refer here to the Appendix in the 
larger editions. See note on Tit.i.9. It is 
used by St. Peter (2 Pet. i. 6) and by Clemens 
Romanus in the same sense. 

7 For the meaning of this, compare 2 Tim. 
iii. 7, and Rom. x. 2, and 1 Cor. xiii. 12. 

8 This is the same sentiment as Rom. iii. 
29, 30. 

* The speukest of our Lord is here insisted 
on, because thereon rests His mediation. Com- 
pare Heb. ii. 14, and iv. 15. 

19 Chrysostom thinks that there is a contrast 
between Christian worship, which could be 
offered in every place, and the Jewish sacrifices, 
which could only be offered in the Temple. 

1 The men, not the women, were to officiate. 

12 This was the Jewish attitude in »rayer. 
Cf. Ps. Ixiii. 4. 


1 E 


814 


anger and disputation. 


women learn in silence, with entire submission. 
man to teach, nor to claim authority over the man, but to keep silence. 
13,14 (For Adam was first formed, then Eve. And Adam was not deceived 
15 but the woman was deceived, and became a transgressor.) But women 
will be saved* by the bearing of children; if they continue in faith and 
love and holiness, with self-restraint. 
Faithful is the saying, “If a man seeks the office of a Bishop,* 
2 he desires a good work.” A Bishop,’ then, must be free from 
reproach, the husband® of one wife, sober, self-restrained, 
orderly, hospitable,’ skilled in teaching; not given to wine or brawls, 
but gentle, peaceable, and liberal; ruling his own household well, keep 
ing his children in subjection with all gravity — (but if a man knows no 
how to rule his own household, how can he take charge of the Church of 


1 After women we must supply pray (as 
Chrysostom does), or something equivalent 
(to take part in the worship, &.), from the pre- 
ceding context. 

2 It is a peculiarity of the Pastoral Epistles 
to dwell very frequently on this virtue of self- 
restraint. A list of such peculiarities is given 
in the Appendix in the larger editions. 

® The Greek here cannot mean “in child- 
bearing” (A. V.). The Apostle’s meaning 
is, that women are to be kept in the path of 
safety, not by taking upon themselves the 
office of the man (by taking a public part in 
the assemblies of the Church, &c.), but by the 
performance of the peculiar functions which 
God has assigned to their sex. 

* It should not be forgotten that the word 
zgioxoroc is used in the Pastoral Epistles as 
synonymous with mpeoBirepoc. See p. 378, 
and Tit. i. 5, compared with i. 7. 

5 Rightly translated in A. V. “a bishop,” 


not “ the bishop,” in spite of the article. See 
note on Tit. i. 7. 
® “ Husband of one wife.” Compare iii. 


12, v. 9, and Tit. i. 6. Many different inter- 
pretations have been given to this precept. It 
bas been supposed (1) to prescribe marriage, 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


Likewise, also, that the women should come’ i 
seemly apparel, and adorn themselves with modesty and self-restraint ; 
not in braided hair, or gold, or pearls, or costly garments, but (as befits 
women professing godliness) with the ornament of good works. 


example of the operation of a similar code ; 



















But I permit not a wo | 


(2) to forbid polygamy, (3) to forbid seco 
marriages. The true interpretation seems t 
be as follows: —In the corrupt facility 
divorce allowed both by the Greek and Romai 
law, it was very common for man and wife 
separate, and marry other parties, during 

life of one another. Thus a man might ha’ 
three or four living wives; or, rather, womel 
who had all successively been his wives. 


unhappily to be found in our own colony ¢ 
Mauritius: there the French Revolutionar, 
law of divorce has been suffered by the E 
lish government to remain unrepealed ; 
it is not uncommon to meet in society three 
four women who have all been the wives of th 
same man, and three or four men who have 
been the husbands of the same woman. W 
believe it is this kind of successive polygam) 
rather than simultaneous polygamy, which 1 
here spoken of as disqualifying for the Presb; 
terate. So Beza. ; 
7 “ Hospitable.” Compare Heb. xiii. 2, ai 
y. 10. 
8 The allusion to “filthy lucre” is omitt 
in the best MSS. 


ei 
815 


far. XXVUL FIRST EPISTLE TO TIMOTHEUS. 


lod ?) — not a novice, lest he be blinded with pride, and fall into the 
ondemnation of the Devil. Moreover, he ought to have a good reputa- 
ion among those who are without the Church ; lest he fall into reproach, 
nd into a snare of the Devil.’ 

Likewise, the Deacons must be men of gravity, not double- 
tongued, not given to much wine, not greedy of gain, holding 
the mystery of the faith in a pure conscience. And let these 
iso be first tried, and after trial be made Deacons, if they are found 
rreproachable. Their wives,’ likewise, must be women of gravity, not 
landerers, sober and faithful in all things. Let the Deacons be hus- 
ands of one wife, fitly ruling their children and their own households. 
for those who have well performed the office of a Deacon gain for them- 
elves a good position,’ and great boldness in the faith of Christ Jesus. 

These things I write to thee, although I hope to come to 
thee shortly ; but in order that (if I should be delayed) thou 
mayst know how to conduct thyself in the house of God (for 
uch is the Church of the living God)‘ as a pillar and main-stay of the 
ruth. And, without contradiction, great is the mystery of godliness — 
‘God* was manifested in the flesh, justified ® in the Spirit ; beheld by angels, 


rues for 
1e appoint- 
ent of Dea- 
ons. 


teason for 
yriting these 
irections to 
timotheus. 


1 See note on 2 Tim. ii. 26. 

2 We agree with Huther in thinking the 
Authorized Version correct here, notwithstand- 
ng the great authority of Chrysostom in an- 
ient, and De Wette and others in modern 
fimes, who interpret “women” here to mean 
« deaconesses.”” On that view, the verse is most 
mmaturally interpolated in the midst of the 
liscussion concerning the Deacons. [This is 
hardly so, if we view the Primitive Diaconate 
as consisting of two co-ordinate branches, 8 
diaconate of men and a diaconate of women. 
We observe, too, that nothing is said above of 
the duties of the wives of the Bishops. Our 
three chief modern commentators in England, 
Alford, Ellicott, and Wordsworth, interpret 
he verse before us as it was Eapaenea by 
hrysostom and Jerome. — #.] 

8 This verse is introduced by “for” 
viying a reason for the previous directions, viz. 
the great importance of having good deacons; 
ach men, by the fit performance of the office, 
tained a high position in the community, and 

quired (by constant intercourse with different 











their principles, which was of great advantage 
to them afterwards, and to the Church of 
which they were subsequently to become 
Presbyters. 

* In this much-disputed passage, we adopt 
the interpretation given by Gregory of Nyssa. 
So the passage was understood (as Canon 
Stanley observes) by the Church of Lyons 
(a.D. 177); for in their Epistle the same ex- 
pression is applied to Attalus the Martyr. So, 
also, St. Panl sneaks of the chief Anostles at 
Jeusulema as ‘ pidars ” (Gal. ii. 9); and so. 
in Apoc. iii. 12, we find the Christian who is 
undaunted by persecution described as “a pil- 
lar in the Temple of God.” The grammaticai 
objection to Gregory’s view is untenable ; and 
a Greek writer of the 4th century may be ai 
least as good a judge on this point as his 
modern opponents. 

5 We retain the Received Text here, con- 
sidering, that, when the testimony of the MSS. 
is so divided, we are justified in retaining the 
text most familiar to English readers. 

® i.e. justified against gainsayers, as being 


what He claimed to be. 


14 
15 


iv 


816 


preached among the Gentiles ; believed on in the world, received up 


991 


glory 


Now the Spirit declares expressly, that in after-times some False teac 
will depart frem the faith, giving heed to seducing spirits, and 
teachings of demons, speaking? lies in hypocrisy, having their 
conscience seared ; hindering marriage,’ enjoining abstinence 
from meats, which God created to be received with thanksgiving by the 
who believe and have‘ knowledge of the truth. For all things creat 
by God are good,jand nothing is to be rejected, if it be received wi 
thanksgiving. For it is sanctified by the Word of God® and prayer. 

In thus instructing the brethren, thou wilt be a good servant of Jes 
Christ, nourishing thyself with the words of the faith and good doct 
which thou hast followed. Reject the fables of profane and doting 
ers, but train thyself® for the contests of godliness. 
the body is profitable for a little; but godliness is profitable for ¢ 
things, having promise of the present life, and of the life to come. 1 
ful is the saying, and worthy of all acceptation,—“For to this end 
endure labor and reproach, because we have set our hope on the living G 
who is the saviour of all’ mankind, specially of the faithful.” 


1 There can be little doubt that this is a 
quotation from some Christian hymn or creed. 
Such quotations in the Pastoral Epistles (of 
which there are five introduced by the same 
expression, “faithful is the saying”) corre- 
spond with the hypothesis that these Epistles 
were among the last written by St. Paul. 

2 “ Speaking lies” is most naturally taken 
with ‘“‘demons;” but St. Paul, while gram- 
matically speaking of the demons, is really 
speaking of the false teachers who acted under 
their impulse. 

3 With regard to the nature of the heresies 
here spoken of, see pp. 394-397. We observe 
a strong admixture of the Jewish element 
(exactly like that which prevailed, as we have 
seen, in the Colossian heresies) in the prohibi- 
tion of particular kinds of food ; compare verse 
4, and Col. ii. 16, and Col. ii. 21, 22. This 
shows the very early date of this Epistle, and 
contradicts the hypothesis of Baur as to its 
origin. At cae same ime there is also an 
AntiJudaical element, as we have :emarked 
zbove, p. 397, note 2. 

* See note on 1 Tim. ii 4. 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 

































tica, and tl 
mode uf 


For the training « 


5 We have a specimen of what is mear 
this verse in the following beautiful “ Gr 
before Meat,” which was used in the prim 
Church: “Blessed art Thou, O Lord, 
feedest me from my youth, who givest f 
unto all flesh. Fill our hearts with joy 
gladness, that always having all sufficiency 
may abound unto every good work, in © 
Jesus our Lord, through whom be glory, 
or, and might unto Thee for ever. A 
(Apostolical Constitutions, vii. 49.) The exy 
sion “ Word of God” probably implies” 
the thanksgiving was commonly made iu § 
Scriptural words, taken, for example, ¢ 
the Psalms, as are several expressions in 
above Grace. 

6 It seems, trom a comparison of this 1 
the following verse, that the false teacher 
great stress on a training of the body by 
ic practices. For the metaphorical 
borrowed from the contests of the F 
compare 1 Cor. ix. 27, and p. 585. 

7 The prominence given to this trath 
the universality of salvation in this Epi 
(compare ii. 4) seems to imply that 


ar, XXVIL, FIRST BPISTLE TO TIMOTHEUS. 817 
mee ce These things enjoin and teach; let no man despise thy 
Timotheus. 


youth,' but make thyself a pattern of the faithful, in word, in 
life, in love,? in faith, in purity. Until I come, apply thyself to pub- 
lic * reading, exhortation, and teaching. Neglect not the gift that is in 
thee, which was given thee by prophecy‘ with the laying-on of the hands 
of the Presbytery. Let these things be thy care; give thyself wholly to 
them ; that thy improvement may be manifest to all men. 
thyself and to thy teaching ; continue steadfast therein.’ For in so doing 
thou shalt save both thyself and thy hearers. 

Rebuke not an aged® man, but exhort him as thou wouldst a father ; 
treat young men as brothers ; the aged women as mothers ; the young as 
sisters, in all purity. 

Pay due regard’ to the widows who are friendless in their 
widowhood. But if any widow has children or grandchildren, 
let them learn to show their godliness first * towards their own household, 
and to requite their parents; for this is acceptable °® in the sight of God. 
The widow who is friendless and desolate in her widowhood sets her hope 
on God, and continues in supplications and prayers night and day; but 
she who lives in wantonness is dead while she lives; and hereof do thou 
admonish them, that they may be irreproachable. But if any man pro- 
vide not for his own,! and especially for his kindred, he has denied the 


Widows are 
ete support- 


Give heed to. 


faith, and is worse than an unbeliever. 


denied by the Ephesian false teachers. So the 
Gnostics considered salvation as belonging 
only to the enlightened few, who, in their 
“System, constituted a kind of spiritual aristoc- 
‘facy. See p. 395. 
1 Compare 2 Tim. ii. 22, and the remarks 
in Appendix Il. 
_ 2 The words “ in spirit ” are omitted in the 
best MSS. 

8 This does not mean reading in the sense 
‘of study, but reading aloud to others ; the books 
0 read were (at this period) probably those of 
‘the Old Testament, and perhaps the earlier 
‘gospels. 

* Compare with this passage 1 Tim. i. 18, 
nd the note. 

a This in them is very perplexing; but it 


- 52 









A widow, to be placed upon the” list, must be not less 
than sixty years of age, having been the wife of one hus- 


may most naturally be referred to the preced- 
ing these things. 

§ Chrysostom has remarked that we must 
not take “elder” here in its official sense; 
compare the following “elder women.” 

7 The widows were from the first supported 
out of the funds of the Church. See Acts vi. 1. 

8 First: i.e. before they pretend to make 
professions of godliness in other matters, let 
them show its fruits towards their own kindred. 

® The best MSS. omit “ good and.” 

10 His ewn would include his slaves and de- 


pendants. So Cyprian requires the Christian 


masters to tend their sick slaves in a pesti- 
lence. 

ll It is a disputed point what list is referred 
to in this word; whether (1) it means the list 


ao-rn mn 


15 
16 


17 


818 


band ;! she must be well reported of for good deeds, as one who has 
brought up children, received strangers with hospitality, washed the f 
the saints, relieved the distressed, and diligently followed every good work 
But younger widows reject ; for when they have become wanton against 
Christ, they desire to marry; and thereby incur condemnation, because 
they have broken their former? promise. Moreover, they learn® to 
idle, wandering about from house to house; and not only idle, but 
tattlers also and busy-bodies, speaking things which ought not to be 
spoken. I wish therefore that younger widows should marry, bear ch 
dren, rule their households, and give no occasion to the adversary for 
reproach. For already some of them have gone astray after Satan. 

If there are widows dependent on any believer (whether man 
woman), let those on whom they depend relieve them, and let not 
Church be burdened with them; that it may relieve the widows who 2 


destitute. 


Let the Presbyters who perform their offices well be counted Government 
worthy of a twofold honor,‘ especially those® who labor in re. 


of widows to be supported out of the charitable 
fund, or (2) the list of deaconesses (for which 
office the age of sixty seems too old), or (3) 
the body of church-widows mentioned by Tertul- 
lian and by other writers, as a kind of female 
Presbyters, having a distinct ecclesiastical posi- 
tion and duties. The point is discussed by De 
Wette, Huther, and Wiesinger. We are dis- 
posed to take a middle course between the first 
and third hypotheses; by supposing, viz., that 
the list here mentioned was that of all the 
widows who were officially recognized as sup- 
ported by the Church; but was not confined to 
such persons, but included also richer widows, 
who were willing to devote themselves to the 
offices assigned to the pauper widows. It has 
been argued that we cannot suppose that needy 
widows who did not satisfy the conditions of 
verse 9 would be excluded from the benefit or 
the fund; nor need we suppose this; but since 
all could scarcely be supported, certain condi- 
tions were prescribed, which must be satisfied 
before any one could be considered as officially 
entitled to a place on the list. From the class 
of widows thus formed, the subsequent “body 
of widows ” would naturally result. There is 
not the slightest ground for supposing that wid- 
ows here means virgins, as Baur has imagined 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 

















His opinion is well refuted by Wiesinger 
De Wette. 
1 For the meaning of this, see note on iii. 2, 
2 The phrase means to break a promise, 
is so explained by Chrysostom, and by Aug 
tine. Hence we see that, when a widow wi 
received into the number of church-widows, 
promise was required from her (or virtus 
understood) that she would devote herself f 
life to the employments which these wide 
undertook ; viz. the education of orphans, al 
superintendence of the younger women. Ther 
is no trace here of the subsequent ascetic di: ; 
probation of second marriages, as is evident fro 
verse 14, where the younger widows are é 
pressly desired to marry again. This also cc 
firms our view of the “ wife of one husban 
See note on iii. 2. 
8 'The construction is peculiar, but mot 1 
exampled in classical Greek. ‘= 
* Honor here seems (from the next ver 
to imply the notion of reward. Compare 
verb honor in verse 3 above. Upon a misif 
pretation of this verse was founded the ¢ 
gusting practice, which prevailed in the th 
century, of setting a double portion of a 
before the Presbyters, in the feasts of love. 
6 In pp. 378, 379, we observed that 


‘some men are conspicuous ; 
kept hidden. 


819 


speaking and teaching. For the Scripture saith, “ Ohow shalt not 
muggle the ox that treadeth out the corm ;” + and, “The laborer ts worthy 
of his hire.” * 

Against a Presbyter receive no accusation except on the testimony * of 
two or three witnesses. Rebuke the offenders in the presence of all, 
that others also may fear. I adjure thee, before God and‘ Christ Jesus 
and the chosen ® angels, that thou observe these things without prejudice 
against any man, and do nothing out of partiality. 

Drdination. Lay hands hastily on no man, nor make thyself* a partaker 
in the sins committed by another. 


FIRST EPISTLE TO TIMOTHEUS. 


Keep thyself pure. 

Drink no longer water only, but use a little wine for the 
sake of thy stomach, and thy frequent maladies. 
[In thy decisions remember that] the sins of some men are manifest 


Particular 
ana general 
cautions. 


beforehand, and lead the way to their condemnation; but the sins of 


others are not seen till afterwards. Likewise, also, the good deeds of 


and those which they conceal cannot be 


Duties of 
slaves. 


masters worthy of all honor, lest reproach be brought upon the name of 


God and His doctrine. And let those whose masters are believers not 


despise them because they are brethren, but serve them with the more 


subjection, because they who claim’ the benefit are believing and 


beloved. Thus teach thou, and exhort. 


False teachers 
rebuked; 


“offices of presbyter and teacher were united, at 
the date of the Pastoral Epistles, in the same 
persons ; which is shown by apt to teach being 

: a qualification required in a Presbyter, 1 Tim. 
iii.2. But though this union must in all cases 
have been desirable, we find, from this passage, 

“that there were still some presbyters who were 

| not teachers, i. e. who did not perform the office 

| of public instruction in the congregation. 

| This is another strong proof of the early date 

of the Epistle. 

| 1 This quotation (Deut. xxv. 4) is applied 
to the same purpose, 1 Cor. ix. 9 (where the 

t words are quoted in a reverse order). The 

| “XX. agrees with 1 Cor. ix. 9. 

| 2 Luke x. 7. 

* This rule is founded on the Mosaic juris- 









If any man teach falsely,’ and consent not to the sound 


prudence, Deut. xix. 5, and appealed to by St. 
Paul, 2 Cor. xiii. 1. 

4 Lord is omitted by the best MSS. 

5 By the chosen angels are probably meant 
those especially selected by God as His mes- 
sengers to the human race, such as Gabriel. 

® The meaning of the latter part of this 
verse is, that Timothens, if he ordained unfit 
persons (e. g. friends or relations) out of par- 
tiality, would thereby make himself a partici- 
pator in their sins. 

7 The A. V. is inconsistent with the pres- 
ence of the Greek definite article. The verb 
here used has the sense cf claim in classical 
Greek, though not elsewhere in the N. T. 

8 The section from verses 9 to 10 is a gen- 
eral warning against the false teachers, as is 


19 
20 


28 


25 


Let those who are under the yoke as bondsmen esteem their vi. 


= a 


oo nr 


10 


il 


12 


13 


14 


820 


words of our Lord Jesus Christ, and to the godly doctrine, he 
is blinded with pride, and understands nothing, but is filled with : 
sickly’ appetite for disputations and contentions about words, wher : 
arise envy, strife, reproaches, evil suspicions, violent collisions? of met 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


their e¢ 
ness, 





whose mind is corrupted, and who are destitute of the truth; wh 


; think that godliness* is a gainful trade.‘ 
ment is truly gainful; for we brought nothing into the world, and it 
certain we can carry nothing out; but having food and shelter, let us k 
They who seek for riches fall into temptations and 


therewith content. 







But godliness with conter 


snares and many foolish and hurtful desires, which drown men in ruiz 


and destruction. 


selves through with many sorrows. 


But thou, O man of God, flee these things; and follow #xbortstion 
after righteousness, godliness, faith, love, steadfastness,> meekness 
Fight the good fight® of faith, lay hold on eternal life, to which thou 
wast called, and didst confess the good*® confession before many wii 
I charge thee in the presence of God who gives life to all things 
and Christ Jesus who bore testimony under Pontius Pilate® to the goe 
confession, that thou keep that which thou art commanded, spotless; 


nesses. 


evident from the whole context. It is a mis- 
take to refer the “false teaching” to some 
(imaginary) teachers who are supposed by some 
to have preached the abolition of slavery. 
There is no evidence or probability whatever 
that such teachers existed; although it was 
natural that some of the Christian slaves 
themselves should have been tempted to “de- 
spise ” their believing masters, with whom they 
were now united by so holy a bond of brother- 
hood; a bond which contained in itself the 
seeds of liberty for the slave, destined to ripen 
in due time. It would scarcely have been ne- 
cessary to say this, but that a teacher of divinity 
has lately published a statement that “St. 
Paul’s epistles condemn attempts to abolish 
slavery, as the work of men ‘proud, knewing 
nothing’ (1 Tim. vi. 2-4).” See Rational God- 
«ness: by R. Williams, D.D., p. 303. 

' Sickly is the antithesis to sound above. 
Similar phraseology is found in Plato. 

4 The original meaning of the uncom- 
pounded word (taking the reading of the best 
MSS.) is friction 


For the love of money is the root of all evils; an 
some, coveting it, have been led astray from the faith, and pierced ther 




















® The A. V. here reverses the true order 
and violates the law of the article. 

* The words “From such withdraw th 
self ” are not found here in the best MSS. 

5 The meaning is, steadfast endurance 
persecution. 

& Here we have another of those metaphoi 
from the Greek games, so frequent with § 
Paul. See 2 Tim. iv. 7. i 

7 “ Also ” is omitted by the best MSS. 

8 “The (not a) good confession” meat 
the confession of faith in Jesus as the Chri 
(Compare Rom. x.10.) Timotheus had pre 
bably been a confessor of Christ in pers 
tion, either at Rome or elsewhere ; or it is pos 
sible that the allusion here may be to his 
tism. 
® For this use of “witness” or “ testify 
with the accusative, compare John iii. 
“What he hath seen, that he testifieth.” 
Lord testified before Pontius Pilate that 
was the Messiah. . 


¥ 


ouar, XXVI. 8ST. PAUL VISITS CRETE. 82) 


and irreproachably, until the appearing of our Lord Jesus Christ; which 
shall in due time be made manifest by the blessed and only! Potentate, 
the King of kings, and Lord of lords; who only hath immortality, dwell- 
ing in light unapproachable ; whom no man hath seen, nor can see; to 
whom be honor and power everlasting. Amen. 

Duties of the = Charge those who are rich in this present world, not to be 
high-minded, nor to trust in uncertain riches, but in? God, who provides 
all things richly for our use. Charge them to practise benevolence, to 
be rich in good works, to be bountiful and generous, storing up for them- 
selves a good foundation for the time to come, that they may lay, hold on 
eternal ® life. 


coches O Timotheus, guard‘ the treasure which is committed to 
tommscon. thy trust, and avoid the profane babblings and antitheses * of 


the falsely-named ‘“‘ Knowledge;”® which some professing, have erred 
concerning the faith. 


Ooncludin; i 7 
stead Grace be with thee. 


The expectations which St. Paul expressed in the above letter, of a 
more prolonged absence from Ephesus, could scarcely have been ful- 
filled ; for soon after® we find that he had been in Crete (which seems 
to imply that, on his way thither, he had passed through Ephesus), and 


Was now again on his way westwards. 


1 Only. This seems to allude to the same 
polytheistic notions of incipient Gnosticism 
which are opposed in Col. i. 16. 

2 “Living ” is omitted by the best MSS. 

® The majority of MSS. read the true life, 
which is equivaient to the Received Text. 
| * The treasure here mentioned is probably 
the pastoral office of superintending the 
Church of Ephesus, which was committed by 
‘St. am to Timotheus. Cf. 2 Tim. i. 14. 

“ Antitheses.” There is not the slight- 
nd (as even De Wette allows) for sup- 
posing, with Baur, that this expression is to 
be understood of the contrarie oppositiones (or 
contrasts between Law and Gospel) of Mar- 
cion. If there be an allusion to any Gnostic 
| ines at all, it is more probable that it is to 
18 dualistic opposition between the principles 

f good and evil in the world, which was an 
riental element in the philosophy of some of 
early Gnostics. But the most natural in- 
‘efprevation (considering the junction with 









We must suppose, then, that he 


“babblings” and the “contentions about 
words ” ascribed to the heretics above, vi. 4) 
is to suppose that St. Paul here speaks, not of 
the doctrines, but of the dialectical and rhetori- 
cal arts of the false teachers. 

§ From this passage we see that the here 
tics here opposed by St. Paul laid claim to a 
peculiar philosophy, or “ Gnosis.” Thus they 
were Gnostics, at all events in name; how far 
their doctrines agreed with those of later Gnos- 
tics is a further question. We have before 
seen that there were those at Corinth (i Cor. 
viii. 1, 10, 11) who were blamed by St. Paul 
for claiming a high degree of “Gnosis ;” and 
we have seen him condemn the “philosophy ” 
of the heretics at Colosse (Col. ii. 8), whe 
appear to bear the closest resembiance to those 
condemned in the Pastoral Epistles. See pp. 
393-401. 

7 “ Amen”? is not found in the best MSS. 

% See remarks on the date of the Pastoral 
Epistles, Appendix IT. 


18 


20 


822 


returned shortly from Macedonia to Ephesus, as he hoped, though douk : 
fully, to be able to do when he wrote to Timotheus. From Ephesus, as 
we have just said, he soon afterwards made an expedition to Crete. It 
can scarcely be supposed that the Christian Churches of Crete were 
founded during this visit of St. Paul; on the contrary, many indications 
in the Epistle to Titus show that they had already lasted for a conside 
able time. But they were troubled by false teachers, and probably had 
never yet been properly organized, having originated, perhaps, in the 
private efforts of individual Christians, who would have been supplie¢ 
with a centre of operations and nucleus of Churches by the numerous 
colonies of Jews established in the island.’ 
company with Titus,” whom he left in Crete as his representative on hi 
He himself was unable to remain long enough to do whe 
was needful, either in silencing error, or in selecting fit persons 2 
presbyters of the numerous scattered Churches, which would manifestly 
be a work of time. Probably he confined his efforts to a few of th 
principal places, and empowered Titus to do the rest. Thus, Titus was 
left at Crete in the same position which Timotheus had occupied aj 
Ephesus during St. Paul’s recent absence ; and there would, consequent 
ly, be the same advantage in his receiving written directions from 
Paul concerning the government and organization of the Church, whick 
we have before mentioned in the case of Timotheus. 
shortly after leaving Crete, St. Paul sent a letter to Titus, the outline o 
which would equally serve for that of the preceding Epistle. Bu 
St. Paul’s letter to Titus seems to have been still further called for, t 
meet some strong opposition which that disciple had encountered whil 
attempting to carry out his master’s directions. This may be infe 
from the very severe remarks against the Cretans which occur in th 
Epistle, and from the statement, at its commencement, that the ver 
object which its writer had in view, in leaving Titus in Crete, was th 
he might appoint Presbyters in the Cretan Churches; an indication the 


departure. 


1 Philo mentions Crete as one of the seats 
of the Jewish dispersion; see p. 17. [For the 
introduction of Christianity into the island in 
connection with St. Paul, see the art. “Crete” 
in the Dict. of the Bible. —u.] 

2 For the earlier mention of Titus, see 
above, pp. 512, 518. There is some interest in 
mentioning the traditionary recollections of 
him which remain in the island of Crete. One 
Greek legend says that he was the nephew of 
a proconsul of Crete, another that he was de- 
scended from Minos. The cathedral of Me- 
galo-Castron on the north of the island was 
dedicated to him. His name was the watch- 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


oy ee 

































St. Paul now visited them in 


‘arn 


Accordingl 


word of the Cretans, when they fought again 
the Venetians, who came under the standal 
of St. Mark. The Venetians themse 
when here, “‘seem to have transferred to hi 
part of that respect, which, elsewhere, wou 
probably have been manifested for Mark alon 
During the celebration of several great fes 
vals of the Church, the response of the Li 
clergy of Crete, after the prayer for the De 
of Venice, was Sancte Marce, tu nos adjuvt 
but, after that for the Duke of Candia, 
Tite, tu nos adjuva.” Pashley’s Travels in 
vol. i. pp. 6 and 175. 


OMAP, XXVIL. 


EPISTLE TO TITUS. 


823 


“his claim to exercise this authority had been disputed. This Hpistle 
seems to have been despatched from Ephesus at the moment when 


St. Paul was on the eve of departure on a 
to take him as far as Nicopolis! (in Epirus) before the winter. 


westward journey, which wae 
The fol- 


lowing is a translation of this Epistle : — 


THE EPISTLE TO TITUS. 


Salutation. 


PAUL, a bondsman of God, and an Apostle of Jesus Christ, 


—sent forth* to bring God’s chosen to faith, and to the‘ knowledge of 
the truth which is according to godliness,° with hope of eternal life, 
which God, who cannot lie, promised before eternal times® (but He 
made known His word in due season, in the message’ committed to my 
trust by the command of God our Saviour), — To TiTUs, MY TRUE SON IN 


OUR COMMON FAITH. 


Grace and peace® from God our Father, and the Lord Jesus Christ 


our Saviour. 


n 
of Titus to 
regulate the 


Cretan 
Churches. 


Qualifications 
of Presbyters. 


This was the [very] cause® why I left thee in Crete, that 
thou mightest further” correct what is deficient, and appoint 
Presbyters in every city, as I gave thee commission. No man 
must be appointed a Presbyter, but he who is without re- 
proach, the husband of one wife,! having believing children 


who are not accused of riotous living, nor disobedient ; for a” Bishop 


1 See below, p. 827, note 3. 

2 For the date of this Epistle, see Ap 
pendix II. 

8 The original here is perplexing, but 
seems to admit of no other sense than this, an 
apostle sent forth on an errand of faith. Com- 
pare 2 Tim. i. 1, “an apostle sent forth to 
proclaim the promise of life.” The involved 
and parenthetical style of this salutation re- 
minds us of that to the Romans, and is & 
strong evidence of the genuineness of this 
Epistle 

* See note on 1 Tim. ii. 4. 

5 Godliness. See note on 1 Tim. ii. 2. 

& Before eternal times ; meaning, probably, 
in the old dispensation: cf. Rom. xvi. 25, and 
note on 2 Tim. i. 9. 

7 Literally, proclamation. 

8 The best MSS. omit mercy here. 

» This commencement seems to indicate (as 
we have above remarked) that, in exercising 





the commission given to him by St. Paul for 
reforming the Cretan Church, Titus had been 
resisted. 

10 Not simply “set in order ” (as in A. Vv.) 
but “ set in order farther.” 

1 This part of the Presbyter’s qualifications 
has been very variously interpreted. See note 
on 1 Tim. iii. 2. 

13 Rightly translated in A. V.- “q” (not 
the) “‘ bishop,” because the article is only used 
generically. So, in English, “the reformer 
must be patient: ” equivalent to “a reformer,” 
&c. We see here a proof of the early date of 
this Epistle in the synonymous use of éxioxorog 
and xpeoBitepoc ; the latter word designating 
the rank, the former the duties, of the Presby- 
ter. The best translation here would be the 
term overseer, which is employed in the A. V. 
as a translation of érioxoroc, Acts xx. 28; but. 
unfortunately, the term has associations im 
modern English which do not permit of its 


14 
15 





824 


must be free from reproach, as being a steward of God; not self-willed, 
not easily provoked, not a lover of wine, not given to brawls, not greedy 
of gain ; but hospitable to’ strangers, a lover of good men, self-restrained,? 
just, holy, continent ; holding fast the words which are faithful to our 
teaching, that he may be able both to exhort others in the sound? doo 
trine, and to rebuke the gainsayers. 

For there are many disobedient babblers and deceivers, Titus most 
specially they of the Circumcision, whose mouths need ® bit fase teachers, 
and bridle ; for they subvert whole houses, by teaching evil, for the love 
of shameful gain. It was said by one of themselves, a prophet‘ of their 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


own, — 
“ Always liars and beasts are the Cretans, and inwardly sluggish.” 


This testimony is true. Wherefore rebuke® them sharply, that they 
may be sound in faith, and may no more give heed to Jewish fables,® and — 
precepts’ of men who turn away from the truth. To the pure all 
things are pure ;* but to the polluted and unbelieving nothing is pure, 
but both their understanding and their conscience is polluted. They 
profess to know God, but by their works they deny Him, being abomi- 


nable and disobedient, and worthless® for any good work. 


being thus used here. Compare with this pas- 
sage 1 Tim. iii. 2. 

1 Cf. 3 John 5, 6. In the early Church, 
Christians travelling from one place to another 
were received and forwarded on their journey 
by their brethren; this is the “hospitality” 
80 often commended in the N. T. 

2 The Appendix in the larger editions con- 
tains a list of words peculiarly used in the 
Pastoral Epistles. Among them are these 
words. 

® The word literally denotes to put a bit and 
bridle upon a horse. 

* Epimenides of Crete, a poet who lived in 
the 6th century B.0., is the author quoted. 
His verses were reckoned oracular, whence the 
title ““ prophet.”” So by Plato he is called “a 
divinely-inspired man,” and by Plutarch “a 
man dear to the gods.” 

§ Rebuke: this seems to refer to the same 
word in vy, 9. 

§ Fables. See note on 1 Tim. iv. 7. 

7 These precepts were probably those men- 
Sioned i Tim. iv. 8, and Col. ii. 16-22. The 


“ Jewish ” element appears distinctly in the — 
Colossian heretics (“ Sabbaths,” Col. ii. 16), 
although it is not seen in the Epistles to Timo- 
thy. Comp. iii. 9, and see p. 397. 

* It would seem from this that the heretics 
attacked taught their followers to abstain from 
certain acts, or certain kinds of food, as being 
tmpure. We must not, however, conclude from 
this that they were Ascetics, Superstitious 
abstinence from certain material acts is quite 
compatible with gross impurity of teaching and 
of practice, as we see in the case of Hindoo 
devotees, and in those impure votaries of Cybele 
and of Isis mentioned so often in Juvenal and 
other writers of the same date. The early 
Gnostics, here attacked, belonged apparently 
to that class who borrowed their theosophy 
from Jewish sources; and the precepts of absti- 
nence which they imposed may probably have 
been derived from the Mosaic law. Their im 
morality is plainly indicated by the following 
words. 

* Literally, unable to stand the test ; ¢. e. wher 
tested by the call of duty, they fail. 


825 


ar. XKVUL EPISTLE TO TITUS. 

rections to But do thou speak conformably to the sound doctrine. 
ioinetuct Exhort the aged men to be sober, grave, self-restrained, sound 
juexs, in faith, in love, in steadfastness. LExhort the aged women, 


kewise, to let their deportment testify of holiness, not to be slanderers, 
9t to be enslaved by drunkenness, but to give good instruction ; that 
ey may teach discretion to the younger women, leading them to be 
ving wives and loving mothers, self-restrained, chaste, keepers at home, 
miable and obedient to their husbands, lest reproach be brought upon 
ie Word of God. In like manner, do thou exhort the young men to 
sowneon. S¢ifrestraint. And show thyself in all things a pattern of 
_ good works; manifesting in thy teaching uncorrupiness, 
ravity,| soundness of doctrine not to be condemned, that our adversa- 
ries may be shamed, having no evil to say against us.?_ Exhort 
bondsmen to obey their masters, and to strive to please them 
| all things, without gainsaying ; not purloining, but showing all good 
delity, that they may adorn the doctrine of God our Saviour in all 
eral mo- things. For the grace of God has been made manifest, bring- 
rintanity. ing salvation to all* mankind; teaching us to deny ungodli- 
ess and earthly lusts, and to live temperately, justly, and godly in this 
resent world ; looking for that blessed hope,‘ the appearing of the glory 
| the great God, and our ® Saviour Jesus Christ; who gave Himself for 
s, that He might redeem us from all iniquity, and purify us unto Him- 
If, as a “peculiar people,”° zealous of good works. These things 
yeak, and exhort and rebuke with all authority. Let no man despise thee. 
ty towards Remind? them to render submission to magistrates and 
diowards authorities, to obey the Government, to be ready for every 
nerally. good work, to speak evil of no man, to avoid strife, to act 


aties of 
VEE. 


2 The best MSS. omit the word translated 
ity” in A. V. 
a ee (708 yom) is the reading of the best 









3 * This statement seems intended to contra- 
tt the Gnostic notion that salvation was 
ven to the enlightened alone. It should be 
served that the definite article of T. R. is 
nitted by some of the best MSS. 

'* Compare the same expectation expressed 
om. viii. 18-25. 
§ The A. V. here is probably correct, not- 


withstanding the omission of the article before 
“Saviour.” We must not be guided entirely 
by the rules of classical Greek in this matter. 
Comp. 2 Thess. i. 12. 

6 This expression is borrowed from the Old 
Testament, Deut. vii. 6, Deut. xiv. 2, and 
other places. (LXX.) 

7 St. Paul himself had no doubt insisted on 
the duty of obedience to the civil magistrate 
when he was in Crete. The Jews throughout 
the Empire were much disposed to insubordi- 
nation at this period. 


wet 


KD 


13 
14 


826 


with forbearance, and to show all meekness to all men. For we ow 
selves also were formerly without understanding, disobedient and 
astray, enslaved to all kinds of lusts and pleasures, living in malice an 
4 in envy, hateful and hating one another. 
5 made manifest His kindness and love of men, He saved us, not throu oi] 
the works of righteousness which we had done, but according to His o 
mercy, by the laver! of regeneration, and the renewing of the Hol 
Spirit, which He richly poured forth upon us, by Jesus Christ ou 
Saviour; that, being justified by His grace, we might become heir 
through? hope, of life eternal. Faithful is the saying, and itusmust 
these things I desire thee to affirm, “Let them that have be- works, and 
lieved in God be careful to practise good works.” These things fencer, 
are good and profitable to men: but avoid foolish disputations,‘ 2 
genealogies,’ and strifes and contentions concerning the * Law, for 
are profitless and vain. A sectarian,’ after two admonitions, rejec 
knowing that such a man is perverted, and by his sins is self-cc 


demned. 


When I send Artemas or Tychicus® to thee, endeavor to 
come to me to Nicopolis;* for there I have determined to 7 
Forward Zenas the lawyer and Apollos on their 
journey zealously, that they may want for nothing. Q 
also” learn to practise good works, ministering to the necessities ¢ 
others, that they may not be unfruitful. 


winter. 


1 The word does not mean “washing” 
(A. V.), bat laver ; i. ©. a vessel in which wash- 
ing takes place. 

2 Through hope is explained by Rom. viii. 
24, 25. 

8 The “ saying ” referred to is supposed by 
some interpreters to be the statement which 
precedes (from 8 to 7). These writers main- 
;ain that it is ungrammatical to refer “ Faith- 
ful is the saying” to the following, as is done 
in A.V. But this objection is avoided by 
taking “that” as a part of the quotation. The 
mane is similar in Eph. v. 38. 

* Disputations: see 1 Tim. vi. 4, and 2 Tim. 
ii. 28. 

5 See 1 Tim. i. 4. 

* Compare precepts (i. 14), and teachers of 
the Law. 1 Tim. i. 7. 

7 Sectarian. We have seen that the word 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 





























But when God our Saviou 


And let our 


from which our term “heresy” comes is t 
by St. Paul, in his earlier writings, simply 
a religious sect, sometimes (as Acts xxvi. 
without disapprobation, sometimes (as 1 
xi. 19) fn a bad sense; here we find its deri 
tive (which occurs here and nowhere else” 
the N. T.) already assuming a bad sense, a 
to that which it afterwards bore. It shou 
be also observed that these early heret 
united moral depravity with erroneous te: 
ing; their works bore witness against th 
doctrine; and this explains the subsequé 
“ by his sins he is self-condemned” See j 
397-399. 

® Cf. Col. iv. 7. 

® See p. 827, note 3. 

10 7, e, the Cretan Christians were to aid 
furnishing Zenas and Apollos with all 
they needed. 


827 


gmap. XXvu. WINTER AT NICOPOLIS. 

Salutations. All that are with me salute thee. Salute those who love us 
in faith. 

Gonclnding Grace be with you all.’ 


We see from the above letter that Titus was desired to join St. Paul at 
Nicopolis, where the Apostle designed to winter. We learn, from an in- 
cidental notice elsewhere,? that the route he pursued was from Ephesus to 
Miletus, where his old companion Trophimus remained behind from sick- 
ness, and thence to Corinth, where he left Erastus, the former treasurer 
of that city, whom, perhaps, he had expected, or wished, to accompany 
him in his farther progress. The position of Nicopolis* would render it 
a good centre for operating upon the surrounding province; and thence 
St. Paul might make excursions to those Churches of Ilyricum which he 
perhaps ‘ founded himself at an earlier period. The city which was thus 
chosen as the last scene of the Apostle’s labors, before his final imprison- 
ment, is more celebrated for its origin than for its subsequent history. It 
was founded by Augustus, as a permanent memorial of the victory of 
Actium, and stood upon the site of the camp occupied by his land-forces 
before that battle. We learn, from the accounts of modern travellers, 
that the remains upon the spot still attest the extent and importance of 
the “‘ City of Victory.” “A long lofty wall spans a desolate plain ; to 
the north of it rises, on a distant hill, the shattered scena of a theatre ; 
and, to the west, the extended though broken line of an aqueduct con- 
nects the distant mountains, from which it tends, with the main subject 
of the picture, the city itself.”* To people this city, Augustus uprooted 
the neighboring mountaineers from their native homes, dragging them by 
his arbitrary compulsion “ from their healthy hills to this low and swampy 
plain.” It is satisfactory to think (with the accomplished traveller from 
whom the above description is borrowed) that, “in lieu of the blessings 
of which they were deprived, the Greek colonists of Nicopolis were con- 
soled with one greater than all, when they saw, heard, and talked with 
_ the Apostle who was debtor to the Greeks.” 

It seems most probable, however, that St. Paul was not permitted to 
spend the whole of this winter in security at Nicopolis. The Christians 









1 The “Amen” is omitted in the best 
MSS. 

2 2 Tim. iv. 20. 

2 Jt is here assumed that the Nicopolis, 
spoken of Titus iii. 12, was the city of that 
_ mame in Epirus. There were other places of 
| the same name; but they were comparatively 
| insignificant. 
| _ # See above, pp. 515 and 579. 


5 See Wordsworth’s Greece, pp. 229-232, 
where a map of Nicopolis will be found, and 
an interesting description of the ruins. See 
also Leake’s Northern Greece, vol. i. p. 178, 
and vol. iii. p. 491; and Merivale’s Rome, vol. 
iii. pp. 327, 328. In Bowen’s Mount Athos 
and Epirus (p. 211), there, is also a notice of 
its present desolate aspect. 


828 






















THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF sT. PAUL. 


were now far more obnoxious to the Roman authorities than formerly 
They were already distinguished from the Jews, and could no lox ger 
shelter themselves under the toleration extended to the Mosaic religion 
So eminent a leader of the proscribed sect was sure to find enemies every 
where, especially among his fellow-countrymen; and there is nothi ng 
improbable in supposing that, upon the testimony of some informer, he 
was arrested! by the magistrates of Nicopolis, and forwarded to Rome? for 
‘trial. The indications which we gather from the Second Epistle to Timo- 
theus render it probable that this arrest took place not later than? mic 
winter, and the authorities may have thought to gratify the Emperor b 
forwarding so important a criminal immediately to Rome. It is true the 
the navigation of the Mediterranean was in those times suspended during 
the winter ; but this rule would apply only to longer voyages, and not te 
the short passage‘ from Apollonia to Brundusium. Hence, it is not un 
likely that St. Paul may have arrived at Rome some time before spring. 
In this melancholy journey he had but few friends to cheer him. Titus 
had reached Nicopolis, in obedience to his summons; and there we 
others also, it would seem, in attendance on him; but they were scattered 
by the terror of his arrest. Demas forsook him, “ for love of this preser 
world,” ° and departed to Thessalonica; Crescens® went to Galatia on the 
same occasion. We are unwilling to suppose that Titus could have 
yielded to such unworthy fears, and may be allowed to hope that hi 
journey to the neighboring Dalmatia’ was undertaken by the desire of 
St. Paul. Luke,’ at any rate, remained faithful, accompanied his master 
once more over the wintry sea, and shared the dangers of his imprison: 
ment at Rome. 
This imprisonment was evidently more severe than it had been five 
years before. Then, though necessarily fettered to his military guard, he 
had been allowed to live in his own lodgings, and had been suffered tc 


1 It may be asked, why was he not arrested 
sooner, in Spain or Asia Minor? The expla- 
nation probably is, that he had not before 
ventured so near Italy as Nicopolis. 

2 The law required that a prisoner should 
be tried by the magistrates within whose juris- 
diction the offence was alleged to have been 
eommitted; therefore, a prisoner accused of 
conspiring to set fire to Rome must be tried at 
Rome. There can be no doubt that this 
charge must have formed one part of any 


* The reason for supposing this is, that 
leaves more time for the events which inter. 
vened between St. Paul’s arrest and his death, 
which took place (if in Nero’s reign) not 
later than June. If he had not been arreste 
till the spring, we must crowd the occurrence 
mentioned in the Second Epistle to 
into a very short space. 

* Even an army was transported acro 
the Adriatic by Cesar, during the season o 
the “ Mare Clausum,” before the battle a 


. 
mothy 


accusation brought against St. Paul, after 64 Philippi. See also p. 274. 

4.D. Another part (as we have suggested 5 2 Tim. iv. 10. ‘ 
below) may have been the charge of introdu- 7 Ibid. See above, p. 515 

cing a religio nova et illicita, 8 2 Tim. iv. 11. 





SECOND ROMAN IMPEISONMENT. $25 





preach the Gospel to a numerous company who came to hear him. Now 
he is not ouly chained, but treated “‘as a malefactor.”! His friends, 
indeed, are still suffered to visit him in his confinement; but we hear 
nothing of his preaching. It is dangerous and difficult? to seek his 
prison ; so perilous to show any public sympathy with him, that no Chris- 
tian ventures to stand by him in the court of justice. And, as the final 
stage of his trial approaches, he looks forward to death as his certain 
sentence.‘ 
_ This alteration in the treatment of St. Paul exactly corresponds with 
that which the history of the times would have led us to expect. We 
have concluded that his liberation took place early in a. D. 63: he was 
therefore far distant from Rome when the first imperial persecution of 
Christianity broke out, in consequence of the great fire in the summer 
of the following year. Then first, as it appears, Christians were recog- 
as a distinct body, separate both from Jews and heathens; and their 
a must have been already very great at Rome to account for the 
public notice attracted towards a sect whose members were, most of them, 
individually so obscure in social position. When the alarm and indig- 
i. of the people were excited by the tremendous ruin of a conflagra- 
tion, which burnt down almost half the city, it answered the purpose of 
Nero (who was accused of causing the fire) to avert the rage of the 
pulace from himself to the already hated votaries of a new religion. 
Tacitus *® describes the success of this expedient, and relates the suffer- 


4 


19 Tim. ii. 9. According to the legends 
of the Medieval Church, St. Paul was im- 
‘prisoned in the Mamertine Prison, together 
with St. Peter; see the Martyrology of Baro- 
under March 14. But there is no early 
rity for this story, which seems irrecon- 
le with the fact that Onesiphorus, Clau- 
Linus, Pudens, &c., had free access to St. 
during his imprisonment. It seems more 
kely [see 2 Tim. i. 16] that he was again 

ler military custody, though of a severer 
than that of his former imprisonment. 










zeon of the Mamertine Prison, in p. 297. 

y full details will be found in Sir. W. 

Gell’s work on Rome and its neighborhood. 
22 Tim. i. 16. 


mown passage from a popular translation : — 
But neither these religious ceremonies, nor 


the liberal donations of the prince, could efface 
from the minds of men the prevailig opinion 
that Rome was set on fire by his own orders. 
The infamy of that horrible transaction still 
adhered to him. In order, if possible, to re- 
move the imputation, he determined to trans- 
fer the guilt to others. For this purpose he 
punished, with exquisite torture, a race of men 
detested for their evil practices, by vulgar ap- 
pellation commonly called Christians. The 
name was derived from Christ, who, in the 
reign of Tiberius, suffered under Pontius 
Pilate, the procurator of Judza. By that 
event, the sect, of which he was the founder, 
received a blow which for a time checked the 
growth of a dangerous superstition ; but it re- 
vived soon after, and spread with recruited 
vigor, not only in Judsxa, the soil that gave it 
birth, but even in the city of Rome, the com- 
mon sink into which every thing infamous and 
abominable flows like a torrent from all quar- 
ters of the world. Nero proceeded with his 
usual artifice. He found a set of profligate 


830 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL 


ings of the Christian martyrs, who were put to death with circumstance’ 
of the most aggravated cruelty. Some were crucified; some disguises 
in the skins of beasts, and hunted to death with dogs; some were 
wrapped in robes impregnated with inflammable materials, and set o 
fire at night, that they might serve to illuminate the circus of the Vatics 


and the gardens of Nero, where this diabolical monster exhibited ne 





agonies of his victims to the public, and gloated over them himse 
mixing among the spectators in the costume of a charioteer. Brute 
as the Romans were by the perpetual spectacle of human combats in th 
amphitheatre, and hardened by popular prejudice against the “ atheisti 
cal” sect, yet the tortures of the victims excited even their compassior 
“A very great multitude,” as Tacitus informs us, perished in this m 
ner ; and it appears from his statement that the mere fact of professing 
Christianity was accounted sufficient! to justify their execution; th 
whole body of Christians being considered as involved in the crime o 
firing the city. This, however, wasin the first excitement which followe 
the fire ; and even then, probably but few among those who perished wer 
Since that time, some years had passed, and now 


Roman citizens.’ 


and abandoned wretches, who were induced to 
confess themselves guilty ; and, on the evidence 
of such men, a number of Christians were 
convicted, not, indeed, upon clear evidence of 
their having set the city on fire, but rather on 
account of their sullen hatred of the whole 
Roman race. They were put to death with 
exquisite cruelty, and to their sufferings Nero 
added mockery and derision. Some were coy- 
ered with the skins of wild beasts, and left to 
be devoured by dogs; others were nailed to 
the cross; numbers were burnt alive; and 
many, covered over with inflammable matter, 
were lighted up, when the day declined, to 
serve as torches during the night. For the 
convenience of seeing this tragic spectacle, 
the emperor lent his own gardens. He added 
the sports of the circus, and assisted in person, 
sometimes driving a curricle, and occasionally 
mixing with the rabble in his coachman’s dress. 
At length the cruelty of these proceedings 
filled every breast with compassion. Human- 
ity relented in favor of the Christians. The 
manners of that people were, no doubt, of a 
pernicious tendency, and their crimes called for 
the hand of justice; but it was evident that 
they fell a sacrifice, not for the public good, but 
to glut the rage and cruelty of one man only.” 

1 Tt was criminal, according to the Roman 
law, to introduce into Rome any religio nova et 














illicita. Yet, practically, this law was seldc 
enforced, as we see by the multitude of fore 
superstitions continually introduced into Rom 
and the occasional and feeble efforts of th 
Senate or the Emperor to enforce the lat 
Moreover, the punishment of those who 0 
fended against it seems only to have been e 
pulsion from the city, unless their offence 
been accompanied by aggravating circums 
ces. It was not, therefore, under this 1 
that the Christians were executed; and, wh 
Suetonius tells us that they were punished 
professors of a superstitio nova et malefica, 
must interpret his assertion in accorda 
with the more detailed and accurate stateme 
of Tacitus, who expressly says that the vi 
tims of the Neronian persecution were co 
demned on the charge of arson. Hence t 
extreme cruelty of their punishment, and 
cially the setting them on fire. 

2 No doubt most of the victims who pf 
ished in the Neronian persecution were 
eigners, slaves, or freedmen ; we have ¢ 
seen how large a portion of the Roman Chur 
was of Jewish extraction (see p. 543, n. 
It was illegal to subject a Roman citizen to 
ignominious punishments mentioned by 
tus; but probably Nero would not have 
garded this privilege in the case of freedme 
although by their emancipation they had 


¥ 


, XXVII. 
a 
Jecent respect would be paid to the forms of law, in dealing with one 
who, like St. Paul, possessed the privilege of citizenship. Yet we can 
guite understand that a leader of so abhorred a sect would be subjected 
fo a severe imprisonment. 

_ We have no means of knowing the precise charge now made against 

the Apostle. He might certainly be regarded as an offender against the 

law which prohibited the propagation of a new and illicit religion (religio 

nova et illicita) among the citizens of Rome. But, at this period, one 

article of accusation against him must have been the more serious charge 
of having instigated the Roman Christians to their supposed act of 

incendiarism, before his last departure from the capital. It appears that 
« Alexander the brass-founder” (2 Tim. iv. 14) was either one of his 
accusers, or, at least, a witness against him. If this was the same with 
the Jewish! Alexander of Ephesus (Acts xix. 33), it would be probable 
that his testimony related to the former charge. But there is no proof 

that these two Alexanders were identical. We may add, that the em- 
ployment of Informer (delator) was now become quite a profession at 
Rome, and that there would be no lack of accusations against an unpopu- 
lar prisoner as soon as his arrest became known. 

; Probably no long time elapsed, after St. Paul’s arrival, before his cause 
came on for hearing. The accusers, with their witnesses, would be 
: dy on the spot ; and on this occasion he was not to be tried by the 
Emperor in person,’ so that another cause of delay,’ which was often 
terposed by the carelessness or indoience of the Emperor, would be 
removed. The charge now alleged against him probably fell under the 
cognizance of the city Prefect (Praefectus Urbi), whose jurisdiction daily 
encroached, at this period, on that of the ancient magistracies.* For we 
st remember, that, since the time of Augustus, a great though silent 
Binoce had taken place in the Roman system of criminal procedure. 
The ancient method, though still the regular and legal system, was 
rapidly becoming obsolete in practice. Under the Republic, a Roman 
itizen could theoretically be tried on a criminal charge only by the 
‘Sovereign People ; but the judicial power of the people was delegated, 
y special laws, to certain bodies of Judges, superintended by the 


HIS FINAL TRIAL. 831 

















2 Clemens Romanus says that Paul, on 


ome Roman citizens. And we know that the 
this occasion, was tried “before the presiding 


ish population of Rome had, for the most 


a Servile origin; see pp. 335, 739. 






1 20, as a heretic, who had been excommuni- 
tated hy St. Paul. This is, probably, the 
| same person with the Alexander of 2 Tim. iv. 
14; and if so, motives of personal malice 


magistrates.” Had the Emperor presided, he 
would probably have said “ before Cassar.” 

3 See above, p. 746. 

4 The authority for this, and forall the 
points of Roman Law referred to in this chap 
ter, is given in our larger editions. 























832 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST, PAUL. cHaP, X 


several Pretors. Thus one Pretor ipa at trials for homicid 
another at trials for treason, and so on.! But the presiding magistra 
did not give the sentence: his function was merely to secure the leg 
- formality of the proceedings. The judgment was pronounced by tk 
Judices, a large body of judges (or rather jurors) chosen (generally b 
lot) from amongst the senators or knights, who gave their vote, by balle 
for acquittal or condemnation. But under the Empire this ancie 
system, though not formally abolished, was gradually superseded. TI 
Emperors from the first claimed supreme? judicial authority, both civi 
and criminal. And this jurisdiction was exercised not only by them 
selves, but by the delegates whom they appointed. It was at fi 
delegated chiefly to the Prefect of the city; and though causes migh 
up to the beginning of the second century, be tried by the Prators in th 
old way, yet this became more and more unusual. In the reign of Ne 
it was even dangerous for an accuser to prosecute an offender in th 
Pretor’s instead of the Prefect’s court. Thus the trial of crimiz 
charges was transferred from a jury of independent Judices to a sing 
magistrate appointed by a despot, and controlled only by a Council ¢ 
Assessors, to whom he was not bound to attend. 
Such was the court before which St. Paul was nowcited. We hay 
an account of the first hearing of the cause from his own pen. H 
writes thus to Timotheus immediately after : — “‘ When I was first hear 
in my defence, no man stood by me, but all forsook me, —I pray that i 
be not laid to their charge. Nevertheless the Lord Jesus stood by m 
and strengthened my heart; that by me the proclamation of the Gla 
tidings might be accomplished in full measure, and that all the Genti 
might hear; and I was delivered out of the lion’s mouth.” We see froi 
this statement, that it was dangerous even to appear in public as th 
friend or adviser of the Apostle. No advocate would venture to ple 
his cause, no procurator‘ to aid him in arranging the evidence, 
patronus (such as he might have found, perhaps, in the powerft 


1 This was the system of Questiones Per- again refer it to the Tribunitian power ca 
petuce. ferred upon the Emperor, which was extends 

? The origin of this jurisdiction is not (as we have seen) so as to give him a supre 
so clear as that of their appellate jurisdiction, appellate jurisdiction, and by virme of wh 
which we have explained above Somewriters he might perhaps bring before his teibunal a 
hold that the Emperor assumed the supreme cause in the first instance which would 1 
judicial power as an incident of his quasi-die- mately come under his judgment by appe 
tatorial authority.. Others think that it was ® Tacitus relates that Valerius Pontic 
theoretically based upon a revival of that sum- was banished under Nero, because he h 
mary jurisdiction which was formerly (in the brought some accused persons before the F 
earliest ages of the Commonwealth) exercised “or instead of the Prefect. Ann. xiv. 41. 
by the great magistrates whose functions were * The procurator performed the funcra 
mow concentrated in the Emperor. Others of our attorney. 









oaaP, XXVUL. HIS FINAL TRIAL. 


#umilian! house) to appear as his supporter, and to deprecate,’ accord- 
ing to ancient usage, the severity of the sentence. But he had a more 
powerful intercessor, and a wiser advocate, who could never leave him 
nor forsake him. The Lord Jesus was always near him, but now was 
felt almost visibly present in the hour of his need. 

From the above description we can realize in some measure the 
external features of his last trial. He evidently intimates that he spoke 
before 2 crowded audience, so that “all the Gentiles might hear ;” and 
this corresponds with the supposition, which historically we should be led 
to make, that he was tried in one of those great basilicas which stood in 
the Forum. Two of the most celebrated of these edifices were called 
the Pauline Basilicas, from the well-known Lucius Aimilius Paulus, who 
had built one of them, and restored the other. Itis not improbable that 
the greatest man who ever bore the Pauline name was tried in one of 
these. From specimens which still exist, as well as from the descriptions 
of Vitruvius, we have an accurate knowledge of the character of these 
halls of justice. They were rectangular buildings, consisting of a central 
neve and two aisles, separated from the nave by rows of columns. At 
one end of the nave was the tribune,’ in the centre of which was placed 
the magistrate’s curule chair of ivory, elevated on a platform called the 
tribunal. Here also sat the Council of Assessors, who advised the 
Prefect upon the law, though they had no voice in the judgment. On 
the sides of the tribune were seats for distinguished persons, as well as 
for parties engaged in the proceedings. Fronting the presiding magis- 
trate stood the prisoner, with his accusers and his advocates. The public 
was admitted into the remainder of the nave and aisles (which was railed 
off from the portion devoted to the judicial proceedings) ; and there were 
also galleries along the whole length of the aisles, one for men, the other 
for women.! The aisles were roofed over; as was the tribune. The 
nave was originally left open to the sky. The basilicas were buildings 
of great size, so that a vast multitude of spectators was always present 
at any trial which excited public interest. 


XXV. Here the tribune is rectangular; in 
others it was semicircular. 


1 We have already (p. 138) suggested the 
possibility of a connection of clientship between 


Paul’s family and this noble Roman house. 

2 Tt was the custom, both in the Greek and 
Roman courts of justice, to allow the friends 
of the accused to intercede for him, and to 
endeavor by their prayers and tears to move 
the feelings of his judges. This practice was 
gradually limited under the Imperial régime. 

8 The features of the basilica will be best 
understood by the ground-plan of that of 
Pompeii, which is given at the end of Ch. 

53 


4 Pliny gives a lively description of the 
scene presented by a basilica at an interesting 
trial: “‘ A dense ring, many circles deep, sur- 
rounded the scene of trial. They crowded 
close to the judgment-seat itself, and even in 
the upper part of the basilica botn men and 
women pressed close in the eager desire to see 
(which was easy) and to hear (which was diffi- 
eult).”” Plin. Ep. vi. 38. 


834 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. CHAP. X) 



















Before such an audience it was that Paul was now called to speak ir 
his defence. His earthly friends had deserted him, but his Heavenly 
Friend stood by him. He was strengthened by the power of Christ’ 
Spirit, and pleaded the cause not of himself only, but of the Gospe' 
He spoke of Jesus, of His death and His resurrection, so that all the 
Heathen multitude might hear. At the same time, he successfully de 
fended himself from the first! of the charges brought against him, whick 
perhaps accused him of conspiring with the incendiaries of Rome. He 
was delivered from the immediate peril, and saved from the ignominious 
and painful death? which might have been his doom had he been con 
victed on such a charge. . 

He was now remanded to prison to wait for the second stage of hi 
trial. It seems that he himself expected this not to come on so soon as 
it really did; or, at any rate, he did not think the final decision would 
be given till the following * winter, whereas it actually took place about 
midsummer. Perhaps he judged from the long delay of his former trial, 
or he may have expected (from the issue of his first hearing) to be again 
acquitted on a second charge, and to be convicted on a third. He cer 
tainly did not expect a final acquittal, but felt no doubt that the cause 
would ultimately result in his condemnation. We are not left to con- 
jecture the feelings with which he awaited this consummation ; for h 
has himself expressed them in that sublime strain of triumphant hope 
which is familiar to the memory of every Christian, and which has 
nerved the hearts of a thousand martyrs. “I am now ready to be 
offered, and the time of my departure is at hand. I have fought the good 
fight, I have finished my course, I have kept the faith. Henceforth is 
laid up for me the crown of righteousness, which the Lord, the righteou 
Judge, shall give me in that day.” He saw before him, at a little dis 
tance, the doom of an unrighteous magistrate, and the sword of a blood 
stained executioner ; but he appealed to the sentence of a juster Judg 
who would soon change the fetters of the criminal into the wreath of 


1 The hypothesis of an acquittal on the 
first charge agrees best with the being delivered 
from the mouth of the lion (2 Tim. iv. 17). We 
have seen that it was Nero’s practice (and 
therefore, we may suppose, the practice of the 
Prefects under Nero) to hear and decide each 
branch of the accusation separately (Suet Wer. 
15, before cited). Had the trial taken place 
under the ancient system, we might have sup- 
posed an Ampliatio, which took place when the 
judices held the evidence insufficient, and gave 
the verdict Von liquet, in which case the trial 
was commenced de novo; but Geib has shown 


that under the Imperial system the practice o 
Ampliatio was discontinued. So also was th 
Comperendinatio abolished, by which certa 
trials were formerly divided into a prima ac 
and secunda actio. We cannot therefore agre 
with Wieseler in supposing this “first defence’ 
to indicate an Ampliatio or Comperendinatio. 

2 See the account given by Tacitus (abe 
quoted) of the punishment of the suppos 
incendiaries. In the case of such a crim 
probably, even a Roman citizen would 
have been exempted from such punishments, 

§ @ Tim. iv. 21. 








4 
SHAY, XXVI. HE IS REMANDED TO PRISON. 835 


sonqueror; he looked beyond the transitory present; the tribunal of 
Nero faded from his sight; and the vista was closed by the judgment- 
seat of Christ. 

Sustained by such a blessed and glorious hope*— knowing, as he did, 
that nothing in heaven or in earth could separate him from the love of 
Christ —it mattered to him but little if he was destitute of earthly 
sympathy. Yet still, even in these last hours, he clung to the friendships 
of early years; still the faithful companionship of Luke consoled him in 
the weary hours of constrained inactivity, which, to a temper like his, 
must have made the most painful part of imprisonment. Luke was the 
only one! of his habitual attendants who now remained to minister to 
him: his other companions had left him, probably before his arrival at 
Rome. But one friend from Asia, Onesiphorus, had diligently sought 
him out, and visited him in his prison, undeterred by the fear of danger 
or of shame. And there were others, some of them high in station, who 
eame to receive from the chained malefactor blessings infinitely greater 
than all the favors of the Emperor of the world. Among these were 
Linus, afterwards a bishop of the Roman Church ; Pudens, the son of a 
senator ; and Claudia, his bride, perhaps the daughter of a British king.’ 
But however he may have valued these more recent friends, their society 
could not console him for the absence of one far dearer to him: he 
longed with a paternal longing to see once more the face of Timotheus, 
his beloved son. The disciple who had so long ministered to him with 
filial affection might still (he hoped) arrive in time to receive his parting 
words, and be with him in his dying hour. But Timotheus was far dis- 
tant, in Asia Minor, exercising apparently the same function with which 
he had before been temporarily invested. Thither, then, he wrote to him, 
desiring him to come with ali speed to Rome, yet feeling how uncertain 
it was whether he might not arrive too late. He was haunted also by 
another fear, far more distressing. Either from his experience of the 
desertion of other friends, or from some signs of timidity which Timo- 
theus‘ himself had shown, he doubted whether he might not shrink from 


ei 1 2 Tim. iv. 11. If we suppose Tychicus British Church. See especially pp. 21-54, 


‘the bearer of the Second Epistle to Timothy 
(2 Tim. iv. 12), ke 2lso would have been with 
St. Panl at Rome till he was despatched to 
E 2 9 Tim. i. 16. 
8 For the evidence of these assertions, see 
note on 2 Tim. iv. 21. We may take this 
opportunity of saying that the tradition of 
St. Paul’s visit to Britain rests on no sufficient 
sathority. Probably all that can be said in 
its favor will be found in the Tracts of the late 
p Burgess on the origin of the ancient 








77-83, and 108-120. 

* We cannot say with certainty where 
Timotheus was at this time; as there is no 
direct mention of his locality in the Second 
Epistle. It would seem, at first sight, proba- 
ble that he was still at Ephesus, from the salu- 
tation to Priscilla and Aquila, who appear 


-to have principally resided there. Still this is 


not decisive, since we know that they were 
occasional residents both at Rome and Corinth, 
and Aquila was himself a native of Ponts, 


836 


the perils which would surround him in the city of Nero. He therefo 
urges on him very emphatically the duty of boldness in Christ’s caus 
of steadfastness under persecution, and of taking his share in the suffe 
ings of the Saints. And, lest he should be prevented from giving 
his last instructions face to face, he impresses on him, with the earnes 
ness of a dying man, the various duties of his Ecclesiastical office, 2 
especially that of opposing the heresies which now threatened to desti 
the very essence of Christianity. But no summary of its contents ca 
give any notion of the pathetic tenderness and deep solemnity of thi 


Kpistle. 


SECOND EPISTLE TO TIMOTHEUS.' 


PAUL, an Apostle of Jesus Christ by the will of God,—  Salutatior 
sent forth? to proclaim the promise of the life which is in Christ Jesus, 


To TIMOTHEUS MY BELOVED SON. 


Grace, mercy, and peace from God our Father, and Christ Jesus 


Lord. 


I thank God (whom I worship, as* did my forefathers, with 
a pure conscience) whenever‘ I make mention of thee, as I 
do continually,in my prayers night and day. And I long 


where he and Timotheus may perhaps have 
been. Again, it is difficult, on the hypothesis 
of Timotheus being at Ephesus, to account for 
2 Tim. iv. 12, “ Tychicus I sent to Ephesus,” 
which Timotheus need not have been told if 
himself at Ephesus. Also, it appears strange 
that St. Paul should have told Timotheus that 
he had left Trophimus sick at Miletus, if Timo- 
theus was himself at Ephesus, within thirty miles 
of Miletus. Yet both these objections may be 
explained away, as we have shown in the notes 
on 2 Tim. iv. 12, and 2 Tim. iv. 20. The 
message about bringing the articles from Troas 

- shows only that Timotheus was in a place 
whence the road to Rome lay through Troas ; 
and this would agree either with Ephesus, or 
Pontus, or any other place in the north or 
north-west of Asia Minor. It is most probable 
that Timotheus was not fixed to any one spot, 
but employed in the general superintendence 
of the Pauline Churches throughout Asia 
Minor. This hypothesis agrees best with his 
designation as an Evangelist (2 Tim. iv. 5), a 
term equivalent to itinerant missionary. 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF Si. PAUL. 































his past 
histo’ vs 
honda 


1 For the date of this Epistle, see 4 
dix II. 
2“ An Apostle according to the prom 
of life.” See note on Tit. i. 1. 
8 Some interpreters have found a difficul 
here, as though it were inconsistent with § 
Panl’s bitter repentance for the sins he h 
committed in the time of his Judaism. ( 
1 Tim. i. 18.) But there is no inconsisten 
All that is said here is, that the worship of G 
was handed down to St. Paul from his f 
fathers, or, in other words, that his religi 
was hereditary. This is exactly the 
taken of the religion of alJ converted Jews 
Rom. xi. 23, 24, 28. Compare also “ the G 
of my fathers ” (Acts xxiv. 14), and “he 
always lived a conscientious life” (Acts xx 
1). These latter passages remind us that 
topic was one on which St. Paul had pro 
bly insisted, in his recent defence ; and 
accounts for its parenthetical introducti 
here. 
* Literally, as the mention which I mo 
thee in my prayers is continual. 


SECOND EPISTLE TO TIMOTHEUS. 837 


- 


2 


oye bo to see thee, remembering thy [parting] tears, that I may be 
oftmmor- filled with joy. For I have been’ reminded of thy undis- 
sembled faith, which dwelt first in thy grandmother Lois, and thy 
mother Eunice, and (I am persuaded) dwells in thee also. Wherefore I 
call thee to remembrance, that thou mayest stir up the gift of God, 
which is in thee by the laying-on of my” hands. For God gave us not a 
spirit of cowardice, but a spirit of power and love and self-restraint.® 
Be not therefore ashamed of the testimony of our Lord, nor of me His 
prisoner ; but share the affliction’ of them who publish the Glad-tidings, 
according to the power of God. For He saved us, and called us with a 
holy calling, not dealing with us according to our own works, but accord- 
ing to His own purpose and grace, which was bestowed upon us in Christ 
Jesus before eternal times,’ but is now made manifest by the appearing 
‘of our Saviour Jesus Christ, who has put an end to death, and brought 
Jife and immortality from darkness into light; by the Glad-tidings, 
‘whereunto I was appointed herald and apostle, and teacher of the Gen- 
‘tiles. Which also is the cause of these sufferings that I now endure: 
nevertheless I am not ashamed ; for1 know in whom I have trusted, and 
Tam persuaded that He is able to guard the treasure * which I have com- 
‘mitted to Him, even unto that day. 


f 
1“ Have been reminded.” Such is the 
‘reading of the best MSS. Perhaps a message 


* Literally, share affliction for the Glad-tid- 
ings. The dative used as in Phil. i. 27. 
6 “Before eternal times” (which phrase 


or other incident had reminded St. Paul of 
some proof which Timotheus had given of the 
sincerity of his faith (as Bengel thinks) ; or, 
still more probably, he was reminded of the 
faith of Timotheus by its contrast with the 
" eowardice of Demas and others. He mentions 
it here obviously as a motive to encourage him 


persevere in courageous steadfastness. 
_ # The grace of God required for any par- 
; 
















ficular office in the early Church was conferred 
fter prayer and the laying-on of hands. This 
imposition of hands was repeated whenever 
any one was appointed to a new office or com- 
mission. The reference here may, therefore, 
“be to the original “ordination ” of Timotheus, 
or to his appointment to the superintendence 
| of the Ephesian Church. See p. 382, and 
| compare Acts viii. 18, and 1 Tim. iv. 14; also 
p- 232, n. 5. 
| 8 Sédf-restraint would control the passion 
fear. 


ag 


also occurs in Titus i 2) appears to mean the 
period of the Jewish (including the Patriar- 
chal) dispensation. The grace of Christ was 
virtually bestowed on mankind in the Patri- 
archal covenant, though only made manifest in 
the Gospel. 

6 “That which I have committed unto 
Him.” It is strange that so acute an inter 
preter as De Weite should maintain that this 
expression must necessarily mean the same 
thing as “ that which is committed unto thee” 
in verse 14. Supposing St. Paul to have said, 
“ God will keep the trust committed to Him ; 
do thou keep the trust committed to thee,” it 
would not follow that the same trust was meant 
in each case. Panl had committed himself, 
his soul and body, his true life, to God’s keep- 
ing; this was the treasure which he trusted 
to God’s care. On the other hand, the treas- 
ure committed to the charge of Timotheus 


10 


ll 


17 
18 


{ Christ. The soldier when ™ on service abstains from entangling SWiaiu0° 
himself in the business of life, that he may please his commander. 
again, the wrestler does not win the crown unless he wrestles lawfully. 


uv 


838 


Hold fast the pattern of sound! words which thou hast sox 
heard from me, in the faith and love which is in Christ Jesus. ¢ithfally, 
That goodly treasure which is committed to thy charge, guard by th 


Holy Spirit who dwelleth in us. 


Thou already knowest that I was abandoned? by all the Conduct of 
Asiatics, among whom are Phygellus and Hermogenes. The ' 
Lord give mercy to the house of Onesiphorus;* for he often 
refreshed me, and was not ashamed of my chain,‘ but, when he was ; 
Rome, sought me out very diligently and found me. 
unto him that he may find mercy from the Lord in that day. Andal 
his services® at Ephesus thou knowest better ® than I. 4 

Thou therefore, my son, strengthen thy heart’ with the 
And those things which thou ne 
hast heard from me attested® by many witnesses deliver into the kee} 
ing of faithful men, who shall be able to teach others in their turn.’ 

Take thy” share in suffering, as a good soldier of Jesus He isex- 


grace that is in Christ Jesus. 


was the ecclesiastical office intrusted to him. 
(Compare 1 Tim. vi. 20.) 

1 Sound words. The want of the article 
shows that this expression had become almost 
a technical expression at the date of the Pas- 
toral Epistles. 

2 This appears to refer to the conduct of 
certain Christians belonging to the province 
of Asia, who deserted St. Paul at Rome when 
he needed their assistance. ‘They in Asia” 
is used instead of “they of Asia,” because 
these persons had probably now returned 
home. 

2 An undesigned coincidence should be 
observed here, which is not noticed by Paley. 
Blessings are invoked on the house of Onesiph- 
orus, not on himself; and in verse 18 a hope 
is expressed that he may find mercy at the last 
duy. This seems to show that Onesiphorus 
was dead; and so, in iv. 19, greetings are ad- 
dressed, not to himself, but to his house. 

* “My chain.” Hence we see that St. 
Pas} was, in this second imprisonment, as in 
the first, under Custodia Militaris, and there- 
fore bound to the soldier who guarded him, by 


echsin. See above, p. 666. 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 





























Kiatie G 
tians at 


The Lord 


governn 


not & 


5 “Unto me” is omitted by the best 
& Better, because Timotheus had been m 
constantly resident at Ephesus than St. Paul 
7 Compare Rom. iv. 20, and Eph. vi. 10. 
8 We agree with De Wette, Huther, a 
Wiesinger as to the construction here, b 
cannot agree with them in referring this 7 
sage to Timothy’s ordination or bapti 
The literal English must be, those things whi 
thou hast heard from me by the intervention o 
many witnesses, which is surely equivalent 
“by the attestation of many witnesses.” In 
similar way, St. Paul appeals to the attestatie 
of other witnesses in 1 Cor. xv. 3-7. 
* The “also” seems to have this meanit 
here. 
19 “ Take thy share in suffering.” This 
according to the reading of the best MSS. 
4 This is the force of the present parti 
Cf. Luke iii. 14. 
1 “Lawfully.” See p. 586. The 
here used is not confined to wrestling, 
includes the other exercises of the athlet 
contests also; but there is no English ver 
co-extensive with it. With this passage (v1 
8-6) compare 1 Cor. ix. 7. 


HAP. Xxvu. SECOND EPISTLE TO TIMOTHEDUS. 839 


The husbandman who toils must share the fruits of the ground before’ 
ye idler. Consider what I say; for the Lord will? give thee under- 
standing in all things. Remember that Jesus Christ, of the seed® of 
David, is‘ raised from the dead, according to the Giad-tidings which 1 
proclaim. Wherein I suffer even unto chains, as a malefactor ; neverthe 
less the Word of God is bound by no chains. Wherefore I endure all 
for the sake of the chosen, that they also may obtain the salvation which 
's in Christ Jesus, with glory everlasting. Faithful is the saying, “Jor® 
if we have died with Him,’ we shall also live with Him; if we suffer, we 
shall also reign with Him; if we deny Him, He also will deny us; if we 
be faithless, yet He abideth faithful; He cannot deny Himself.” 

a, Call men to remembrance of these things, and adjure them 
fae teachers before the Lord not to contend? about words, with no profita- 
immoral ple end, but for the subversion of their hearers. Be diligent 
wa purty. to present thyself unto God as one proved trustworthy * by 
trial, a workman not to be ashamed, declaring the word of truth without 
distortion? But avoid the discussions of profane babblers ; for they will 
go farther and farther in ungodliness, and their word will eat like a 
cancer. Among whom are Hymenzus and Philetus; who concerning 
the truth have erred, for they say that the resurrection is past" already, 


and overthrow the faith of some. 


1 This is the sense of “first.” The Au- 
‘thorized Version, and not its margin, is here 
correct. 

2 The future, not the optative, is the read- 
‘ing of the best MSS. De Wette and others 
“Object to this verse, that it is impossible to 
suppose that St. Paul would imagine Timo- 
‘theus so dull of apprehension as not to com- 
prehend such obyious metaphors. But they 
have missed the sense of the verse, which is 
“not meant to enlighten the understanding of 
Timothens as to the meaning of the metaphors, 
‘bat as to the personal application of them. 

_ 8% e. though a man in flesh and blood; 

‘therefore His resurrection is an encourage- 

qsnt to His followers to be fearless. 

_ 4 Perfect, not aorist. 

i 5 This is another of those quotations so 
‘characteristic of the Pastoral Epistles. It 

' _ appears to be taken from a Christian hymn. 
‘The Greek may be easily sung to the music 

cs one of the ancient ecclesiastical chants. 













hi 


6 Rom. vi. 8, “If we died with Christ, we 
believe that we shall also live with Him.” 

7 Compare 1 Tim. vi. 4. 

8 The meaning is, tested and proved worthy 
by trial. Cf. 2 Cor. xiii. 7. 

® The yerb used here (not found elsewhere 
in the New Testament) means to cut straight. 
So in the LXX. “righteousness cuts straight 
paths” (Prov. xi. 5). The metaphor here, 
being connected with the previous “ work- 
man,” appears to be taken from the work of @ 
carpenter. 

10 See p. 396. Im the larger editions a pas- 
sage is there quoted from Tertullian, which 
shows that the Gnostics taught that the Resur- 
rection was to be understood of the rising of 
the soul from the death of ignorance to the 
light of knowledge. There is nothing here 
to render doubtful the date of this Epistle, for 
we have already seen that even so early as the 
First Epistle to Corinth, there were heretics 
who denied the resurrection of the dead 


@ a et 


ua 


19 


20 


21 


i. 1 


840 


Nevertheless the firm! foundation of God stands unshaken, having t 
seal, ‘‘ Ohe Lord hneto them that tere Bis,”* and “Let every one th 
nameth the name of the Lord depart from iniquity.”* But in a great ha 2 
there are not ‘ only vessels of gold and silver, but also of wood and els 
and some for honor, others for dishonor. If a man therefore purify hix 
self from these, he shall be a vessel for honor, sanctified, and fitted 
the Master’s use, being prepared for every good work. 

Flee the lusts of youth ;° and follow righteousness, faith, love, an 
peace with those who call on the Lord out of a pure heart; but shun th 
disputations of the foolish and ignorant, knowing that they breed st 
and the bondsman of the Lord* ought not to strive, but to be gent 
towards all, skilful in teaching, patient of wrong, instructing opponen 
with meekness ; ; if God perchance may give them repentance, that the 
may attain the knowledge of the truth, and may escape, restored? 1 
soberness, out of the snare of the Devil,’ by whom ® they have been take 


captive to do his will. 


Know this, that, in the last days, evil times shall come. Dangerous 


Baur’s view — that the Pastoral Epistles were 
written against Marcion — is inconsistent with 
the present passage; for Marcion did not deny 
the resurrection of the dead, but only the res- 
urrection of the flesh. (See Tertull. adv. Mar- 
cion. v. 10.) 

1 The Authorized Version here violates the 
law of the article. 

2 Numbers xvi. 5 (LXX. with Lord for 
God). We must not translate the verb “know- 
ah,” asin A.V. The context of the passage, 
according to LXX. (which differs from the 
present Hebrew text), is, “Moses spake unto 
Core, saying, .. . The Lord knew them that were 
His, and that were holy, and brought them near 
unto Himself; and whom He chose unto Him- 
self, He brought near unto Himself.” 

5 This quotation is not from the Old Tes- 
tament; Isaiah lii. 11 is near it in sentiment, 
but can scarcely be referred to, because it is 
quoted exactly at 2 Cor. vi. 17. The MSS. 
read Lord instead of the Christ of T. R. 

* The thought here is the same as that ex- 
pressed in the parable of the fishes and of the 
tares, — viz. that the visible church will never 
be perfect. We are reminded of Rom. ix. 21, 
by the “ vessels for dishonor.” 

§ Compare | Tim. iii. 2, and the remarks 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES UF ST. PAUL. 

















upon the age of Timotheus in the Essay 
Appendix IT. on the date of these a 
® Lord, viz. the Lord Jesus. om 
“bondsman of Christ,” 1 Cor. vii. 22. 
7 Restored to soberness.” See 1 Cor. 
34. 
8 This expression appears to be used hen 
and in Eph. iv. 27, and Eph. vi. 11, ford 
Devil, who is elsewhere called “ Satan” by § 
Paul. In the Gospels and Acts the two e 
pressions are used with nearly equal frequer 
® The interpretation of this last clause | 
disputable. The construction is awkward, ai 
there is a difficulty in referring the two fp 
nouns to the same subject; but De Wett 


10 This phrase (used without the article, 


denotes the termination of the Mosaic dispe 
sation : see Acts ii. 17; 1 Pet. i. 5, 20; He 
i.2. Thus the expression generally deno 
(in the Apostolic age) the time present; 
here it points to a future immediately at han 
which is, however, blended with the present ( 
verses 6, 8), and was, in fact, the end of fl 
Apostolic age. Compare 1 John ii. 18, “it 
the last hour.”” The long duration of this lai 


‘\- 


84} 


AP, XEVOL SECOND EPISTLE TO TIMOTHEUS. 
ipl For men shall be selfish, covetous, false boasters,' haughty, 


blasphemous, disobedient to parents, ungrateful, unholy, without natural 
affection, ruthless, calumnious, incontinent, merciless, haters of the good, 
treacherous, headlong with passion, blinded with pride, lovers of pleas- 
ure rather than lovers of God ; having an outward form of godliness, but 
renouncing its power. From such turn away. Of these are they who 
creep into houses, and lead captive silly women, laden with sins, led 
away by lusts of all kinds, perpetually learning, yet never able to attain 
the knowledge? of the truth. And as Iannes and lambres® resisted 
Moses, so do these men resist the truth, being corrupt in mind, and 
worthless‘ in all that concerns the faith. But they® shall not advance 
farther, for their folly shall be made openly manifest to all, as was that 


of Iannes and Iambres. 


ction But thou hast been the follower® of my teaching and be- 
fat in Pau havior,’ my resolution,’ faith,- patience, love, and steadfast- 
octrine, 


ness; my persecutions and sufferings, such as befell me at 
Antioch, Iconium, and Lystra.? [Thou hast seen] what persecutions I 
endured; and out of them all the Lord delivered me. Yea, and all who 
determine to live a godly life in Christ Jesus will suffer persecution. 
But wicked men and impostors will advance from bad to worse, deceiv- 
ing and being deceived. But do thou continue in that which was taught 
thee, and whereof thou wast persuaded; knowing who were” thy teach- 
ers, and remembering that from a child thou hast known the Holy Scrip 
tures, which are able to make thee wise unto salvation, by the faith 
which is in Christ Jesus. All Scripture is inspired by God, and may 


period of the world’s development was not 
revealed to the Apostles; they expected that 
their Lord’s return would end it, in their own 
generation; and thus His words were fulfilled, 
that none should foresee the time of His com- 
tig. (Matt. xxiv. 36.) 
1 Several of the classes of sinners here 
“Mentioned occur also Rom. i, 30. 
2 For the meaning of this word (cf. above, 
i. 25), see Rom. x. 2, and 1 Cor. xiii. 12. 
® These, as we find in the Targum of 
Jonathan, were the traditional names of the 
Egyptian sorcerers who opposed Moses. 
_ * Worthless: see Tit. i. 16, and note. 
_ 5 It has been thought that this “ they shall 
| Bot advance farther ” contradicts the assertion 
in ii..16, “they will go farther and farther in 











ungodliness:”’ but there is no contradiction ; 
for the present passage speaks of outward suc- 
cess, the former of inward deterioration. Im- 
postors will usually go on from bad to worse 
(as it is just said below, verse 18), and yet 
their success in deceiving others is generally 
soon ended by detection. 

6 This verb cannot be accurately translated 
“hast fully known” (Authorized Version) ; but 
its meaning is not very different. Chrysostom 
explains it, “of these things thou art the wit- 
ness.” 

7 In this meaning the word is found in 
LxXx. 8 Compare Acts xi. 23. 

® It has been before remarked how appro: 
priate this reference is. See p. 174. 

1° This is plural in the best MSS. 


ee 
(~ yet 


Iam D> 


10 


1} 


13 
14 


16 


tv. 1 


10 


842, 


profitably be used for teaching,' for confutation, for correction,® and f 
17 righteous discipline ;* that the man of God may be fully prepared, a1 
thoroughly furnished for every good work. 

1° adjure thee before God and Jesus Christ, who is about to 
judge the living and the dead —I adjure thee by His appear- 
ing and His kingdom— proclaim the tidings, be urgent in 
season and out of season, convince, rebuke, exhort, with all 
forbearance and perseverance in teaching. For a time will come whe: 
they will not endure the sound doctrine, but according to their o 
inclinations they will heap up for themselves teachers upon teachers t 
And they will turn away their ears from th 


please their itching ears. 
truth, and turn aside to fables. 


But thou in all things be sober,’ endure affliction, do the work of 
evangelist,’ accomplish thy ministration in full measure. For 1 am noy 
ready * to be offered, and the time of my departure is at hand. I ha 
fought® the good fight, I have finished my” course, I have kept the faith 
Henceforth is laid up for me the crown of righteousness, which the Lord 
the righteous" Judge, shall give me in that day ; and not to me only, 


to all who love His appearing. 


Do thy utmost to come to me speedily ; for Demas has for- 
saken me for love of this present world, and has departed to 
Thessalonica ; * Crescens is gone to Galatia, Titus to Dalma- 


1 §t. Paul frequently uses the Old Testa- 
ment for teaching, 2. e. to enforce or illustrate 
his doctrine; e. g. Rom. i. 17. 

2 The numerous quotations from the Old 
Testament, in the Romans and Galatians, are 
mostly examples of its use for confutation. 

’ The word means the setting right of that 
which is wrong. The Old Testament is applied 
for this purpose by St. Paul in 1 Cor. xiv. 21, 
1 Cor. x. 1-10, and, generally, wherever he 
applies it to enforce precepts of morality. 

4 “ Chastisement that is in righteousness.” 
The word used here has the meaning of chas- 
tisement or discipline; compare Heb. xii. 7. 
Thus the Old Testament is applied in 1 Cor. 
y. 13. 

® The best MSS. omit therefore and Lord, 
and read “and” instead of “at” in this 
verse. 6 Not “ watch,” asin A. V. 

1 Compare Eph. iv. 11. And see p. 381. 


THE LIFR AND EHPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. CHAP, XX 



















Timotheus 
required to 
come to Ro 


8 Literally, I am already in the very act 
being poured out as a sacrificial offering. Coi 
pare Phil. ii. 17. 

® It is impossible to translate this fully 
English. It is not strictly correct to rend 

it “I have fought the fight,” and seems t 
introduce a new metaphor. The noun mea 
a contest for a prize, and the metaphor is ta 
from the Greek foot-races. J have run the ge 
race would be perhaps more exact. The lite 
English is, I have completed the glorious cont 
See pp. 585-587 above, and 1 Tim. vi. 12. 

10 Strictly, the course marked out for the re 
This expression occurs only in two oth 
places in the New Testament, both being 
speeches of St. Paul. 

ll “ The righteous Judge” contrasted wit 
the unrighteous judge, by whose sentence 
was soon to be condemned. 

12 Demes is mentioned as a “ fellow-labo 






SECOND EPISTLE TO TIMOTHEDS. 


a; Luke alone is with me. Take Mark? and bring him with thee, for 11.13 
bis services? are profitable to me; but Tychicus* I have sent to Ephesus. 
| When thou comest, bring with thee the case‘ which I left at Troas 
with Carpus, and the books, but especially the parchments. 

Alexander the brass-founder® charged® me with much evil 
be progres in his declaration; the Lord shall’ reward him according to 
a his works. Be thou also on thy guard against him, for he 
uas been a great opponent of my arguments.* When I was first heard 
in my defence? no man stood by me, but all forsook me (1 pray that it 
be not laid to their charge). Nevertheless the Lord Jesus ” stood by me, 
and strengthened my heart,” that by me the proclamation of the * Glad- 


13 


14 


15 
16 


17 






































er” at Rome with St. Paul, Philem. 24; and 
foied with Luke, Col. iv. 14. Nothing fur- 
er is known of him. Crescens is not men- 
med elsewhere. In saying here that he was 
deserted by all but Luke, St. Paul speaks of 
his own companions and attendants: he had 
still frxends among the Roman Christians who 
sited him (iv. 21), though they were afraid 
to stand by him at lus trial. 
1 Mark was m Rome during a part of the 
mer imprisonment, -“ol. iv. 10; Philem. 24. 
” 2 Not (as in A. V., ~ the ministry.” 
_ 8 If we suppose (see above, p. 835, note 4) 
that Timotheus was at Ephesus, we must con- 
de that Tychicus was the bearer of this 
le. and the aorist, “I send herewith,” used 
ing to the idiom of classical letter- 


* This word means either a travelling-case 
books, &c.), or a travel- 


meaning here, from the mention of the books. 
& Brass-founder. Whether this Alexander 
the same mentioned as put forward by the 
Jews at Ephesus in the theatre (Acts xix. 33), 
and as excommunicated by St. Paul (1 Tim. 
i. 20), we do not know. If these names all 
belong to the same person, he was probably 
of the Judaizing faction. See above, p. 474. 
_ *“ Charged me with,” not “did” (A. V.). 
“This verb, though of frequent occurrence in 
he New Testament (in tne sense of exhibit, 
lisplay, manifest), does not elsewhere occur in 
he same construction as here, with an accuss- 


tidings might be accomplished in full measure, and that all the Gentiles 
micht hear; and I was delivered out of the lion’s mouth." And the 


tive of the thing, and a dative of the person. 
The active form of the verb in classicel Greek 
has a forensic sense, — viz. to make a declaration 
against ; and as the verb is here used in an 
active sense (the active form of it not occurring 
in the New Testament), we may not unnatu- 
rally suppose that it is so used here- At any 
rate, the literal English is, “ Alerander mani- 
fested many evil things against me.” 

7 The MSS. are divided here between the 
optative and the future; the latter is adopted 
by Lachmann, and has rather the greatest 
weight of MS. authority in its favor. We 
have, therefore, adopted it in the translation 
in the present edition. Yet it must be ac- 
knowledged that there are obvious reasons why 
the optative (if it was the original reading) 
should have been altered into the future. 

8 The “arguments” here mentioned are 
probably those used by St. Paul in his defence. 

9 On this first defence, see above, p. 834. 
The ancient interpreters, Eusebius, Jerome, 
and others, understood St. Panl here to refer 
to his acquittal at the end of his jirst imprison- 
ment at Rome, and his subsequent preaching 
in Spain; but while we must acknowledge 
that the strength of the expressions accom- 
plished in full measure and all the Gentiles are ™ 
favor of this view, we think that on the whole 
the context renders it unnatural. 

10 The Lord, viz. Jesus. 

1 Cf Rom. iv. 20, Eph. vi. 10. 

& The proclamation, i.e. of the Glad-tidings. 

1 By she lion’s mouth may be only meant the 


18 


iv. 


844 


Lord shall deliver me from every evil, and shall preserve me unto ‘ 
To Him be glory unto the ages of ages. Amen. 
Salute Prisca and Aquila, and the household of Ss cag Bals 


heavenly kingdom. 


rus. 


Erastus! remained at Corinth; but Trophimus I left sick at Miletus. 
Do thy utmost to come before winter. 
There salute thee Eubulus, and Pudens, and Linus,’ and Claudia,’ az 


all the brethren. 


The Lord Jesus Christ be with thy spirit. 


you ‘ all. 


imminence of the immediate peril ; but it may mean 
that St. Paul, at his first hearing, established 
his right, as a Roman citizen, to be exempted 
from the punishment of exposure to wild 
beasts, which was inflicted during the Neronian 
persecution on so many Christians. On the 
historical inferences drawn from this verse, 
see the preceding remarks. 

1 This verse is an insuperable difficulty to 
those who suppose this Epistle written in the 
first imprisonment at Rome; since it implies 
a recent journey, in which St. Paul had passed 
through Miletus and Corinth. It has been 
also thought inexplicable that Paul should 
mention to Timotheus (who was at Ephesus, 
so near Miletus) the fact that Trophimus was 
left there. But many suppositions might be 
made to account for this. For instance, 
Trophimus may have only staid a short time 
at Milep.s, and come on by the first ship after 
his recovery. This was probably the first 
communication from St. Paul to Timotheus 
since they parted; and there would be nothing 
unnatural even if it mentioned a circumstance 
which Timotheus knew already. For example, 
A. at Calcutta writes to B. in London, “ J left 
C. dangerously i] at Southampton,” although 
he may be sure that B. has heard of C.’s ill- 
ness long before he can receive the letter. - 

2 Linus is probably the same person who 
was afterwards bishop of Rome, and is men- 
tioned by Irenzus and Eusebius. 

3 Pudensand Claudia. The following facts 
relating to these names are taken from an in- 
genious essay on the subject, entitled “Claudia 
and Pudens, by J. Williams, m. a. (London, 
1848).” 

There are two epigrams of Martial, she 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. CHAP. Xx 



















Grace be with Qonciuai : 


former of which describes the marriage of 
distinguished Roman named Pudens to a 
eign lady named Claudia, and the latter 
which tells us that this Claudia was a Brite 
and gives her the cognomen of Rufina. W 
the latter epigram was written, she had g 
up sons and daughters, but herself still 
tained the charms of youth. Both these 
grams were written during Martial’s residen 
at Rome; and, therefore, their date must 
between A.D. 66 and a.p. 100. The former: 
the two epigrams was not published till th 
reign of Domitian, but it may very probal 
have been written many years earlier. Th 
the Claudia and Pudens of Martial may 
the same with the Claudia and Pudens 
are here seen as friends of St. Paul 
A.D. 68. 
But, further, Tacitus mentions (Agric. 1 
that certain territories in the south-east 
Britain were given to a British king Cog 
nus as a reward for his fidelity to Rome: th 
occurred about a.p. 52, while Tiberius Cla 
dius Nero, commonly called Claudius, was e1 
peror. 
Again, in 1723, a marble was dug up 
Chichester, with an inscription making me 
tion of a British king bearing the title of ! 
berius Claudius Cogidubmus. His daugh 
would, according to Roman usage, have b 
called Claudia. And in the same inseriptit 
we find the name Pudens. Other details : 
given in our larger editions. See the Qua 
ly Review for July, 1858. 7 
4 You (not thee) is the reading of t 
best MSS., which also omit “amen” 
English we are compelled to insert al he: 
order to show that you is plural. 


q 


CHAP, X£VU, 


CONDEMNATION OF ST. PAUL. 845 


We know not whether Timotheus was able to fulfil these last requests. 
of the dying Apostle ; it is doubtful whether he reached Rome in time to 
receive his parting commands, and cheer his latest earthly sufferings. 
The only intimation which seems to throw any light on the question is 
the statement in the Epistle to the Hebrews, that Timotheus had been 
liberated from imprisonment in Italy. If, as appears not improbable, 
that Epistle was written shortly after St. Paul’s death, it would be 
proved not only that the disciple fearlessly obeyed his master’s summons, 
but that he actually shared his chains, though he escaped his fate. This, 
also, would lead us to think that he must have arrived before the execu- 
tion of St. Paul, for otherwise there would be no reason to account for 
his being himself arrested in Rome; since, had he come too late, he 
would naturally have returned to Asia at once, without attracting the 
notice of the authorities. 

We may, therefore, hope that Paul’s last earthly wish was fulfilled. 
Yet if Timotheus did indeed arrive before the closing scene, there could 
have been but a very brief interval between his coming and his master’s 
death. For the letter which summoned him? could not have been de- 
spatched from Rome till the end of winter, and St. Paul’s martyrdom 
took place in the middle of summer.’ We have seen that this was 
sooner than he had expected ; but we have no record of the final stage 
of his trial, and cannot tell the cause of its speedy conclusion. We only 
know that it resulted in a sentence of capital punishment. 

The privileges of Roman citizenship exempted St. Paul from the 
ignominious death of lingering torture, which had been lately inflicted 
on so many of his brethren. He was to die by decapitation ;* and he 
was led out to execution beyond the city walls, upon the road to Ostia, 


1 See the next chapter. Ifour Chronology in page 847. The constitutional mode of in- 


be right, Timothy’s escape would be accvunted 
for by the death of Nero, which immediately 
followed that of St. Paul. 
| 2 Supposing the letter to have been de- 
‘spatched to Timotheus on the Ist of March, he 
could scarcely have arrived at Rome from 
Asia Minor before the end of May. 
8 Nero’s death occurred in June, A. D. 68. 

Accepting therefore, as we do, the universal 
fradition that St. Paal was executed in the 
reign of Nero, his execution must have taken 
place not later than the beginning of June. 
We have endeavored to show (in the article 
on the Pastoral Epistles in Appendix IT.) that 
| this date satisfies all the necessary condi- 
| tions. 
' 4 Such is the universal tradition ; see noite 1 












flicting capital punishment on a Roman citizen 
was by the lictor’s axe. The criminal was tied 
to a stake; cruelly scourged with the rods, 
and then beheaded. See Livy, ii. 6. “ Missi 
lictores ad sumendum supplicium, nudatos virgis 
ceedunt, securique feriunt.” Compare Juv. 8, 
“Jegum prima securis.” But the military 
mode of execution—decapitation by the 
sword — was more usual under Nero. Many 
examples may be found in Tacitus; for in- 
stance, the execution of Subrius Flavius (Tac. 
Ann. xv. 67). The executioner was generally 
one of the speculatores, or imperial body-guards, 
under the command of a centurion, who was 
responsible for the execution of the sentence. 
See the interesting story in Seneca de rd, lib, 
i. cap. 16. 





a 
aS. 


846 THE LIF£ AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL CHAP. x) 

































the port of Rome. As he issued forth from the gate, his eyes must ha 
rested for a moment on that sepulchral pyramid which stood beside th 
road, and still stands unshattered, amid the wreck of so many cen 
upon the same spot. That spot was then only the burial-place of a singlk 
Roman; it is now the burial-place of many Britons. The mausoleum 
of Caius Cestius’ rises conspicuously amongst humbler graves, and marks 
the site where Papal Rome suffers her Protestant sojourners to bury theij 
dead. In England and in Germany, in Scandinavia and in America 
there are hearts which turn to that lofty cenotaph as the sacred point of 
their whole horizon; even as the English villager turas to the gra) 
church-tower which overlooks the gravestones of his kindred. Amon 
the works of man, that pyramid is the only surviving witness of the 
martyrdom of St. Paul; and we may thus regard it with yet deepe 
interest, as a monument unconsciously erected by a pagan to the memor 
of a martyr. Nor let us think that they who lie beneath its shadow ar 
indeed resting (as degenerate Italians fancy) in unconsecrated ground. 
Rather let us say, that a spot where the disciples of Paul’s faith nov 
sleep in Christ, so near the soil once watered by his blood, is doubl 
hallowed; and that their resting-place is most fitly identified with th 
last earthly journey and the dying glance of their own Patron Saint, th 
Apostle of the Gentiles. 

As the martyr and his executioners passed on, their way was crowilll 
with a motley multitude of goers and comers between the metropoli 
and its harbor— merchants hastening to superintend the unloading o 
their cargoes — sailors eager to squander the profits of their last voyag 
in the dissipations of the capital — officials of the government, charg 
with the administration of the Provinces, or the command of the legior 
on the Euphrates or the Rhine—Chaldean astrologers — Phrygi 
eunuchs — dancing-girls from Syria with their painted turbans — mend 
cant priests from Egypt howling for Osiris— Greek adventurers, eage 
to coin their national cunning into Roman gold — representatives of th 
avarice and ambition, the fraud and lust, the superstition and intelligence 
of the Imperial world. Through the dust and tumult of that bus 
throng, the small troop of soldiers threaded their way silently, under th 
bright sky of an Italian midsummer. They were marching, though they 
knew it not, in a procession more truly triumphal than any they had ever 
followed, in the train of General or Emperor, along the Sacred Way 
Their prisoner, now at last and forever delivered from his captivity 
rejoiced to follow his Lord “ without the gate.”* The place of execu 


1 The pyramid of Caius Cestius, which now in the time of Nero, though within the p 
marks the site of the Protestant burying- Aurelianic walls. 
ground, was erected in, or just before, the 2 Heb. xiii. 12, “He suffered without ¢ 
reign of Augustus. It was outside the walls gate.” 


= 

; 

par. XXVIL. DEATH OF ST, PAUL. 847 
‘on was not far distant; and there the sword of the headsman? ended 
is long course of sufferings, and released that heroic soul from that 
eeble body. Weeping friends took up his corpse, and carried it for 
rial to those subterranean labyrinths,? where, through many ages of 
pression, the persecuted Church found refuge for the living, and 
epulchres for the dead. 

Thus died the Apostle, the Prophet, and the Martyr ; bequeathing to 
he Church, in her government and her discipline, the legacy of his 
Apostolic labors ; leaving his Prophetic words to be her living oracles ; 
gouring forth his blood to be the seed of a thousand Martyrdoms. 
Thenceforth, among the glorious company of the Apostles, among the 


goodly fellowship of the Prophets, among the noble army of Martyrs, his 


name has stood pre-eminent. 


And wheresoever the Holy Church 


throughout all the world doth acknowledge God, there Paul of Tarsus is 
revered, as the great teacher of a universal redemption and a catholic 
religion — the herald of Glad-tidings to all mankind. 


1 The death of St. Paul is recorded by his 
eontemporary Clement, in a passage already 
quoted; also by the Roman presbyter Caius 
(about 200 a. p.) (who alludes to the Ostian 
Road as the site of St. Paul’s martyrdom), by 
Tertullian, Eusebius (in the passage above 
cited), Jerome, and many subsequent writers. 
The statement of Caius is quoted by Eusebius. 
That of Jerome is the most explicit. 

_ The statement that Paul was beheaded 
on the Ostian Road agrees with the usage of 
the period, and with the tradition that his de- 
capitation was by the sword, not the axe. 
We have this tradition in Orosius and Lactan- 
tius. It was not uncommon to send prisoners, 
whose death might attract too much notice in 
Rome, to some distance from the city, under a 
military escort, for execution. Wieseler com- 
I the execution of Calpurnius Galerianus, 
‘as recorded by Tacitus, “who was sent under 
‘a military escort some distance along the Ap- 


pian Road.” (Tac. Hist. iv. 11.) This hap- 
pened a. D. 70. 

The great Basilica of St. Paul now stands 
outside the walls of Rome, on the road to Ostia, 
in commemoration of his martyrdom, and the 
Porta Ostiensis (in the present Aurelianic wall) 
is called the gate of St. Paul. The tradition- 
al spot of the martyrdom is the tre fontane not 
far from the basilica. The basilica itself (S. 
Paolo fuori le mura) was first built by Con- 
stantine. Till the Reformation it was under 
the protection of the Kings of England, and 
the emblem of the Order of the Garter is still 
to be seen among its decorations. 

2 Eusebius (ii. 25) says that the original 
burial-places of Peter and Paul, in the Cata- 
combs, were still shown in his time. This 
shows the tradition on the subject. Jerome, 
however, in the passage above cited, seems to 
make the place of burial and execution the 
same. 





CHAPTER X&XVIL 


The Epistle to the Hebrews. —Its Inspiration not affected by the Doubts concerning its Autht 
ship. — Its Original Readers. — Conflicting Testimony of the Primitive Church concer 
its Avthor. — His Object in writing it.— Translation of the Epistle. 








(hm origin and history of the Epistle to the Hebrews was a subject ¢ 
controversy even in the second century. There is no portion of ¢ 
New Testament whose authorship is so disputed, nor any of which 
inspiration is more indisputable. The early Church could not determ: 
whether it was written by Barnabas, by Luke, by Clement, or by Pat 
Since the Reformation, still greater diversity of opinion has prevail 
Luther assigned it to Apollos, Calvin to a disciple of the Apostles. T 
Church of Reme now maintains by its infallibility the Pauline authors 
of the Epistle, which in the second, third, and fourth centuries, the s 
Church, with the same infallibility, denied. But notwithstanding 
doubts concerning the origin of this canonical book, its inspired author 
is beyond all doubt. It is certain, from internal evidence, that it 
written by a contemporary of the Apostles, and before the destruction 
Jerusalem ;! that its writer was the friend of Timotheus;* and that 
was the teacher? of one of the Apostolic Churches. Moreover, the Epis 
was received by the Oriental Church as canonical from the first.t Hy 
sound reasoner must agree with St. Jerome, that it matters noth 
whether it were written by Luke, by Barnabas, or by Paul, since it 
allowed to be the production of the Apostolic age, and has been reg d 
the pubhe service of the Church from the earliest times. Those, 
fore, who conclude with Calvin, that it was not written by St. Paul, m 
also join with him in thinking the question of its authorship a quest 
of little moment, and in “ embracing it without controversy as one 
the Apostolical Epistles.” 

But when we call it an Epistle, we must observe that it is distingu 


1 See Heb. vii. 25, xiii. 11-18, and other * For this we ean refer to Clemens Al 
passages which speak of the Temple services andrinus and Origen, also to passages 0 
as going on. rome. Our larger editions give at length in 

2 See xiii. 23. notes the passages from the Fathers refe 

8 See xiii 19. Restored to you. to in the introductory part of this chapter 

848 


g 


‘AP, XXVIML READERS OF THE KPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. 849 


y one remarkable peculiarity from other compositions which bear that 
ame. In ancient no less than in modern times, it was an essential fea- 
are of an epistle, that it should be distinctly addressed, by the writer, to 
ome definite individual, or body of individuals ; and a composition which 
ore on its surface neither the name of its writer, nor an address to any 
articular readers, would then, as now, have been called rather a treatise 
han a letter. It was this peculiarity! in the portion of Scripture now 
efore us which led to some of the doubts and perplexities concerning 
t which existed in the earliest times. Yet, on the other hand, we cannot 
onsider it merely as a treatise or discourse; because we find certain 
ndications of an epistolary nature, which show that it was originally 
\ddressed not to the world in general, nor to all Christians, nor even to 
i Jewish Christians, but to certain individual readers closely and per- 
onally connected with the writer. 

Let us first examine these indications, and consider how far they tend 
9 ascertain the readers for whom this Epistle was originally designed. 
“In the first place, it may be held as certain that the Epistle was 
\ddressed to Hebrew Christians. Throughout its pages there is not a 
ingle reference to any other class of converts. Its readers are assumed 
0 be familiar with the Levitical worship, the Temple services, and all 
he institutions of the Mosaic ritual. They are in danger of apostasy 
fo Judaism, yet are not warned (like the Galatians and others) against 
circumcision ; plainly because they were already circumcised. They are 
salled to view in Christianity the completion and perfect consummation of 
Judaism. They are called to behold in Christ the fulfilment of the Law, 
in His person the antitype of the priesthood, in His offices the eternal 
realization of the sacrificial and mediatorial functions of the Jewish 
hierarchy. 

_ Yet, as we have said above, this work is not a treatise addressed to all 
Jewish Christians throughout the world, but to one particular Church, 
concerning which we learn the following facts: — First, its members had 
steadfastly endured persecution and the loss of property ; secondly, they 
had shown sympathy to their imprisoned brethren and to Christians gen- 
erally (x. 32-34, and vi. 10); thirdly, they were now in danger of 
apostasy, and had not yet resisted unto blood (xii. 3-4; see also v. 11, 
&., vi. 9, &c.); fourthly, their Church had existed for a considerable 
length of time (v. 12), and some of its chief pastors were dead (xiii. 7) ; 
fifthly, their prayers are demanded for the restoration to them of the writer 


’ 
~ 1 We need scareely remark that the inscrip- of later origin ; and the title by which this 
‘tion which the Epistle at present bears was not was first known was merely “to the Hebrews,” 
‘a part of the original document. It is well and not “of Paul to the Hebrews.” 
that the titles of all the Epistles were 

Bat 









THE ILOfE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 

























of the Epistle, who was therefore personally connected with them (xi 
19); sixthly, they were acquainted with Timotheus, who was about 
visit them (xiii. 23); seventhly, the arguments addiessed to them 
suppose a power on their part of appreciating that spiritualizing 
allegorical interpretation of the Old Testament which distinguished th 
Alexandrian ' School of Jewish Theology ; eighthly, they must have bee 
familiar with the Scriptures in the Septuagint version, because every on 
of the numerous quotations is taken from that version, even where it diffe: 
materially from the Hebrew; ninthly, the language in which they ai 
addressed is Hellenistic Greek, and not Aramaic.” 
It has been concluded by the majority, both of ancient and moder 
critics, that the church addressed was that of Jerusalem, or at least 
situate in Palestine. In favor of this view it is urged, first, that no chure 
out of Palestine could have consisted so exclusively of Jewish convert 
To this it may be replied, that the Epistle, though addressed only 1 
Jewish converts, and contemplating their position and their dange 
exclusively, might still have been sent to a church which contained Gent 
converts also. In fact, even in the church of Jerusalem itself, there m 
have been some converts from amoug the Gentile sojourners who lived i 
that city; so that the argument proves too much. Moreover, it is mi 
necessary that every discourse addressed to a mixed congregation sho 
discuss the position of every individual member. If an overwhelmit 
majority belong to a particular class, the minority is often passed over 
addresses directed to the whole body. Again, the Epistle may have be 
intended for the Hebrew members only of some particular church, whit 
contained also Gentile members; and this would perhaps explain 
absence of the usual address and salutation at the commencemel 
Secondly, it is urged that none but Palestinian Jews would have felt @ 


attachment to the Levitical ritual implied in the readers of this Epistl 


1 The resemblance between the Epistle to 
the Hebrews and the writings of Philo is most 
striking. It extends not only to the general 
points mentioned in the text, but to particn- 
lar doctrines and expressions: the parallel pas- 
sages are enumerated by Bleek. 

2 It may be considered as an established 
point, that the Greek Epistle which we now 
have is the original. Some of the early fa- 
thers thought that the original had been writ- 
ten in Aramaic; but the origin of this tradi- 
tion seems to have been, Ist, the belief that 
the Epistle was written by St. Paul, combined 
with the perception of its dissimilarity in style 
to his writings; and 2dly, the belief that it 











was addressed to the Palestinian Chu 

That the present Epistle is not a translat 
from an Aramaic original is proved, Ist, 
the quotation of the Septuagint argumentati 
ly, where it differs from the Hebrew ; for 
stance, Heb. x. 88: 2dly, by the paronomo 
upon Greek words, which could not be tr 
lated into Aramaic, ¢. g. that on Bee? Say | 

16); Sdly, by the free use of Greek ¢ 
pounds, &c., which could only be expressed 
Arcmaic by awkward periphrases ; 4th, by 
fact that even the earliest Christian writ 
had never seen a copy of the supposed A 
maic original. Its existence was only hj 
thetical from the first. 





_xxvm, READERS OF THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. 851 


But we do not see why the same attachment may not have been felt in 
every great community of Hebrews; nay, we know historically that no 
Jews were more devotedly attached to the Temple worship than those of 
the dispersion, who were only able to visit the Temple itself at distant 
intervals, but who still looked to it as the central point of their religious 
unity and of their national existence.'! Thirdly, it is alleged that many 
passages seem to imply readers who had the Temple services going on 
continually under their eyes. The whole of the ninth and tenth chapters 
speak of the Levitical ritual in a manner which naturally suggests this 
idea. On the other hand it may be argued, that such passages imply 
no more than that amount of familiarity which might be presupposed 
in those who were often in the habit of going up to the great feasts at 
Jerusalem. A 
_ Thus, then, we cannot see that the Epistle must necessarily have been 
addressed to Jews of Palestine, because addressed to Hebrews. And, 
moreover, if we examine the preceding nine conditions which must be 
Satisfied by its readers, we shall find some of them which could scarcely 
apply to the church of Jerusalem, or any other church in Palestine. 
Thus the Palestinian Church was remarkable for its poverty, and was the 
tecipient of the bounty of other churches ; whereas those addressed here 
are themselves the liberal benefactors of others. Again, those here 
‘addressed have not yet resisted unto blood; whereas the Palestinian 
peureh had produced many martyrs in several persecutions. Moreover, 
e Palestinian ‘ Jews would hardly be addressed in a style of reasoning 
Biaptca to minds imbued with Alexandrian culture. Finally, a letter to 
the church of Palestine would surely have been written in the language 
of Palestine ; or, at least, when the Scriptures of Hebraism were appealed 
to, they would not have been quoted from the Septuagint version, where 
ut differs from the Hebrew. 
F These considerations (above all, the last) seem to negative the 
hypothesis, that this Epistle was addressed to a church situate in the 
‘Holy Land ; and the latter portion of them point to another church, for 











1 They showed this by the large contribu. “ Hebrew” was applied as properly to Jews of 
ions which they sent to the Temple from all the dispersion as to Jews of Palestine. 
countries where they were dispersed; see 4 Cultivated individuals at Jerusalem (as, 
above, p- 739. for instance, the pupils of Gamaliel) would 
2 We cannot agree with Ebrard, that the have fully entered into such reasoning; but it 
Epistle contains indications that the Chris- would scarcely have been addressed to the 
tians addressed had been excluded from the mass of Jewish believers. Bleek (as we have 
Temple. before observed) has shown many instances of 
 ® Bleek and De Wette have urged the title parallelism between the Epistle to the Hebrews 
40 the Hebrews,” to prove the same point. and the writings of Philo, the representativ 
lea Wieseler bas conclusively shown that of Alexandrian Judaism. 


852 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST, PAUL. 












which we may more plausibly conceive it to have been intended, namely 
that of Alexandria.! Such a supposition would at once account for th 
Alexandrian tone of thought and reasoning, and for the quotations fron 
the Septuagint ;? while the wealth of the Alexandrian Jew would e 
plain the liberality here commended; and the immense Hebrew popul: 
tion of Alexandria would render it natural that the Epistle shoul 
contemplate the Hebrew Christians alone in that church, wherein ther 
may perhaps at first have been as few Gentile converts as in Jerusaler 
itself. It must be remembered, however, that this is only an hypothesis, 
offered as being embarrassed with fewer difficulties than any other whic 
has been proposed. 

Such, then, being the utmost which we can ascertain concerning 
readers of the Epistle, what can we learn of its writer? Let us 
examine the testimony of the Primitive Church on this bom! = 
well summed up by St. Jerome in the following passage : 
which is called the Epistle to the Hebrews is thought not to ba Pal 
because of the difference of style and language, but is ascribed either 
Barnabas (according to Tertullian) ; or to Luke the Evangelist (acco 
ing to some authorities) ; or to Clement (afterwards Bishop of Rome) 
who is said to have arranged and adorned Paul’s sentiments in his ow, 


language ; or at least it is thought that Paul abstained from the inseri 
tion of his name at its commencement because it was addressed to th 
Hebrews, among whom he was unpopular.” Here, then, we find that 
Epistle was ascribed to four different writers, — St. Barnabas, St. Luke 
St. Clement, or St. Paul. With regard to the first, Tertullian expressl 
says that copies of the Epistle in his day bore the inscription, “ Th 
Epistle of Barnabas to the Hebrews.” 
The opinion that either Luke or Clement was the write 
is mentioned by Clement of Alexandria, Origen,’ and others ; but 


by Philastrius. 


1 The canon of Muratori mentions an 
epistle ad Alexandrinos (which it rejects), and 
takes no notice of any epistle ad Hebreos. 
We cannot prove, however, that this epistle ad 
Alexandrinos was the same with our Epistle to 
the Hebrews. 

2 Bleek has endeavored to prove (and we 
think successfully) that these are not only from 
the LXX., but from the Alexandrian MSS. of 
the LXX. But we do not insist on this argu- 
ment, as it is liable to some doubt. 

8 Since the above remarks were published, 
this hypothesis has been advocated by Bunsen 
in his “ Hippolytus.” It is to be regretted that 
Wieseler should have encumbered his able ar- 
guments in defence of this hypothesis (original- 

















The same tradition is mentione 


ly suggested by Schmidt) by maintaining th 
the constant allusions to the Temple and bi 
rarchy in this Epistle refer to the Egyptia 
temple built by Onias at Leontopolis. 
notion is sufficiently refuted by Wieseler 
own admission, that even Philo the Alexa 
drian, when speaking of the Temple, kne 
but one, viz. the Temple on Mount Zion. 

* See p. 848, n. 4. 

5 After stating that the style is admit 
not to be that of St. Paul, Origen adds 
own opinion that the Epistle was written 
some disciple of St. Paul, who recorded t 
sentiments of the Apostle, and commented 
a scholiast upon the teaching of his mast 
Then follows the passage which is quoted b 


¥ 

= WRITER OF THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. 853 
seem not to have considered Luke or Clement as the independent authors 
of the Epistle, but only as editors of the sentiments of Paul. Some held 
that Luke had only translated the Pauline original; others that he or 
Clement had systematized the teaching of their master with a com- 
mentary of their own. Fourthly, St. Paul was held to be in scme sense 
the author of the Hpistle by the Greek ecclesiastical writers generally ; 
though no one, so far as we know, maintained that he had-written it in 
ita present form. On the other hand, the Latin Church, till the fourth 
century, refused to acknowledge the Epistle? as Paul’s in any sense. 

_ Thus there were, in fact, only two persons whose claim to the inde- 
pendent authorship of the Epistle was maintained in the Primitive Church, 
viz., St. Barnabas and St. Paul. Those who contend that Barnabas was 
the author confirm the testimony of Tertullian by the following argu- 
ments from internal evidence. First, Barnabas was a Levite, and there- 
fore would naturally dwell on the Levitical worship which forms so 
prominent a topic of this Epistle. Secondly, Barnabas was a native of 
Cyprus, and Cyprus was peculiarly connected with Alexandria; so that a 
Cyprian Levite would most probably receive his theological education at 
Alexandria. This would agree with the Alexandrian character of the 
argumentation of this Epistle. Thirdly, this is further confirmed by the 
ancient tradition which connects Barnabas and his kinsman Mark with 
the church of Alexandria.? Fourthly, the writer of the Epistle was a 
friend of Timotheus (see above, pp. 845, 850); so was Barnabas (cf. 
‘Acts xiii. and xiv. with 2 Tim. iii. 11). Fifthly, the Hebraic appellation 
which Barnabas received from the Apostles — “ Son of Exhortation” * — 
shows that he possessed the gift necessary for writing a composition dis- 
‘tinguished for the power of its hortatory admonitions. 


i 


_ The advocates of the Pauline authorship urge, in addition to the 
‘external testimony which we have before mentioned, the following argu- 
‘ments from internal evidence. First, that the general plan of the Epistle 
‘is similar to that of Paul’s other writings; secondly, that its doctrinal 
sentiments are identical with Paul’s ; thirdly, that there are many points 
of similarity between its phraseology and diction and those of Paul.) On 








; after which he mentions the tradition ship could not easily have been forgotven,” 

about Clement and Luke.—Origen in Euseb. and also that “ we should not expect in Bar- 

Hist. Ecc. vi. 25. nabas so Pauline a turn of mind.” On these 

1 See the preceding note. grounds he assigns the epistle to Apollos. 

_ 4 Eyen Cyprian rejected it, and Hilary is * So the word is translated by some of the 

the first writer of the Western Church who best authorities. See p. 109, note 7. 

| received it as St. Paul’s. ’ The ablest English champion of the 
unsen acknowledges the force of the Pauline authorship is Dr. Davidson, who hzs 

| ercuments in favor of Barnabas, but thinks stated the arguments on both sides with that 

if he had been the author “his author- perfect candor which so peculiarly distinguish 


854 


the other hand, the opponents of the Pauline origin argue, first, that th 
rhetorical character of the composition is altogether unlike Paul’s othe 
writings; secondly, that there are many points of difference in th 
phraseology and diction ; thirdly that the quotations of the Old Test 
ment are not made in the same form as Paul’s;" fourthly, that 
writer includes himself among those who had received the Gospel from ti 
original disciples of the Lord Jesus (ii. 3),? whereas St. Paul decle 
that the Gospel was not taught him by man, but by the revelation of Jest 
Christ (Gal. i. 11, 12); fifthly, that St. Paul’s Epistles always begi 
with his name, and always specify in the salutation the persons to whoi 


they are addressed.’ 


Several very able modern critics have agreed with Luther in assignin 
the authorship of this Epistle to Apollos, chiefly because we know him 
have been a learned Alexandrian Jew,‘ and because he fulfils the oth 
conditions mentioned above, as required by the internal evidence. B 
we need not dwell on this opinion, since it is not based on external tes 
mony, and since Barnabas fulfils the requisite conditions almost equal 


well. 


Finally, we may observe, that, notwithstanding the doubts which 
have recorded, we need not scruple to speak of this portion of Scriptu 
“the Epistle of Paul the Apostle to @ 
We have seen that Jerome expresses the greatest dou 
concerning its authorship: Origen also says, “The writer is known | 
God alone :” the same doubts are expressed by Eusebius and by Aug 
tine: yet all these great writers refer to the words of the Epistle as ¢ 
words of Paul. In fact, whether written by Barnabas, by Luke, | 


by its canonical designation, as 
Hebrews.” 


es him among theological writers. See David- 
son’s Introduction, vol. iii. pp. 168-259. Eb- 
rard, in his recent work on the Epistle, argues 
plausibly in favor of the hypothesis mentioned 
above, that it was written by St. Luke, under 
the direction of St. Paul. He modifies this 
hypothesis by supposing Luke to receive 
Paul’s instructions at Rome, and then to write 
the Epistle in some other part of Italy. We 
think, however, that the argument on which 
he mainly relies (viz. that the writer of xiii. 
19 could not have been the writer of xiii. 23) 
is untenable. 

1 It should be observed that the three pre- 
ceding arguments do not contradict the primi- 
tive opinion that the Epistle contained the em- 
bodiment of St. Paul’s sentiments by the pen 
of Luke or Clement. 

2 Some have argued that this could not 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 
















have been said by Barnabas, because 
receive the tradition mentioned by Cleme 
Alexandria, that Barnabas was one of 
seventy disciples of Christ. But this ir 
tion seems to have arisen from a confusion 
tween Barnabas and Barsabas (Acts if 
Tertullian speaks of Barnabas as a discipl 
the Apostles, “ qui ab Apostolis didicit.” 
Pudic. c. 20. ; 

3 We have not mentioned here the mist 
which some suppose the writer to have 
concerning the internal arrangements of 
Temple and the official duties of the E 
Priest. These difficulties will be discusse 
the notes upon the passages where they ¢ 
They are not of a kind which tend to fix 
authorship of the Epistle upon one more | 
upon another of those to whom it has t 
assigned. i. 


q 
855 


‘(GHAP, XXVIIL EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. 


Clement, or by Apollos, it represented the views, and was impregnated 
by the influence, of the great Apostle, whose disciples even the chief of 
these Apostolic men might well be called. By their writings, no less 
than by his own, he, being dead, yet spake. 

We have seen that the Epistle to the Hebrews was addressed to Jewish 
converts who were tempted to apostatize from Christianity, and return 
to Judaism. Its primary object was to check this apostasy, by showing. 
them the true end and meaning of the Mosaic system, and its symbolical 
and transitory character. They are taught to look through the shadow 
to the substance, through the type to the antitype. But the treatise, 
though first called forth to meet the needs of Hebrew converts, was not 
designed for their instruction only. The Spirit of God has chosen this 
occasion to enlighten the Universal Church concerning the design of the 
ancient covenant, and the interpretation of the J ewish Scriptures. Nor 
could the memory of St. Paul be enshrined in a nobler monument, nor 
his mission on earth be more fitly closed, than by this inspired record of 
‘the true subordination of Judaism to Christianity. 


THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS.’ 


he GOD, who at sundry times and in divers manners spake 
self finaly to of old to our fathers by the prophets, hath ® in these last Jays : 
“pesenof His sooken unto us by* His Son, whom He appointed heir of all 
things, by whom also He made the universe ;* who, being an emanation ‘ 


1 We have the following circumstances to 
fix the date of this Epistle :— 
_ (1) The Temple of Jerusalem was stand- 
ing, and the services going on undisturbed (vii. 
25, xiii. 11-13). Hence it was written before 
the destruction of the Temple in a.p. 70. 
(2) Its author was at liberty in Italy ; and 
Timotheus was just liberated from imprison- 
“ment (xiii. 23, 24). If St. Paul wrote it, this 
would fix the date at 63; but as we do not 
hear that Timotheus was then imprisoned in 
Italy (either in Acts, or in the Epistles to 
‘Timothy, where allusions might be expected 
" to the fact), it woald seem more probable that 
“his imprisonment here mentioned took place 
about the time of St. Paul’s death, and that 
“he was liberated after the death of Nero. 
This would place the date of the Epistle in 
“A.D. 68 or 69, if our chronology be correct : 
) see Chronol. Table in Appendix IL. 
_ (8) This date agrees with u. 8, which 
places the readers of the Epistle among those 


. 


4 






who had not seen our Lord in the flesh; for 
the “we” there plainly includes the readers as 
well as the writer. 

2 In order to mark the difference of style 
and character between this and the preceding 
Epistles, the translator has in this Epistle ad- 
hered as closely as possible to the language 
of the Authorized Version. 

8 The Hellenistic peculiarity of using the 

aorist for the perfect (which is not uncom- 
mon in St. Paul’s writings, see Rom. xi. 30, 
and Phil. iii. 12) is very frequent in this Epis- 
tle. 
4 The best MSS. have the singular. It 
should perhaps rather be translated “ in the end 
of these days,” these days being contrasted with 
the fature period, the world to come. 

6 The preposition means more than by? 


_(so in preceding verse) ; tn the person of His 


Son would be more accurate. 
6 “The worlds: ” so xi. 3. 
7 Not “ brightness” (A. V.), but emanation, 


ee 


10 


12 


$56 


of His glory, and an express! image of His substance,’ and upho 
things by the word of His power, when He had by Himself made p 
cation *® for our sins, sat down on the right hand of the Majesty on hig 
being made so much greater than the Angels, as He hath by inheritane 
obtained a more excellent name than they. 

For to which of the Angels‘ said He at any time, “ Chon xr who is high 
art my son, this day bube J begotten thee” ?*° And again, Anges, 
“J will be to bim a father, and be shall be to mea son”?* Be 
when He bringeth back’ the First-begotten into the world, He saith 


“And let all the Angels of God worship bim.”* And of the ange 
He saith, ““@bo maketh bis angels spirits, and bis minister 
But unto the Son He saith, 
is for eber and eber; a sceptre of righteousness is the sceptre c 
iby kingdom. Gbou hast loved righteousness and bated iniquity 
therefore God, ever thy God, bath anointed thee with the oil o 
gladness abobe thp fellotos.” And “ Ghou, Lord, in the begin 
ning didst lap the foundation of the earth, and the beabens are th 
forks of thine band. @bep shall perish, but thom remainest 
and they all shall toax old us doth a garment, and as w bestur 


flames of fire.”*® 


as of light from the sun. The word and idea 
occur in Philo. 

1 Literally, impression, as of a seal on wax. 
The same expression is used by Philo concern- 
ing “the Eternal Word.” 

2 Not “person” (A. V.), but substance. 
Cf xi. 1; and see note on iii. 14. 

8 The “by Himself” and “our” of T. R. 
are not found in some of the best MSS. 

* The Law (according to a Jewish tradi- 
tion frequently confirmed in the New Testa- 
ment) was delivered by angels (Acts vii. 53; 
Gal. iii. 19; Heb. ii. 8). Hence the emphasis 
here laid upon the inferiority of the angels to 
the Messiah, whence follows the inferiority of 
the Law to the Gospel. This inference is ex- 
pressed ii. 3. 

5 Ps, ii. 7 (LXX.). 

® 2 Sam. vii. 14 (LXX.) (originally spoken 
of Solomon, in whom we see a type of Christ. 
Cf. Ps. Ixxii.). 

7 This is, literally translated, when He shall 
have brought back, not again, when He has brought 
back. The ascension of Christ having been 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 



































“hy throne, © Gor 


mentioned, His return to judge the 
follows. 
8 This quotation forms an exception | 
Bleek’s assertion, that the quotations in th 
Epistle are always from the Alexandrian te} 
of the LXX. It is from Deut. xxxii. 43, vel 
batim according to the MSS. followed by t 
T. R.; but not according to the Codex Alex 
which reads “sons p 


which entirely omits the words here quote 
The passage where the quotation occurs is 
the conclusion of the final song of Mose 
where he is describing God’s vengeance 1 
His enemies. It seems here to be applied i 
a higher sense to the last judgment. 
9 Ps. civ. 4. Quoted according to Li 
The Hebrew is, ‘‘ Who maketh the winds E 
messengers, and the flames His minister 
But the thought expressed here is, that 
employs His angels in the physical operas: 
of the universe. “ Spirits” is equivalent 
“winds,” as at John iii. 8, and Gen. viii. 
(LXX.). 10 Pg, xle * 7 (LXS 


Rar, XXVIII. 


EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. 


857 


balt thou fold them up and they shall be changed; but thou art 
he same, and thy years spall not jo | 

But to which of the angels hath He said at any time, * Sit thon on 13 
ny right band, until J make thine enemies thy footstool” ?*- Are 14 
hey not all ministering spirits, sent forth to execute [His] service for® 
he sake of those who shall inherit salvation ? 


Therefore we ought to give the more earnest heed to the things which ii. 


ve have heard, lest at any time we should let them slip. For if the 
yord declared by angels * was steadfast, and every transgression and dis- 
sbedience received a due requital ; how shall we escape, if we neglect so 
great salvation ? which was declared at first by the Lord, and was estab- 
fished * unto us’ on firm foundations by those who heard Him, God also 
bearing them witness, both with signs and wonders, and divers miracles, 
and with gifts of the Holy Spirit, which He distributed * according to His 


own will. 


For not unto angels hath He subjected the world? to come, whereof 
we speak. But one in a certain place testified, saying, ‘‘ GHbat 1s man 


that thou art mindful of him, 


est him? for x little tobile ® thou hast mane 


or the son of man that thou regurd- 


him loteer than the 


i 


a on 


<I 


angels; thou bast crotoned bim toith glory and honor,” thou bast 8 
put all things in subjection under his feet.” ? For in that He “ put 
all things im subjection ” under Him, He left nothing that should not 


be put under Him. 


1 Ps, cii. 26-28. (LXX.) It is most im- 
portant to observe that this description, applied 
in the original to God, is here without hesita- 
tion applied to Christ. 
2 Ps.cx.1. (LXX.) Applied to the Mes- 
‘giah by our Lord himself, by St. Peter (Acts 
_ 35), and by St. Paul (1 Cor. xv. 25). 

3 The A. V., “to minister for them, is in- 
_ ‘Frect. 
4 The active signification here given in 
_ Y. is defended by Buttmann and Wahl. 

5 Viz. the Mosaic Law. See the note on i. 5. 
6 The verb means, was established on firm 












| 7On the inferences from this verse, see 
Dove, p. 524. 
. § “Distributed.” Compare 1 Cor. xii. 11. 


‘The world to come here corresponds with 


a 


¥ 


= 


the city to come of xiii. 14. The subjection of 
this to the Messiah (though not yet accom- 
plished, see verse 9) was another proof of His 
superiority to the angels. 

10 The phrase may mean in a small degree, 
or for a short time; the former is the meaning 
of the Hebrew original, but the latter mean- 
ing is taken here, as we see from verse 9. 

1. The T. R. inserts here what we find in 
A. V., and hast set Him over the works of thy 
hands, but this is not found in the best MSS. 

12 Pg, viii. 5-7 (LXX.). Quoted also (with 
a slight variation), as referring to our Lord, 
1 Cor. xv. 27, and Eph. i. 22. The Hebrew 
Psalmist speaks of mankind: the New Testa- 
ment teaches us to apply his words in a higher 
sense to Christ, the representative of glorified 
bumanity. 


18 


858 


But now we see not yet all things in subjection under Him. 


But we behold Jesus, who was “‘ for w little fobile made that 
lotoer than the angels,” crowned through! the suffering of *srte4! 
death with glory and honor; that by the free gift of God He sigh 
might taste death for all men. For it became Him, through ? whom are 
things, and by whom are all things, in bringing* many sons unto gle y 
to consecrate ‘ by sufferings the Captain® of their salvation.” 

For both He that sanctifieth, and they that are ® sanctified, have an OL 
Father ; wherefore He is not ashamed to call them brethren, say 
“@ till declare Ohy name to my brethren, in the midst of the 
gregation foill J sing praises unto Thee.”’ And again, “ ¥ bot 
put my trust in Bim; lo, ¥ and the children tohich God bat 
giben me.” * Forasmuch, then, as “‘ the children” are partakers of fles 
and blood, He also himself likewise took part of the same, that by deat 
He might destroy the lord of death, that is, the Devil; and migh 
deliver them who through fear of death were all their lifetime subject 
For truly He giveth His aid,? not unto angels, but unto th 
seed of Abraham. Wherefore it behooved Him in all things to be mat 
like unto His brethren, that He might become a merciful” and faith fu 
High Priest in the things of God, to make expiation for the sins of th 
For whereas He hath himself been tried™ by suffering, He i 
able to succor them that are in trial. 


bondage. 


people. 


£ Compare Phil. ii. 8, 9. 

2 Compare Rom. xi. 36, and 1 Cor. viii. 6. 
God is here described as the First Cause (“by 
whom”) and the Sustainer (“ through whom’) 
of the Universe. 

3 For the grammar here we may refer to 
Acts xi. 12. 

* Literally, to bring to the appointed accom- 
plishment, to develop the full idea of the character, 
to consummate. The latter word would be the 
best translation, if it were not so unusual as 
applied to persons; but the word consecrate is 
often used in the same sense, and is employed 
in the A. V. as a translation of this verb, vii. 
28. 

5 Captain. Those who are being saved are 
here represented as an army, with Jesus lead- 
ing them on. Compare xii. 2. 

® Literally, who are in the process of sancti- 
fication. 


THE LIFH AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 



















hep “7 


7 Ps. xxii. 23 (LXX. with a slight char 
in the verb for “declare”). Here again th 
Messianic application of this Psalm (which 
not apparent in the original) is very instructiy 

8 This quotation from Isa. viii. 17, 1 
(LXX.), appears in English to be broken ini 
two (which destroys the sense), if the inte 
mediate words “and again ” (which are not i 
the LXX.) be inserted. Indeed, it may we 
be suspected that they have here been int 
duced into the MSS., by an error of trans 
tion, from the line above. 

® The verb means ¢o assist here. So it 
used in Sirach iv. 12. The A. V. mistrai 
lates the present tense as past. 

10 Perhaps it would be more correct to trant 


a Literally, hath ou fered whenintrial. Th 
verb does not mean usually to be *empted to si 


SHAP, XXVIL EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. 859 
ai is Wherefore, holy brethren, partakers of a heavenly calling, 
oses. 


consider the Apostle! and High Priest of our Confession,’ 
Christ’ Jesus ; who was faithful to Him that appointed Him, as Moses 
also was “ faithful in all the bousehols of Gov.”* For greater glory 
is due to Him than unto Moses, inasmuch as the founder of the house- 
hold is honored above the household. For every household hath some 
founder ; but He that hath founded all things is God. And Moses indeed 
was “faithful in all the housebold of God” as “a Servant ”® ap- 
pointed to testify the words that should be spoken [unto him]; but 
Christ as “ x Son” ® over His own household. 

And His household are we, if we hold fast our confidence, 
spontasy and the rejoicing of our hope, firmly unto the end. Where- 
fore, as the Holy Spirit saith, “Co-dap, if ve hear Bis boice, harden 
not pour hearts as in the provocation, in the Duy of temptation in 
the toilderness ; tohen pour fathers fenrpted me, proved me, and sib 
mp works forty years. Wherefore J tons griebed with that gene- 
ration, and said, Dhey do altoay exr in their hearts, and they’ 
habe not hnoton my wags. So J stoare in my forath, Chey shall 
‘not enter into my rest.”*® Take heed, brethren, lest there be in any of 
you an evil heart of unbelief, in departing from the living God. But 
exhort one another daily while it is called To-day, lest any of you be 
hardened through the deceitfulness of sin. For we are made partakers * 


‘Warning 


of Christ, if we hold our first foundation 10 firmly unto the end. 


but to be tried by affliction. Cf. 1 Cor. x. 18, 
‘and James i. 2. Hence it is better not to 
translate it by temptation, which, in modem 
English, conveys only the former idea. A 
perplexity may perhaps be removed from some 
_ English readers by the information that St. 
James’s direction to “count it all joy when 
‘we fall into divers temptations,” is, in reality, 
an admonition to rejoice in suffering for 
Dhrist’s sake. 

1 Apostle is hera used in its etymological 
| gense for one sent forth. 
2 For “confession” compare iv. 14 and x. 











23, 
| 8 We have not departed here from the 
‘'T.B.; but the best MSS. omit “ Christ.” 

" 4Numbers xii. 7 (LXX.). “My servant 
| Moses is faithful in all my household.” The 


metaphor is of a faithful steward presiding 
over his master’s household. 

5 “Servant,” quoted from the same verse, 
Numbers xii. 7 (LXX.). (See above.) 

6 See the quotations in i. 5. 

7 They is emphatic. 

8 The above quotation is from Ps. xcv. 
7-11, mainly according to the Codex Alexan- 
drinus of the LXX., but not entirely so, the 
forty years interpolated in verse 9th being the 
principal, though not the only variation. 
The peculiar use of “if” here (and iv. 3) is a 
Hebraism. 

9 “Partakers.” Compare iii. 1, and vi. 4 
(“« partakers of the Holy Spirit’). 

10 Literally, the beginning of our foundation. 
The original meaning of the latter word is that 
whereon any thing else stands, or is supported ; 


860 


When it is said, “‘ @o-day, if ye hear Bis boice, harden not pe 
hearts as im the provocation,” — who! were they that, though th 
had heard, did provoke? Were they not all? whom Moses brought for 
out of Egypt? And with whom was He grieved forty years? Was 
not with them that had sinned, whose carcasses fell in the wildernes: 
And to whom sware He that they should not enter into His rest, but 
them that were disobedient?‘ And* we see that they could not ente 


because of unbelief.* 


Therefore let us fear, since a promise still’ remaineth of entering iz 
His rest, lest any of you should be found® to come short of it. For 
have received glad tidings as well as they; but the report which 
heard did not profit them, because it® met no belief in the hearers. 
we THAT HAVE BELIEVED are entering into the [promised] rest. 


thus He hath said, “ So J stoare in my forath, They shall HO 
enter into ny rest.”*° Although His works were finished, ever s 
4 the foundation of the world ; for He hath spoken in a certain place of fi 


5 seventh day in this wise, “And God did REST on the sebenth f 
from all His toorks ;”” and in this place again, “ Chey shall H Di 
enter into my rest.” Since therefore it still remaineth that s 


hence it acquired the meaning of substantia, or 
substance (in the metaphysical sense of the 
term). Cf. Heb. i. 3, and xi. 1; hence, again, 
that of ground, nearly in the sense of subject- 
matter (2 Cor. ix. 4; 2 Cor. xi.17). There is 
no passage of the New Testament where it 
need necessarily be translated “ confidence ;” 
although it seems to have the latter meaning 
in some passages of the LXX. cited by Bleek ; 
and it is also so used by Diodorus Siculus, 
and by Polybius. 

1 We follow the accentuation adopted by 
Chrysostom, Griesbach, &c. 

? The inference is that Christians, though 
dclivered by Christ from bondage, would 
nevertheless perish if they did not persevere 
(see verses 6 and 14). The interrogation is 
not observed in A. V. 

5 Literally, limbs; but the word is used by 
the LXX. for carcasses. Numbers xiv. 32. 
* Not “that believed not” (A. V.). 

note on Rom. xi. 30. 
5 “ And,” not “So” (A. V.). 


See 


THE LIYE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


> 
CHAP, 














® The allusion is to the refusal of the Isr 
ites to believe in the good report of the | 
of Canaan brought by the spies. (Numb 
xiii. and xiv.) 

7 “Still remaineth.” Compare “rem: 
eth,” verses 6 and 9. The reasoning is ¢ 
plained by what follows, especially verses 6-4 

8 Should be seen. 

® Literally, it was not mixed with belief. Ti 
other reading would mean, “they were n 
united by belief to its hearers,” where its hed re 
must mean the spies, who reported what they he 
heard of the richness of the land. Tischet 
dorf, in his 2d edition, retains the T. R. 

10 The A. V. here strangely departs 
the correct translation which it adopts ab 
(iii. 11). 

0 Gen. ii. 2 (LXX. slightly altered). 

12 The meaning of this is, —God’s re 
was a perfect rest, — He declared His intel 
tion that His people should enjoy His rest, 
that intention has not yet been fulfilled, —i 
fulfilment therefore is still to come. 


EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. 861 





ust enter therein, and they who first received the glad tidings thereof 4 
tered not, because of disobedience,' He aGain fixeth a certain day,— 7 
€6-239 ,” — declaring in David, after so long a time (as hath been 
aid), “ Go-day, if pe bear Bis boice, harden not gour beurts.” 

for if Joshua had given them rest, God would not speak afterwards of & 
NotHER day. Therefore there still remaineth a Sabbath-rest? for the 9 
eople of God. For he that is entered into God’s rest must* himself 10 
iso rest from his labors, as God did from His. Let us therefore strive 11 
o enter into that rest, lest any man fall after the same example of 
lisobedience.* 

—. For the word of God‘ liveth and worketh, and is sharper 12 
motte than any two-edged sword, piercing even to the dividing 
= of soul and spirit, yea, to the inmost parts thereof, and 
judging the thoughts and imaginations of the heart. Neither is there 18 
any creature that is not manifest in His sight. But all things are naked 
and opened unto the eyes of Him with whom we have to do. 

Seeing, then, that we have a great High Priest, who hath 14 
wb can passed’ through the heavens, Jesus the Son of God, let us _ 
eee eee hold fast our confession. For we have not a High Priest 15 
: _ that cannot be touched with a feeling of our infirmities, but 
who bore in all things the likeness of our trials, yet without sin. Let us 16 


herefore come boldly to the throne of grace, that we may obtain mercy, 


‘and find grace to help in time of need. For every High Priest taken v i 
in the things of 


eg 


















from among men is ordained’ to act on behalf of men in 


v 
=. 
% 1 Here it is said they entered not because of 
“disobedience ; in iii. 19, because of unbelief ; but 
his does not justify us in translating these 
different Greek expressions (as in A. V.) by Psalmist. 
the same English word. The rejection of the 5 The word of God is the revelation of the 
Tsraelites was caused both by unbelief and by mind of God, imparted to man. See note on 
isobedience; the former being the source of Eph. v.26. Here it denotes the revelation of 
latter. God’s judgment to the conscience. 
2 Strictly, a keeping of Sabbatical rest. 6 The expression is literally, of soul and 
_ 8 Literally, hath rested, the aorist used for spirit, both joint and marrow ; the latter being 
erfe To complete the argument of this a proverbial expression for utterly, even to the 
erse, we must supply the minor premise, but inmost parts. 
Ps people have never yet enjoyed this perfect 7 “ Through,” not “into” (A. V.). The 
est ; whence the conclusion follows, therefore allusion is to the high priest passing through 
its enjoyment is still future, as before. the courts of the Temple to the Holy of Ho- 


_ 4 The reasoning of the above passage rests lies. Compare ix. 11 and 24. 
upon the truth that the unbelief of the Israel- 8 See note on ii. 18. 


ites, and the repose of Canaan, were typical 
of higher realities ; and that this fact had 
been divinely intimated in the words of the 


14 
vi. 1 


ye ought, after so long a time,” to be teachers, ye need again derstanding, 


862 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAU«. CHAP. 2x¥ 


God, that he may offer gifts and sacrifices for sins; and is able to be 
with the ignorant! and erring, being himself also encompassed wit 
infirmity. And by reason thereof, he is bound, as for the people,’ so 4 
for himself, to make offering for sins. And no man taketh this honor 
himself, but he that is* called by God, as was Aaron. So also Chri 
glorified not Himself, to be made a High Priest; but He that said unt 
Him, “ how art my Son, to-day habe I begotten thee.”* As Hi 
saith also in another place, “ Chou art & Priest foreber ufter the ore 
of Welebisedec.”° Who in the days of His flesh offered up prayer 
and supplications with strong crying and tears unto Him that could say 
Him from death, and was heard because He feared God ;° and though 
was a Son, yet learned He obedience’ by suffering. And when His 
secration ® was accomplished, He became the author of eternal salvation 
to all them that obey Him; having been named by God a High Pries 
after the order of Welchisedec.” 
Of whom I have many things to say, and hard of interpreta- The readers 


tion, since ye have grown ® dull in understanding.” For when 24 for thelr 











to be taught yourselves what” are the first principles of the oracles o 
God; and ye have come to need milk, instead of meat." For every on 
that feeds on milk is ignorant of the doctrine of righteousness, for he i 
a babe ; but meat is for men full grown, who, through habit, have thet 


senses exercised to know good from evil. Therefore let me leave™ th 


1 The sin-offerings were mosily for sins of 
ignorance. See Levit. chap. vy. 

2 See Levit. chap. iv. and chap. ix. 

8 If (with the best MSS.) we omit the 
article, the translation will be, ‘‘ but when called 
by God,” which does not alter the sense. 

4 Ps. ii. 7 (LXX.). 

6 Ps, cx. 4 (LXX.). 

& “Wear” hear means the fear of God. 
Compare “ God-fearing men,” Acts ii.5. The 
sentiment corresponds remarkably with that 
of chan. xii. 5-11. 

- here is a junction here of words of 
similar sound and parallel meaning, with 
which the readers of /ischylus and Herodo- 
tus arefamiliar. See Ausch. Agam. and Herod. 
1, 207. 

® Compare i. 10, and the note there. 









° “Have grown,” implying that they hat 
declined from a more advanced state of Chri 
tian attainment. 

10 Literally, “in their hearing.” 
Acts xvii. 20, and Matt. xiii. 15. 

li Literally, because of the time, viz. the lengt 
of time elapsed since your conversion. Se 
the preceding introductory remarks, p. 850. 

2 We accentuate with Griesbach, Tische 
dorf, &c. : 

18 The adjective does not mean “ strong 
(A. V.), but solid, opposed to lignid. We u 
meat for solid food in general. 

14 The Ist person plural here, as at vy. I 
vi. 3, vi. 9, vi. 11, is used by the writer; it 
translated by the lst person singular in Eng 
lish, according to the principle laid down, 
$41, note 8. 


Compa: 


EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. 863 





Vi. 
vudiments of the doctrine of Christ, and go on to its maturity ; not lay- 
ng again the foundation, — of Repentance from dead works, and Faith 
wards God ;— Baptism, Instruction,’ and Laying-on of hands;*— 2 


snd Resurrection of the dead, and Judgment everlasting. 


— And this I will do® if God permit. For it is impossible ®3, 
postasy, again to renew unto repentance those who have been once 


snlightened, and have tasted of the heavenly gift, and been made par- 
takers of the Holy Spirit, and have tasted the goodness of the word of 
God,’ and the powers of the world to come,’ and afterwards have fallen 
AWAY ; ; seeing they ® crucify to themselves the Son of God afresh, and put 
Him to an open shame. For the earth, when it hath drunk in the rain 

at falleth oft upon it, if it bear herbs profitable to those for whom it is 
A partaketh of God’s blessing; but if it bear thorns and thistles, it 
s counted worthless, and is nigh unto cursing, and its end is to be 
Ea nina burned. But, beloved, I am persuaded better things of you, 
ecrerance. and things that accompany salvation, though I thus speak. 
For God is not unrighteous to forget your labor, and the love” which ye 
have shown to His name, in the services ye have rendered and still ren- 


der™ to the saints. ButI desire earnestly that every one of you might 


ie 


1 Dead works here may mean either sinful 
works (cf. Eph. ii. 1, “dead in sins”), or 
legal works ; but the former meaning seems to 
correspond better with the “repentance ” here, 
and with ix. 14. 

_ 2 We take the punctuation sanctioned by 
CI stom. 

_ 8 This was the Catechetical Instruction, 
which, in the Apostolic age, followed baptism, 
as we have already mentioned, p. 383. 

_ * This is mentioned as following baptism, 
Acts viii. 17-19, xix. 6, and other places. 

” 5 Or, let me do, if we read with the best 



















rudiments of Christianity over again; 
ne that it is useless to attempt, by the 
petition of such instruction, to recall those 
Hi ho haye renounced Christianity to repent- 
ance. The impossibility which he speaks of 

has reference (it should be observed) only to 
nan agents; it is only said that all human 
ns of acting on the iveart have been exhausted 


in such a case. Of course, no limit is placed 
on the Divine power. Even in the passage, x 
26-31 (which is much stronger than the pres- 
ent passage), it is not said that such apostates 
are never brought to repentance, but only 
that it cannot be expected they ever should be. 
Both passages were much appealed to by the 
Novatians, and some have thought that this 
was the cause which so long prevented the 
Latin Church from receiving this Epistle ito 
the Canon. 

7 i.e. have experienced the fulfilment of 
God’s promises. 

8 The powers of the world to come appear to 
denote the miraculous operations of the spirit 
ual gifts. They properly belonged to the 
“world to come.” 

2 These apostates to Judaism crucified 
Christ afresh, inasmuch as they virtually gave 
their approbation to His crucifixion by join- 
ing His erucifiers. 

19 “T.abor ” is omitted in the best MSS. 

ii Compare x. 32, and the remarks, p. 850 
For “ saints.” see nota on 1 or, i. 2. 


id 


11 


17 


18 


19 


20 


ii. 1 


864 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 






show the same zeal, to secure the full possession! of your hope unto 1 
end; that ye be not slothful, but follow the example of them who thee iT 
faith and steadfastness inherit the promises. For God when He mai 
promise to Abraham, because He could swear by no greater, sware i 


Himself, saying, “ Verily, blessing J will bless thee, and multipl 
ing J will multiply thee;”? and so, having steadfastly endured, I 
For men, indeed, swear by the greater; ar 
their oath establisheth‘ their word, so that they cannot gainsay ii 
Wherefore God, willing more abundantly to show unto the heirs of th 
promise the immutability of His counsel, set an oath between hims 
and them ;° that by two immutable things, wherein it is impossible fo 
God to lie, we that have fled [to Him] for refuge might have a s 
encouragement *® to hold fast the hope set before us. 
have as an anchor of the soul, both sure and steadfast, and enteriz 
within the veil; whither Jesus, our forerunner, is for us entered, bei 
made “ x High Priest forever after the order of Melchisedec.”* 
‘king of Salem,” ° “ priest of the me ae 
most bigh Gov, ”® who met Abraham returning from the (* ; 
slaughter of the kings and blessed him, to whom also Abra- 

dis 
a tenth part of all,” — who is first, by inter- 


obtained the promise. 


For this Melchisedec,® 


ham gave “ 











Which hope 1 


pretation, Kine or RicuTeousness," and, secondly, king of eternal 


Salem,” which is Kmve or PEacE— without father, without 
mother, without table of descent * — 


1 Such appears the meaning of the word 
here. The English word satisfaction, in its 
different usec, bears a close analogy to it. 

2 Gen. xxii. 17 (LXX., except that “ thee” 
is put for “ thy seed”). 

8 Abraham’s “steadfast endurance” was 
shown just before he obtained this promise, in 
the offering up of Isaac. 

* Literally, their oath is to them an end of all 
gainsaying, unto establishment [of their word.] 

5 The verb means to interpose between two 
parties. Bleek gives instances of its use, both 
transitively and intransitively. The literal 
English of the whole phrase is, He interposed 
with an oath between the two parties. The “two 
immutable things ” are God’s promise and His 
oath. 

8 This construction of the words seems to 
agree better with the ordinary meaning (see 













having neither beginning of day 


Heb. xii. 5, and xiii. 22; also Heb iv. 
than the A. V. 

7 Ps. ex. 4, quoted above, verse 6 and ve 
10, and three times in the next chapter. 

8 The following passage cannot be righ 
understood, unless we bear in min a 
out that Melchisedec is here spoken of, not 
an historical personage, but as a type of 

® Gen. xiv. 18 (LXX.). 

10 Gen. xiv. 20 (LXX.). 

1 This is the translation of his B 
name. 12 Salem in Hebrew means p 

18 “ Without table of descent.” This 
plains the two preceding words; the me 
ing is, that the priesthood of Melchisedee 
not, like the Levitical priesthood, depend 
on his descent, through his parents, from a p 
ticular family, but was a personal office. 

1* Here, as in the previous “ without fathe 


OBAP, XXVIN. EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. 865 


aor end of life, but made like unto the Son of God — remaineth a priest 
forever. 

Now consider how great this man was, to whom even Abraham the 
patriarch gave a tenth of the choicest’ spoil. And truly those among 
the sons of Levi who receive the office of the priesthood have a com- 
mandment to take tithes according to the Law from the People, that is, 
from their brethren, though they come out of the loins of Abraham. 
But he, whose descent is not counted from them, taketh tithes from 
Abraham, and blesseth? the possessor of the promises. Now without all 
contradiction, the less is blessed by the greater.’ And here, tithes are 
received by men that die; but there, by him of whom it is testified * that 
he liveth. And Levi also, the receiver of tithes, hath paid tithes (so to 
speak) by*® Abraham ; for he was yet in the loins of his father when Mel- 
chisedec met him. 

Now if all things* were perfected by the Levitical priesthood (since 
under it? the people hath received the Law),* what further need was 
there that another priest should rise “ after the order of Welchisedec,” 
and not be called “after the order of Aaron”? For the priesthood 

‘being changed, there is made of necessity a change also of the Law.’ 
For He " of whom these things are spoken belongeth to another tribe, of 
which no man giveth attendance ™ at the altar ; it being evident that our 
Lord hath arisen” out of Judah, of which tribe Moses spake nothing con- 
cerning priesthood. And this is far more evident when 3 another priest 
ariseth after the likeness of Melchisedec; who is made not under the law 
of a carnal commandment, but with the power of an imperishable life ; 


for it is testified of Him, vi Chou 
% 










‘and “without mother,” the szlence of Scripture 
"is interpreted allegorically. Scripture mentions 
“neither the father nor mother, neither the birth 
nor death, of Melchisedec. 

1 Such is the sense of the word used here. 
_ 2 The verbs are present-perfect. 
_ 2 The same word as in i. 4. 

4 Viz. testified in Ps. cx. 4. 
| @ priest Sorever.”” 
1 Bi By,” not “in” (A. V.). 
| 6 The term here used, a word of very fre- 
| quent occurrence and great significance in this 
‘Epistle, is not fully represented by the English 
“perfection.” ‘The corresponding verb denotes, 
55 


“Thou art 


art a priest FOREVER after 


to bring a thing to the fulness of its designed devel- 
opment. Compare vii. 19, and note on ii. 10. 

7 Under its conditions and ordinances. Com- 
pare viii. 6. 

8 Such is the tense according to the read- 
ing of the best MSS. 

9 The word used (as often) without the ar- 
ticle for the law. Cf. note on Rom. iii. 20. 

10 Viz. the Messiah, predicted in Ps. cx. 4. 

Ul The verbs are present-perfect. 

12 Hath arisen. Compare the passage of 
Isaiah quoted Matt. iv. 16. 

18 Tf here meaning #7, as is the case. 

14 The best MSS. have the passive, 


ow Tt A 


10 


il 


15 


17 


mii. 
18 
19 


25 


26 
27 


866 ~ THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8T. PAUL. 







the order of elchisedec.” On the one hand,’ an old commandment: 
annulled, because it was weak and profitless (for the Law perfected 
nothing) ; and on the other hand, a better hope is brought in, whereby 
we draw near unto God. 

And inasmuch as this Priesthood hath the confirmation of an oath 
(for those priests are made without an oath, but He with an oath, 
Him that said unto Him, “ Ghe Ford stoare, and toll not repent, Ch. 
art a priest foreber”)°—insomuch Jesus is‘ surety of a better covenant 

And they, indeed, are’ many priests [one succeeding to anothe: 
office], because death hindereth their continuance. But He, because He 
remaineth forever, hath no successor in His priesthood.® Wherefore als 
He is able to save them to the uttermost that come unto God by E 
seeing He ever liveth to make intercession for them. 

For such a High Priest became us, who is holy, harmless, undefiles 
separate’ from sinners, and ascended above the heavens. Who needet 
not daily,’ as those High Priests, to offer up sacrifice, first for His ow 
sins, and then for the People’s; for this He did once, when He offered wy 
Himself. For the Law maketh men High Priests, who have infirmi 


but the word of the oath which was since the Law,” maketh the Son, w 


is consecrated forevermore. 


1 The particles in the Greek express this 
contrast. The overlooking of this caused the 
error in the A. V. 

2 Compare note on verse 11. 

3 In this quotation (again repeated) from 
Ps, cx. 4, the words “after the order of Mel- 
chisedec ” are not found here in the best MSS. 

* Not “was made” (A. V.), but has become 
or ts. 

5 Are, or have become, not “were” (A. V.); 
an important mistranslation, as the present tense 
shows that the Levitical priesthood was still 
enduring while this Epistle was written. 

8 Not passing on to another. 

7 This seems to refer to the separation 
from all contact with the unclean, which was 
required of the high priest; who (according to 
the Talmud) abstained from intercourse even 
with his own family, for seven days before the 
day of Atonement. 

8 This “daily” has occasioned much per- 
piexity, for the High Priest only offered the 
ain-offerings here referred to once a year, on 

he day of Atonement. (Levit. xvi. and Exod 










xxx. 7-10.) We must either suppose (wi 
Tholuck) that it is used for perpetually, i. ¢ 
year after year; or we must suppose & re 
erence to the High Priest as taking part in th 
occasional sacrifices made by all the Priest 
for sins of ignorance (Levit. iv.) ; or we mu 
suppose that the regular acts of the Priesthe 0 
are attributed to the High Priests, as represet 
tatives and heads of the whole order; or, fix 
ly, we must take “‘ High Priests,’ as at M t 
ii. 4, Acts v. 24, and other places, for the hea 
of the twenty-four classes into which the Pries 
were divided, who officiated inturn. This 
ter view is perhaps the most natural. TI 
Priests sacrificed a lamb every morning 
evening, and offered an offering of flour, @ 
wine besides. Philo regards the lambs as ¢ 
fered by the Priests for the people, and the flo 
for themselves. He also says the High P 
offered prayers and sacrifices every day. 

9 Literally, the [ordinary] High Priests. 

10 Viz., the oath in Ps. ex. 4, so often refe 
to in this Epistle. 

4 Compare ii. 10. 


ii 


¥ 
r 


FAP. ¥XVOU, 


EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. 867 

a Mosaic Now this is the sum of our words.! We have such a High 
i . 

Femple, tie Priest, who hath sat down on the right hand of the throne of 
crite, wa the Majesty in the heavens; a minister of the sanctuary,’ and 
eter coves of the true tabernacle, which the Lord pitched, and not man. 
ant, an ie si 5 a 6 . ° 
fpabing atone- For every High Priest is ordained * to offer gifts and sacrifices ; 
Ohriet. 


wherefore this High Priest also must have somewhat‘ to offer. 
Now’ if He were on earth, He would not be a Priest at all,® since the 
Priests are they that make the offerings according to the Law;’ who 
minister to that which is a figure® and shadow of heavenly things, as 
Moses is admonished? by God, when he is about to make the tabernacle ; 
for “ See,” saith He, “ that thou make ull things according to the 
pattern shotoed thee in the mount,”"® But now He hath obtained a 
higher ministry, by so much as He is the mediator” of a better covenant, 
which is enacted ” under better promises. 

For if that first covenant were faultless, no place would be sought * for 
a second ; whereas He findeth fault,“ and saith unto them, “* Beboln, the 
buys come, saith the Word, when J twill accomplish” for the house 
of Jsracl and for the house of Judah a nels covenant, Hot accord- 
ing to the cobenant tobich J gabe unto their fathers, in the day 
foben J took them by the band to lend them out of the land of 
Ggopt; becanse they continued not in my cobenant, and @ also 
turned mvy face from them, saith the Lord. For this is the cobe- 


1 Literally, the things which are being spoken. 
_ 3 Sanctuary. Compare ix. 12, Holy Place, 
where the Greek word is the same. 

% The same thing is said v. 1. 

hi 4 What the sacrifice was is not said here, 
but had been just before mentioned, vii. 27. 
_ § Now (not for) is according to the reading 
of the best MSS. 
| * “Not a Priest at all.” The translation 
in A. V. is hardly strong enough. 
7 Our Lord, being of the tribe of Judah, 
yuld not have been one of the Levitical Priest- 
hood. So it was said before, vii. 14. 
| * Viz. the Temple ritual. 
}* ® Compare Acts x. 22, and Heb. xi. 7. 
© Exod. xxv. 40 (LXX,). 
4 Moses was called by the Jews the Media- 
lor of the law. See Gal. iii. 19, and note. 
| Compare vii. 11, not “was established ” 
MA. V.), but tath been or is 


hie 

















18 Here A. V. is not quite correct. 

1¢ “ Findeth fault ” refers to the preceding 
“faultless.” The pronoun should be joined 
with “ saith.” 

16 Here another verb is substituted for that 
found in the LXX. The preposition denotes 
“for,” not “ with” (A. V.). 

16 Jf must be remembered that the Greek 
word does not (like the English covenant) 
imply reciprocity. It properly means a legal 
disposition, and would perhaps be better traus- 
lated dispensation here. A covenant between 


eed 


Vili, 
1 


He 


co 


© 


10 


two parties is expressed by a different term. — 


The new dispensation is a gift from God ratb- 
er than a covenant between God and man (see 
Gal. iii. 15-20). Hence perhaps the other 
alteration of verb here, as well as that men- 


- tioned in the preceding note. 


te 


eB: 


il 


12 
13 


868 


nant tobich I will make unto the house of Jsracl after those day 
auith the Rord: J will gibe* my lates unto their mind, and te 
them upon their hearts; and g foill be to them a Gov, 


they shall be to me a people. 


man bis neighbor* and every man bis brother, saying, Anot i 
ord; for all shall knots me, from the least unto the greates 
For F till be merciful to their unrighteousness, and their sins ¢ 
their inigquities twill J remember no more. 
“A ney cobenant,” He hath made the first old ; and that which is old 
and stricken in years is ready to vanish away. 

Now the first covenant also had ordinances of worship, and its Ha 
Place was in this world.> For a tabernacle was made [in two Sa 3 t 
first (wherein was the candlestick,’ and the table,’ and the showbre 
which is called the® sanctuary ; and, behind the second veil, the te f 
nacle called the Holy of Holies, having the golden altar of incense,” ai 
the ark of the covenant overlaid round about with gold,” wherein ” was t 


1 “ Give,” not “put” (A. V.). 

2 The best MSS. read citizen instead of 
neighbor, which does not, however, alter the 
sense. 

8 Jer. xxxi. 31-34 (LXX. with the above- 
mentioned variations). 

* The first refers to time (growing out of 
date), the second to the weakness of old age. 

6 “The sanctuary,” not “A sanctuary” 
(A. V.); and observe the order of the words, 
showing that “in this world” is the predicate. 

6 Exod. xxv. 31, and xxxvii. 17. 

7 Exod. xxv. 23, and xxxvii. 10. 

8 Exod. xxv. 30, and Levit. xxiv. 5. 

® See the note on ix. 24. 

10 « Altar of incense.” This has given 
rise to much perplexity. According to Exod. 
xxx. 6, the Incense altar was not in the Holy 
of Holies, but on the outer side of the veil 
which separated the Holy of Holies from the 
rest of the Tabernacle. Several methods of 
evading the difficulty have been suggested ; 
amongst others, to translate the word by censer, 
and understand it of the censer which the High 
Priest brought into the Holy of Holies once a 
year; but this was not kept in the Holy of 
Holies. Moreover, the term is used for the 
Incense-altar by Philo and Josephus. The 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PADI 


" 
CHAP, XX¥ 


And they shall not teach set 






In that He si 


best explanation of the discrepancy is to 
sider that the Incense altar, though not w 
in the Holy of Holies, was closely connet 
therewith, and was sprinkled on the 4 
Atonement with the same blood with which 
High Priest made atonement in the Holy 
Holies. See Exod. xxx. 6-10, and Levit. : 
11, &. ul Exod. xxy. 

12 Here we have another difficulty ; for 
pot of manna and Aaron’s rod were not k 
in the Ark in Solomon’s time, when it 
tained nothing but the tables of the Law. | 
1 Kings viii. 9, 2 Chron. y. 10. It is, howe 
probable that these were originally kept in 
Ark. Compare Exod. xvi. 33, and Nun 
xvii. 10, where they are directed to be id 
“before the Lord,” and “before the testimor 
[i. e. the tables of the Law], which indicates 
least, a close juxtaposition to the Ark. 
generally, we should observe that the inter 
of the present passage is not to give us @ 
nute and accurate description of the furnitui 
the Tabernacle, but to allude to it rhetoric 
the only point insisted upon in the applic 
of the description (see verse 8) is the sym 
cal character of the Holy of Holies. Henee 
extreme anxiety of commentators to exp 
away every minute inaccuracy is superily 0 


, xxv, 





EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. 


869 


deu pot! that had the manna, and Aaron’s rod? that budded, and the 
ables* of the covenant; and over it the cherubims‘ of glory shadowing 


the Mercy-seat.° 


Whereof we cannot now speak particularly. Now 


ese things being thus ordered, unto the first tabernacle the priests go*® 
continually, accomplishing the offices? of their worship. But into the 
second goeth the High Priest alone, once a year, not without blood, which 
ke offereth for himself and for the errors* of the people. Whereby the 
































1 Exod. xvi. 32, &. 
2 Nom. xvii. 10. 
_ § Exod. xxv. 16. * Exod. xxv. 18. 
_ & Exod. xxv.17. This is the word used in 
the LXX. for Mercy-seat. 
_ & The writer of the Epistle here appears to 
speak as if the Tabernacle were still standing. 
‘Commentators have here again found or made 
difficulty, because the Temple of Herod was 
in many respects different from the Tabernacle, 
ind especially because its Holy of Holies did 
ot contain either the Ark, the Tables of the 
aw, the Cherubim, or the Mercy-seat (all of 
rhich had been burnt by Nebuchadnezzar with 
Solomon’s Temple), but was empty. See 
ye, p. 632. Of course, however, there was 
danger that the original readers of this 
stle should imagine that its writer spoke of 
Tabernacle as still standing, or that he was 
mnorant of the loss of its most precious con- 
mts. Manifestly he is speaking of the sanc- 
uary of the First Covenant (see ix. 1) as origi- 
designed. And he goes on to speak of the 
existing Temple-worship as the continuation 
the Tabernacle-worship, which, in all essen- 
jal points, it was. The translators of the Au- 
rized Version (perhaps in consequence of this 
ficulty) have mistranslated many verbs in the 
| following passage, which are in the present tense, 
as though they were in the past tense. Thus 
re have “wenr,” “offered,” “were offered,” 
; offered” (x. 1), &e. The English read- 
sr is thus led to suppose that the Epistle was 
ritten after the cessation of the Temple-wor- 
7 Plural, not singular, as in A. V. 


‘ "i ly 















Holy Spirit signifieth that the way into the Holy Place is not yet made 
y manifest,’ while still the outer” tabernacle standeth. But it is a 
i for the present time,” under ” which gifts and sacrifices are offered 
that cannot perfect the purpose of the worshipper, according to the con- 
science ; being carnal ordinances, commanding meats and drinks, and 
diverse washings, imposed until a time of reformation." 


8 “Errors.” Compare v. 2, and the note. 

9 On the mistranslation in A. V. see note 6 
on this page. It may be asked, How could it be 
said, after Christ’s ascension, that the way into 
the Holy place was not made fully manifest ? The 
explanation is, that while the Temple-worship, 
with its exclusion of all but the High Priest 
from the Holy of Holies, still existed, the way 
of salvation would not be fully manifest to 
those who adhered to the outward and typieal 
observances, instead of being thereby led to 
the Antitype. 

10 4. e. while the inner is separate mom the 
outer tabernacle. That “first” has this mean- 
ing here is evident from ix. 2. 

11 The A. V. here interpolates “then” in 
order to make this correspond with the mis- 
translated tenses already referred to. 

2 According to which figure. This follows 
the reading of the best MSS., and adopted by 
Griesbach, Lachmann, and Tischendorfs 1st 
edition; it suits the preposition better than 
the other reading, to which Tischendorf has 
returned in his 2d edition. 

18 Perfect the worshipper, according to the con- 
science. This is explained, x. 2, as equivalent 
to “the worshippers, once purified, would have 
had no more conscience ofsin.” The meaning 
here is to bring him to the accomplishment of the 
end of his worship, viz. remission of sins. It is 
not adequately represented by to make perfect, 
as we have before remarked; to consummate 
would be again the best translation, if it were 
less unusual. 

& The reading of this verse is very doubtful. 


1g 


14 


15 


16 


17 


18 
19 


870 


But when Christ appeared, as High Priest of the good things te com 
He passed through the greater and more perfect tabernacle! not mad 
with hands (that is, not of man’s building),’ and entered, not by th 
blood of goats and calves, but by His own blood, once for all, into t 


of bulls and goats, and the ashes of a heifer‘ sprinkling the unclea 
sanctifieth to the purification of the flesh, how much more shall t 
blood of Christ, who through the eternal Spirit offered Himself withot 
spot to God, purify our® conscience from dead works, that we ma 


worship the living God! 


And for this cause He is the mediator of a new testament; that, whe 
death had® made redemption for the transgressions under the first tes 
ment,’ they that are called might receive the promise of the eterr 
For where a testament is, the death of the testator must 
declared ;* because a testament is made valid by death, for it hath n 
force at all during the lifetime of the testator. 

Wherefore? the first testament also hath its dedication” not wi 
blood. For when Moses had spoken to all the people every pre 


inheritance. 


Tischendorf in his 2d edition returns to the 
reading of the T. R., which is also defended 
by De Wette. But Griesbach and Lachmann 
adopt the other reading, which is followed in 
our translation. The construction is literally, 
imposed with conditions of meats, §c., until a time 
of reformation. 

1 This greater tabernacle is the visible heav- 
ens, which are here regarded as the outer 
sanctuary. 

2 Literally, this building. This parenthesis 
has very much the appearance of having been 
originally a marginal gloss upon the preced- 
ing phrase. 

8 There is nothing in the Greek correspond- 
ing to the words “for us” (A. V.). 

4 The uncleanness contracted by touching 
a corpse was purified by sprinkling the un- 
clean person with the water of sprinkling, which 
was made with the ashes of a red heifer. See 
Numbers xix. (LXX.) 

6 “Our” (not “ your”) is the reading of 
the best MSS. 

6 Literally, after death had occurred for the 
redemption of, &. The words must be thus 
taken together. 

7 The Authorized Version is correct in 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF SI PAUL 


















translating testament in this passage. The | 
tempts which have been made to avoid th 
meaning are irreconcilable with any natur 


in order to avoid a difficulty; and the dif 
culty vanishes when we consider the rhetoric 
character of the Epistle. The statement 

this verse is not meant as a logical argumen 
but as a rhetorical illustration, which is su 
gested to the writer by the ambiguity of 
word for “testament” or “covenant.” 

8 Declared is omitted in A. V. The leg 
maxim is the same as that of English 
Nemo est heres viventis. 

9 This “wherefore” does not refer to # 
preceding illustration concerning the death 
the testator, but to the reasoning from whi 
that was only a momentary digression. Co 
pare verse 18 with verses 12-14. 

10 The verb means to dedicate in the se 
of to inaugurate; cf. Heb. x. 20; so the fe 
commemorating the opening or inauguration © 
the Temple by Judas Maccabmus (after 
pollution by Antiochus Epiphanes) was ca 
“ the dedication.” (John x. 22.) 


EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. 871 





according to the Law, he took! the blood of the calves and goats, with 
water and scarlet wool and hyssop, and sprinkled both the book itself 2 
and all the people, saying, “‘ This is the blood of the testament obich 28 
Gon bath enjoined unto pow.” * Moreover he sprinkled with blood the 23 
tabernacle‘ also, and all the vessels of the ministry, in like manner. And 22 
according to ihe Law, almost all things are purified with blood,and wita- 
out shedding of blood is no remission. it was, therefore, necessary that 23 
the patterns of heavenly things should thus be purified, but the heavenly 
things themselves with better sacrifices than these. For Christ entered 24 
* into the sanctuary * made with hands, which is a figure of the true, 
put into heaven itself, now to appear in the presence of God for us. Nor 2§ 
yet that He should offer Himself often, as the High Priest entereth the 
sanctuary every year with blood of others ; tor then must He often have 26 
ered since the foundation of the world: but now once, in the end ® of 
e ages, hath He appeared,’ to do away sin by the sacrifice of Himself. 
‘And as it is appointed unto men once to die, but after this the judgment, 
‘s0 Christ was once offered ‘‘ty bear the sins of mang,” ° and unto 
them that look for Him shall He appear a second time, without sin,” 
anto salvation. 

For the Law, having a shadow of the™ good things to come, and not the x.9 
‘yery image of the reality,” by the unchanging sacrifices which yearby 3 
year they offer continually * can never perfect 4 the purpose of the offer- 
















6 “The end of the ages” means the termi- 
nation of the period preceding Christ’s com- 


1 See Exod. xxiv. 3-8. The sacrifice of 
‘goats (besides the cattle) and the sprickling 


_ of the book are not in the Mosaic aceount. it 




















‘ment is usually referred to memoriter by the 
iters of the New Testament. Moreover, 


ustified in maintaining that these circumstan- 
ves actually occurred, though they are not 
aentioned in the books of Moses. See, how- 
‘ever, p- 199, note 2, 
_ 2 Itself is omitted in A. V- 
_ *£ Exod. xxiv. 8 (LXX., but with a change 
of verb). 
_ * Apparently referring to Levit. viii., verses 
i } > 24, and 30. 

_ 5 Not “the holy places” (A. V.), but the holy 
place or sanctuary. Compare viii. 2, ix. 2, ix. 
| 25, xiii. 11. It is without the article here, as 
i ean the case with words similarly used. 


ing. It is a phrase frequent in St. Matthew, 
with “age,” instead of “ages,” but not occur- 
ring elsewhere. The A. V. translates two 
different terms here by the same word, 
“ world.” 

7 Literally, He hath been made manifest to the 
sight of men. 

8 The A. V. is retained here, being justi- 
fied by offered Himself, verse 14. 

® Isaiah liii. 12 (LXX.), He bare the sins of 
many. 

10 Tholuck compares separaie from sinners 
(vii. 26). The thought is the same as Rom. 
vi. 10. 

ll The definite article is omitted in A. V 

12 The real things. ; 

18 The same is omitted in A. V. 

14 Compare ix. 9, and note. The “ perice 


872 


ers.! 


sins. 


MYL. 


@ Gov.” 


of Jesus Christ, once for all. 


And every priest ® standeth daily ministering, and offering often 
the same sacrifices which can never take away sins. 
had offered one sacrifice for sins, forever sat down on the right hand 
God ; from henceforth expecting “ till bis enemies be made bis foo 
stool,”° For by one offering He hath perfected ” forever the purificati 
of them whom He sanctifieth. Whereof the Holy Spirit also is a witne 
tous. For after He had said before, ‘‘ @his is the cobenant the ; 


tion” of the worshippers was entire purification 
from sin: this they could not attain under the 
Law, as was manifest by the perpetual itera- 
tion of the self-same sacrifices required of them. 

1 Literally, those who come to offer. 

2 In the Hebrew original the words are, 
“thou hast opened [or pierced] my ears.” The 
LXX. (which is here quoted) translates this 


' “a body hast thou prepared me.” Perhaps the 


reading of the Hebrew may formerly have 
been different from what it now is; or per- 
haps the body may have been an error for ear, 
which is the reading of some MSS. 

5 Ps, xl. 6-8 (LXX. with some sliz& varia- 
tions). 

* Not “said He” (A. V.), but Ze hath 
said, or saith He. 

5 The first, viz. the sacrifices he second, 
viz. the will of God 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


for then would they not have ceased to be offered ? because t 
worshippers, once purified, would have had no more conscience of si 
But in these sacrifices there is a remembrance of sins made every yea 
For it is not possible that the blood of bulls and goats should take awe 

Wherefore, when He cometh into the world, He saith, ‘‘ Sucrif 
and offering thou toouldest not, but a body bast thou prepared m 
6 dn burnt-offerings and sacrifices for sin thou bast bad no plew: 
Chen suid J, Lo, J come (in the volume of the book it i 
toritten of me) to do thy twill, @ Gov.”* When He had said befor 
“ Sacrifice and offering and burnt-offerings and sacrifices for g 
thou toouldest not, neither badst pleasure therein” (which are offer 
under the law), ‘‘ @bhew’” (saith‘* He), ““ Ho, J come to do thy toi 
He taketh away the first,° that He may establish the secor 
And in * that ‘ foil” we are sanctified, by the offering of the “ body 














But HE, after E 


© In the will of God, Christians are 
sanctified as well as justified, and even glorij 
(see Rom. viii. 80); ¢. e. God wills their sai 
tification, and has done His part to insure 
7 « Body,” alluding to the “body hast 
prepared me” of the above quotation. _ 
8 The MSS. are divided between “ pries 
and “high priest;” if the latter reading 
correct, the same explanation must be git 
as in the note on vii. 27. : 
® Ps. cx. 1 (LXX.), quoted above, 
(See note there.) ; 
W Literally, He hath consummated them | 
are being sanctified. The verb to perfect dt 
not, by itself, represent the original 
See notes on x. l, ix. 10, and ii. 10. 
should also observe, that “ being sanctified ’ 
not equivalent to “ having been sanctitivd.” 


. XxViL EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. 873 


toill make with them after those days, saith the Lord: J twill give 
my Laws upon their hearts, and forite them upon their minds.” * 
He saith also, “ Oheir sins and their iniquities toill J remember no 3 
more.”? Now, where remission of these is, there is no more offering fcr 18 


‘sin. 
ae Having therefore, brethren, boldness to enter the holy place 19 
go" through the blood of Jesus,’ by a new and living way which 26 


‘He hath opened‘ for us, through the veil (that is to say, His flesh), 

and having a High Priest® over the house of God, let us draw near 21,22 
with a true heart, in full assurance of faith; as our hearts have been 

" sprinkled ”T fom the stain of an evil conscience, and our bodies have 
been washed with pure water. Let us hold fast the confession of our 
hope,’ without wavering; for faithful is He that gave the promise. And 
pet us consider the example ® one of another, that we may be provoked 
‘unto love and to good works. Let us not forsake the assembling” of 25 
ourselves together, as the custom of some is, but let us exhort 
‘another; and so much the more, as ye see The Day approaching." For 
‘if we sin wilfully,” after we have received the knowledge 3 of the truth, 


i 
ba 


24 


one 
26 


" 


1 Jer. xxxi. 84 (LXX.). The part of the 
"quotation here omitted is given above, Viii. 
‘10-12. It appears, from the slight variations 
_ between the present quotation and the quote- 
tion of the same passage in chap. viii., that 
the writer is quoting from memory. 
2 Jer. xxxi. 34 (LXX.), being the conclu- 
gion of the passage quoted before, viii. 12. 
_ The omission of “ He saith” with the “ and” 
_ which joins the two detached portions of the 
/ quotation, though abrupt, is not unexampled ; 
i 1 Tim. v. 18. 
Ki 8 Compare ix. 25. 
Ps * See note on ix. 18 
ie 5 The meaning of this is, that the flesh (or 
| manhood) of Christ was a veil which hid His 
| trae nature; this veil He rent when He gave 
"up His body to death; and through His incar- 
| nation, thus <evealed under its true aspect, we 
_ Must pass, if we would enter into the presence 
of God. We can have no real knowledge of 
God but through His incarnation. 
| © Literally, “Great Priest.” The same 
| expression is used for High Priest by Philo 












viz. with the blood of Christ; compare “ blood 
of sprinkling,” xii. 24. Observe the force of 
the perfect participle in this and “ washed ; A 
both referring to accomplished facts. See x. 2. 

8 « Hope,” not “faith.” (A. V.) 

® This is Chrysostom’s interpretation, which 
agrees with the use of the verb, iii. 1. 

10 Jt was very natural that the more timid 
members of the Church should shrink from 
frequenting the assembly of the congregation 
for worship, in a time of persecution. 

u “The Day ” of Christ’s coming was seen 
approaching at this time by the threatening 
prelude of the great Jewish war, wherein He 
came to judge that nation. 

12 “ Wilfully.” This is opposed to the “if 
aman sin not wilfully ” (Levit. iv. 2, LXX.), 
the involuntary sins for which provision was 
made under the Law. ‘The particular sin 
here spoken of is that of apostasy from the 

Christian faith, to which these Hebrew Chris- 
tians were particularly tempted. See the 
whole of this passage from x. 26 to xii. 29. 

18 “Knowledge.” Compare Rom. x. 2, 
Phil. i. 9, &e. 


28 
29 


80 


31 


82 


83 


34 


85 


874 


there remaineth no more sacrifice for sins, but a certain fearful naa 
for of judgment, and “a torathful fire that shall debour the adbe 
He that hath despised the Law of Moses dieth? withor 
mercy, upon the testimony of two or three witnesses. Of how muc 
sorer punishment, suppose ye, shall he be thought worthy, who hat 
trodden under foot the Son of God, and hath counted the blood of t 
covenant, wherewith he was sanctified, an unholy thing, and hath don 
despite unto the Spirit of Grace? 
“Bengeance is mine, J will repay, saith the Bord; ”* and agai 
“Che Lord shall judge Bis people.” * It is a fearful sing fal 


garies,” 7 


into the hands of the living God.5 


THE LIFE AND EBPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 












For we know Him that oy saic 


But call to remembrance the former days, in which, after and exhor i 


ye were illuminated, ye endured® a great fight of afflictions; 
for not only were ye made a gazing-stock by reproaches and 
tribulations, but ye took part also in the sufferings of others who Db 
For ye showed compassion to the prisoners,’ and took joy all 
the spoiling of your goods, knowing that ye have § in heaven a better a 
an enduring substance. Cast not away, therefore, your confidence, whi 


the like. 


1 Js, xxvi. 11. Quoted generally from 
the LXX. Those who look for this quotation 
in A. V. will be disappointed ; for the A. V., 
the Hebrew, and the LXX.., all differ. 

2 The present, translated as past in A. V. 
The reference is to Deut. xvii. 2-7, which pre- 
scribes that an idolater should be put to death 
on the testimony of two or three witnesses. 
The writer of the Epistle does not mean that 
idolatry was actually thus punished at the time 
he wrote (for though the Sanhedrin was al- 
lowed to judge charges of a religious nature, 
they could not inflict death without permis- 
sion of the Roman Procurator, which would 
probably have been refused, except under very 
peculiar circumstances, to an enforcement of 
this part of the Law); but he speaks of the 
punishment prescribed by the Law. 

% Deut. xxxii. 35. This quotation is not 
exactly according to LXX. or Hebrew, but is 
exactly in the words in which it is quoted by 
St. Paul, Rom. xii. 19. 

* Deut. xxxii. 36 (LXX.). 

5 The preceding passage (from verse 26), 
and the similar passage, vi. 4-6, have proved 
perplexing to many readers; and were such 






















not to ke 
faith bee 
ered by 


a stumbling-block to Luther, that they caus 
him even to deny the canonical authority. 
the Epistle. Yet neither passage asserts # 
im, lity of an apostate’s repentance. WI 
is said amounts to this—that for the conve 
sion of a deliberate apostate, God has (accor 
ing to the ordinary laws of His working) 
further means in store than those which bh 
been already triedin vain. It should be remex 
bered, also, that the parties addressed are 
those who had already apostatized, but the 
who were in danger of so doing, and w 
needed the most earnest warning. 4 
6 If this Epistle was addressed to 
Chureh of Jerusalem, the afflictions refer 
to would be the persecutions of the Sanhedi 
(when Stephen was killed), of Herod Agrip 
(when James the Greater was put to deatl 
and again the more recent outbreak of 4 
nus, when James the Less was slain. But 
the preceding remarks, p. 849. 
7 “The bondsmen ” (not “my bunds” 
the reading of all the best MSS. 
8 Not “knowing tn yourselves” (A. V 
The reading of the best MSS. is, that ye hi 
yourselves, or for yourselves, i.e. as your 0 


EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. 875 





ath great recompense of reward. For ye have need of steadfastness, 36 
hat, after ye have done the will of God, ye may receive the promise. For 37 
et a little while and “He that cometh shall be come, and shall not 
rey.” + Now “ By faith shall the righteous lie; 7 and “ Of be® 38 
rate back through fear, mp soul bail mo pleasure in bim.”* But 89 
we are not men of fear unto perdition, but of faith unto salvation. 

gaithdefinea = Now faith is the substance * of things hoped for, the evidence xi. i 
snes of things not seen. For therein the elders obtained a good re- 2 
digs tt port. 

visible. By faith we understand that the universe® is framed® by 3 
i of God, so that the world which we behold” springs not from 

‘ ings that can be seen. 

ees: By faith Abel offered unto God a more excellent sacrifice 4 
menses. than Cain, whereby he obtained testimony that he was right 
pen, for God testified" unto his gifts; and by it he being dead yet 
speaketh.” 

r By faith Enoch was translated, that he should not see death, and “Be 5 
toas not found, because Gov translated him.” For before his trans- 
lation he had this testimony, that “ be pleased Gov; but without 6 
faith it is impossible to please Him ; for whosoever cometh unto God must 
have faith © that God is, and that He rewardeth them that diligently seek 


\ By faith Noah, being warned by God concerning things not seen as 7 





















1 Habak. ii. 3 (LXX.). Not fully translat- 8 “The worlds: ” 80 i. 2. 
edin A. V. ® Observe that the tenses are perfects, not 


in Habak. ii. 4 (LXX.), quoted also Rom. aorists. 
j. 17, and Gal. iii. 11. 10 The best MSS. have the participle in the 


> The “any man » of A. V. is not in the singular. The doctrine negatived is that which 
Greek. The Greek verb is exactly the English teaches that each successive condition of the 
i universe is generated from a preceding condi- 


_ * Habak. ii. 4 (LXX.). But this passage tion (as the plant from the seed) by a mere 
in the original precedes the last quotation, material development, which had no beginning 

“which it here follows. in a Creator’s will. 

} 2 6 Properly gaining of the soul, and thus equiv- 1 Gen. iv. 4. The Jewish tradition was, 
alent to salvation. that fire from heaven consumed Abel’s offering. 

6 For the meaning of this word, see note on 2 This has been supposed (compare xii. 

i. 14. 24) to refer to Gen. iv. 10, but it may be taken 


7 “Obtained a good report,” cf. Acts yi. 8. more generally. 

his verse is explained by the remainder of 18 Gen. v. 24 (LXX.). 

the chapter. The faith of the Patriarchs was & 4 Tid. 

-ne of Christian faith, because it was fixed 18 Without faith — must have faith. The 
pon a future and unseen good. original has this verbal connection. 


10 


11 


12 


13 


Ae 
15 


16 


17 
18 


876 


yet, through fear of God" prepared an ark, to the saving of his -hous 
Whereby he condemned the world, and became heir of the righteousne 


of faith 


forth into a place * which he should afterward receive for an inheritance 
and he went forth, not knowing whither he went. 
in the land of promise as in a strange country, dwelling in tents, wi 
Isaac and Jacob, the heirs with him of the same promise. For he looke 
for the city which hath sure‘ foundations, whose builder and maker i 


God. 


By faith also Sarah herself received power to conceive seed, ev 
when® she was past age, because she judged Him faithful who ha 
promised. Therefore sprang there of one, and him as good as dead, “ 
many as the stars of the shy in multitude,” * and as the sand whi 


is by the seashore? innumerable. 


These all died in faith, not having received the promises, but hay 
seen them afar off, and embraced them,’ and confessed that they 
strangers and pilgrims upon earth. For they that say such things deel 
plainly that they seek a country. And truly, if they speak ® of that cow 
try from whence they came forth, they might have opportunity to retun 
but now they desire a better country, that is, a heavenly. Whevefo: 
God is not ashamed to be called their God; for He hath prepared fo 


them a city. 


By faith Abraham, when he was tried, offered ® up Isaac, and he 
had believed" the promises offered up his only-begotten son, though | 


1 Compare Heb. y. 7. 

2 If we follow some of the best MSS., the 
translation will be, “He that was called Abra- 
ham [instead of Abram].” 

3 Some of the best MSS. read “place” 
without the article. * Cf. xii. 28. 
5 Was delivered is not in the best MSS. 

6 Exod. xxxii. 13 (LXX.). 

7 The same comparison is found Is. x. 22, 
quoted Rom. ix. 27. 

8 Persuaded is an interpolation not found 
in the best MSS. It was originally a margi- 
nal gloss on embraced. The latter word cannot 
be adequately translated in English, so as to 
retain the full beauty of the metaphor. 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 













By faith he sojo 


° Speak. The verb is the same in verse § 
The meaning is, “If, in calling themsel 
strangers and pilgrims, they refer to the fact ¢ 
their having left their native land.” In oth 
words, if Christians regre. the world whi 
they have renounced, there is nothing to p 
vent their returning to its enjoyments. Hel 
again we trace a reference to those who wel 
tempted to apostatize. Such is the meaning 
the imperfect. 

10 Literally, hath offered. 

1 The word means more than “ received. 
(A. V.) His belief in the promises to his po 
terity enhanced the sacrifice which he made 


. XXVIL EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. 877 


said unto! him, “ Jn Gsaac shall thy seed be called; ”* account 19 
that God was able to raise him up, even from the dead ; from whence 
iso (in a figure) he received him. 

_ By faith Isaac blessed J acob and Esau CONCERNING THINGS TO COME. 2 
" By faith Jacob, WHEN HE WAS DYING, blessed both the sons of Joseph; 2 
and “ Be toorshipped, leaning upon the top of bis staff.” ° 

_ By faith Joseph, IN THE HOUR OF HIS DEATH, spake‘ of the departing 22 
of the sons of Israel; and gave commandment concerning his bones. 

_ By faith Moses, when he was born, was hid three months by his parents, 23 
because “ they satw that ihe child toas goodly ;”* and they were not 
fraid of the king’s commandment. 

By faith Moses, “‘ tohen be twas come to gears,” ® refused to be called 24 
the son of Pharaoh’s daughter, choosing rather to suffer affliction with the 25 
people of God, than to enjoy the pleasures of sin for a season ; esteeming 26 

the reproach of Christ’ greater riches than the treasures of Egypt; for 

he looked beyond® unto the reward.’ By faith he forsook” Egypt, not 27 
ing the wrath of the king; for he endured, as seeing Him who is 
By faith he hath established 1 the passover, and the sprin- 28 
ng of blood, that the destroyer of the first-born might not touch 

e children of Israel.” 

By faith they passed through the Red Sea as through dry land; which 29 
the Egyptians tried to pass, and were swallowed up. 

By faith the walls of Jericho fell down, after they were compassed 30 
about for seven days. 

’ By faith the harlot Rahab perished not with the disobedient,” because 31 
she had received the spies with peace. 





















1 “Unto,” not “of” (A.V.) “Unto 
whom” is equivalent to “though unto him.” 
2 Gen. xxi. 12 (LXX.), quoted also Rom. 
ax. 7. 
8 Gen. xlvii. 31 (LXX.). The present He- 
brew text means, not the top of his staff, but the 
head of his bed ; but the LXX. followed a differ- 
entreading. The “ faith” of Jacob consisted 
| im fixing his hopes upon future blessings, and 
shipping God, even in the hour of death. 
_ * Spake. See verse 15. Joseph’s “ faith ” 
ened on the promise that the seed of Abraham 
should return to the promised land. (Gen. xv. 
















’ Exod. ii. 2 (LXX.). “They seeing that 
he was goodly.” The Hebrew speaks of his 
mother only. 6 Exod. ii. 11 (L-XX.). 

7 The reproach of Christ’s people is here 
called the reproach of Christ. Compare Col. 
i. 24, and 2 Cor. i.5; also see 1 Cor. x. 4. 

® Literally, he looked away from that which 
was before his eyes. 9 Compare verse 6. 

19 See Exod. ii. 15. ll Perfect. 

12 Them, i. e. the children of Israel. 

18 Not “them that believed not.” (A. V-) 
They had heard the miracles wrought in favor 
of the Israelites (Josh. ii. 10), and yet refused 
obedience. 


39 
40 


878 


And what shall I more say? for the time would fail me to tell < 
Gideon, and of Barak, of Samson and of Jephthae, of David, and Samue 
and the prophets; who through faith subdued kingdoms, wrought right 
eousness, obtained promises, stopped the mouths of lions, quenched th 
violence of fire,’ escaped the edge of the sword, out of weakness* we: 
made strong, waxed valiant in fight, turned to flight the armies of 
aliens. Women‘ received their dead raised to life again ; and others wer 
tortured,’ not accepting deliverance, that they might obtain a be 
resurrection. Others also had trial of cruel mockings* and scou 
with chains also and imprisonment. 
asunder, were tempted,’ were slain with the sword.. They wandere 
about in sheep-skins and goat-skins, being destitute, afflicted, tormented 
They wandered in deserts, and in mountains, and in dens and caves of 
earth ; of whom” the world was not worthy. 

And these all, having obtained a good report through faith, receiver 
not the promise; God having provided some better thing for us, 
they, without us, should not be made perfect.” 


1 Referring to Daniel. (Dan. vi. 17.) 

2 Referring to Dan. iii. 27. 

® This and the two following clauses may 
be most naturally referred to the Maccabees. 

* Referring to the widow of Sarepta (1 
Kings xvii.) and the Shunamite (2 Kings 
iv.). 

& This refers both to Eleazar (2 Mace. vi.), 
and to the seven brothers, whose torture is 
described, 2 Mace. vii. The verb éruuravio- 
@yoav points especially to Eleazar, who was 
bound to the rouravov, an instrument to which 
those who were to be tortured by scourging 
were bound. (2 Macc. vi. 19.) The “not 
accepting deliverance” refers to the mother 
of the seven brothers and her youngest son 
(2 Mace. vii.). 

8 Better, viz. than that of those who (like 
the Shunamite’s son) were only raised to 
return to this life. This reference is plain in 
the Greek, but cannot be rendered equally ob- 
vious in English, because we cannot translate 
the first dvaotdcews in this verse by resurrec- 
tion. 
7 Mockings. Still referring to the seven 
brothers, concerning whose torments this word 
“sused. (2 Mace. vii. 7.) 


THE LIVE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 








They were stoned,® were saw 


8 Zechariah, the son of Jehoiadah, 
stoned. (2 Chron. xxiy. 20.) But it is no 
necessary (nor indeed possible) to fix eac 
kind of death here mentioned on some persot 
in the Old Testament. It is more probabl 
that the Epistle here speaks of the gener 
persecution under Antiochus Epiphanes. 

® According to Jewish tradition, this 
the death of Isaiah; but see the precedi 
note. 

10 The Received Text is here retained 
but it seems very probable that the readi 
should be (as has been conjectured), they w 
burned. This was the death of the seve 
brothers. 

ll Literally, they of whom the world was no 
worthy, wandering in deserts and in mountaii 
§c.; i.e. they, for whom all that the wor 
could give would have been too little, had x 
even a home wherein to lay their head. 

22 Made perfect. See notes on ii. 10, vii. 1) 
ix. 9; literally, attain their consummation, i 
cluding the attainment of the full maturity o 
their being, and the attainment of the full accom 
plishment of their faith; which are indeed identi 
cal. They were not to attain this without us 
. c. not until we came to join them. 


q : 


sar. XVID. EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. 879 
i 

xbortation Wherefore, seeing we are compassed about with so greata } 
; : : ; 

=o cloud of witnesses, let us! also lay aside every weight, and 
caus, the sin which clingeth closely round us,? and run with cour- 
ndurance 
fering.  age® the race that is set before us; looking onward‘ unto 2 


fesus, the forerunner® and the finisher of our faith ; who, for the joy that 
vas set before Him, endured the cross, despising the shame, and is set 


lown at the 


ndured such contradiction of sinners against Himself, lest ye 
Ye have not yet resisted unto blood,® in your 


nd faint in your minds. 


right hand of the throne of God. Yea, consider Him that 


be wearied 


conflict against sin; and ye have forgotten the exhortation which reason- 


sth? with you as with sons, saying, 


hastening of the 


44 


Mo son, despise not thou the 


Lord, nor faint then thou art rebuked of him. 


for tobom the Lord lobeth Be chasteneth, and scourgety ebery son 


fobom Be receiveth.”* 


you as with sons; fo 


father ? but if ye be without chastisement, 
have been ® partakers, then are ye bastards, and not sons. 
were chastened” by the fathers of our flesh, and gave them 


If ye endure chastisement® God dealeth with 
r where is the son that is not chastened by his 


whereof all [God’s children] 
Moreover, we 
reverence } 


hall we not much rather submit ourselves to the Father of our” spirits, 
Mi 


"1 Letus, as they did. The Agonistic meter 
phor here would be more naturally addressed 
‘the Church of Alexandria than to that of 


2 This word occurs nowhere else. Sin 
seems here to be described under the metaphor 
of a garment fitting closely to the limbs, which 
“must be cast off if the race is to be won, A 
; + would be called by the term in ques- 
ion, which fitted well all round. 
8 The original (as it has been before re- 
narked) is not accurately represented by “ pa- 
ce;”? it means steadfast endurance, OF Sorti- 

















4 “Looking onward.” Compare “ looked 
beyond ” (xi. 26). 

Literally, foremost leader. Compare ii. 10. 
Compare also the similar phrase in vi. 20. 

8 Tf this Epistle was addressed to the 
Shristians of Jerusalem, the writer speaks 
e only of the existing generation; for the 
arch of Jerusalem had “resisted unto 
od” formerly, in the persons of Stephen, 
‘Ismes the Greaier, and James the Less. But 
introductory remarks, p. 850 


1 This is the meaning of the Greek word. 

8 Prov. iii. 11-12. (LXX. nearly verba- 
tim.) Philo quotes the passage to the same 
purpose as this Epistle. 

9 Throughout this passage it appears that 
the Church addressed was exposed to perse 
cution. The intense feeling of Jewish nation- 
ality called forth by the commencing struggle 
with Rome, which produced the triumph 
of the zealot party, would amply account 
for a persecution of the Christians at Jerusa- 
lem at this period, as is argued by those who 
suppose the Epistle addressed to them. But 
the same cause would produce the same effect 
in the great Jewish population of Alexandria. 

10 Observe the perfect, referring to the ex- 
amples of God’s children mentioned in the 
preceding chapter. 

1 “We had our fathers to chasten us.” 
The A. V. does not render the article cor 
rectly. 

12 « Qur” is understood (without repetition) 
from the parallel “eur flesh.” 


cn 


I 


17 


18 


880 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 







and live? For they, indeed, for a few days chastened us, after their o 
pleasure ; but He for our profit, that we might be partakers of His 
ness. Now no chastisement for the present seemeth to be joyous, k 
grievous; nevertheless, afterward, unto them that are exercised there 
it yieldeth the fruit of righteousness in peace.! 4 

Wherefore “ #ift up the bands tohich bang doton, and the fee 
hnees,”* and “make even paths for pour feet;”* that the halti 
limb be not lamed,‘ but rather healed. 

Follow peace with all men, and holiness, without which no warming 
man shall see the Lord. And look diligently lest any man ality. 
fall * short of the grace of God; “‘ lest any root of bitterness sprim 
ing up trouble yon,” * and thereby many be defiled; lest there be ai 
fornicator, or profane person, as Esau, who for a single meal sold 
birthright ; for ye know that afterward, when he desired to inherit ¢ 
blessing, he was rejected ; finding no room for repentance, though | 


sought it’ earnestly with tears. 


For ye are not come to a mountain that may be touched,® 1 propor 
and that burneth with fire, nor to “ blackness and Darkness 


1 Peaceful fruit of righteousness. God’s 
chastisements lead men to conformity to the 
will of God (which is righteousness) ; and this 
effect (fruit) of suffering is (peaceful) full of 
peace. There can be no peace like that which 
follows upon the submission of the soul to 
the chastisement of our heavenly Father, if 
we receive it as inflicted by infinite wisdom 
and perfect love. 

2 This quotation is from-Is. xxxv. 3, from 
LXX. (as appears by two of the Greek 
words), but quoted from memory, and not ver- 
batim. The quotation here approaches more 
nearly than this to the Hebrew original, and 
might therefore (if not quoted memoriter) be 
considered an exception to the rule, which 
otherwise is universal throughout this Epistle, 
of adhering to the LXX. in preference to the 
Hebrew. 

3 Prov. iv. 26 (L.XX. nearly verbatim). 

* Or be dislocated. The meaning of this 
exhortation seems to be, that they should 
abandon all appearance of Judaizing practices, 
which might lead the weaker brethren into 
apostasy. 






rity of the 
= 3 
Gospel ove 


5 The most natural construction h 
similar to that in verse 16. 

® Deut. xxix. 18. This quotation 
strong instance in favor of Bleck’s view, 
the writer of this Epistle used the Alex 
drian text of the LXX. For the Codex A 
andrinus (which, however, is corrupt here) 
responds with the Epistle, while the Co 
Vaticanus corresponds more closely with | 
Hebrew. 

7 Although, with Chrysostom and 
Wette. we refer “it” grammatically to “ 
pentance,” yet we think the view of Bl 
substantially correct in referring it to “bli 
ing.” That is, in saying that Esau sought 
pentance with tears, the writer obviously mé 
that he sought to reverse the consequences o 
fault, and obtain the blessing. If we refer 
Genesis, we find that it was, in fact, Jaco 
blessing (the Greek word is the same, 6 
xxvii. 35-38, LXX.) which Esau sought wi 
tears. } 
8 The first is the present participle; 
second the perfect participle (not as A. V.). 1 
the particulars here mentioned, see Exod. x 


EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. 881 


perree and tempest,” and “sound of trumpet,” * and “ boice of 
lespising 93 
foords ”* — the hearers whereof entreated that no more might 
spoken unto them;‘ for they could not bear that which was com- 
anded® (‘And if so much us a beast touch the mountain, it 
ral be stoned ;”° and so terrible was the sight, that Moses said, “ J 
ceedingly fear und quake.”") But ye are come unto Mount Sion, 
id to the city of the living God, the heavenly Jerusalem,’ and to myri- 
is* of angels in full assembly, and to the congregation of the first-born ® 
hose names are written in heaven, and to God" the judge of all, and to 
e spirits of just men ” made perfect,” and to Jesus the mediator of a 
7 covenant, and to the blood of sprinkling, which speaketh better 
inge than that of Abel.”* 
See that ye reject* not Him that speaketh. For if they escaped not 
ho rejected him that spake” on earth, much more shall not we escape 
we turn away from Him that speaketh from heaven. pes voice 
en shook the earth; but now He hath promised, saying, “Het once 


1 Dent. iv. 11, the same Greek words 
4 Exod. xix. 16, again the same Greck 
rds (LXX.). 
% Dent. iv. 12 (LXX.) 
ie Dent. v. 25 (LXX.), where one of the 
reek words accounts for what we read here. 
‘5 We put a full stop after commanded, be- 
= that which the Israelites ‘‘could not 
ar” was not the order for killing the beasts, 
ut the utterance of the commandments of 
od. See Ex. xx. 19. 
6 Quoted from Ex. xix. 12 (LXX., but not 
im). The words “or thrust through 
ith a dart” of the Received Text have been 
sre interpolated from the Old Testament, 













id are not in any of the uncial MSS. 

7 Deut. ix. 19 (LXX.). This is the pas- 
ge in the Old Testament, which comes near- 
tto the present. It was the remembrance of 
t terrible sight which caused Moses to say 
; much more must he have been terrified 


e of its citizens are still pilgrims and 
‘angers upon earth. 
|® We take myriads of angels with full assem- 


tine assembly, which reminds us of “the mar- 
siage-supper of the Lamb.” 

10 First-born. These appear to be the Chris- 
tians already dead and entered into their rest ; 
“ written” means registered or enrolled. Cf. 
Luke ii. 1, and Phil. iv. 8. 

11 The order of the Greek would lead us 
more naturally to translate to a judge, who ws 
Ged of all; but we have retained the A. V. in 
deference to the opinion of Chrysostom. 

12 These just men (being distinguished from 
the first-born above) are probably the worthies 
of the ancient dispensation, commemorated 
chap. xi. 

18 Literally, who have attained their consum- 
mation. This they had not done antil Christ’s 
coming. See xi. 40. 

14 Contrasted with the water of sprinkling of 
Numbers xix. (LXX.) Compare ix. 13-14, 
and x. 22 

16 Or, if we read with the best MSS., “‘bet- 
ter than Abel.” The voice of Abel cried for 
vengeance (Gen. iv. 10). Compare xi. 4; the 
blood of Christ called down forgiveness. 

16 Jt is impossible to translate this verb by 
the same English word here and in verse 19th ; 
hence the reference of the one passage to the 
other is less plain than in the original. 

1 Literally, “that spake eracularly.” 


19 


20 


26 


29 


wiil Let brotherly love continue. 


8 


5 judge. 
what ye have ; for HE hath said, “ ¥ toill neber lewbe thee nor 
thee.” *° So that we may boldly say, “ The Lord is my helper, wt 
fill not fexr, Wbat can man do unto me?” ™ 

Remember them that were your leaders,” who spoke to you the ® 


3,9 


882 


more only’ twill J shuke’ not the earth alone, but also 6 vei 
And this “ yet once more only” signifieth the removal of those th 
that are shaken, as being perishable,‘ that the things unshaken 1 
Wherefore, since we receive a kingdom that : 
not be shaken, let us be filled with thankfulness,’ whereby we may ¢ 
acceptable worship unto God with reverence and godly fear. For <“ 


remain immovable. 


God is » consuming fire.” * 


awares. 


faith. 


Jesus Christ™ is the same yesterday and to-day and forever. 


1 Once, and once only. Cf. ix. 26 and x. 2. 

2 “ Will I shake” is the reading of the 
best MSS. 

8 Hagg. ii. 6 (LXX., but not verbatim). 

* Used here as made with hands is (ix. 11, 
ix. 24), and as we often use “things created” 
as equivalent to thing perishable. 

6 “Filled with thankfulness.” Compare 
Luke xvii. 9. If the meaning were, “Let us 
hold fast [the] grace [which we have received],” 
the Greek verb would be different. 

© Dent. iv. 24 (LXX., nearly verbatim). 

7 Viz. Abraham and Lot. 

® This must be taken imperatively on the 
same ground as what immediately follows, at 
the beginning of the 5th verse. 

® The MSS. A, D, and some others, read 
for here, which is adopted by Lachmann and 
Bleek. 


10 Dent. xxxi. 6 (LXX.). This is said by 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


Remember the prisoners, as though ye shared their : pro ; 
prison ; and the afflicted, as being yourselves also in the body. 0 obedier , 
4 Let apse | be held pone in all things, and let the the 7 





































Be not forgetful to entertain gen 


Moses. In Josh. i. » (LXX.), we find a 
promise from God, almost in the same 
addressed to Joshua. The citation here, 
not verbatim, may be derived from eith 
these places. Philo cites the same 
the text. 
0 Ps, exviii. 6 (LXX.). } 
2 Not rulers, but leaders. Compare 
xy. 22, where the word is the same 
here (cf. verses 17 and 24) applied 
presbyters or bishops of the Church. § 
879, note 6. 
18 A very graphic word, not to be ful 
dered by any English term. The 
“contemplate the final scene [perhaps mai 
which closed their life and labors.” 
14 The A. V. here gives an English 
the very erroneous impression that 
Christ” is in the objective case, and i ‘- 
tion to “the end of their conversation.” 


mean 


aad 
ur 


AP. XXVIII, EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. 883 


arried away with manifold and strange doctrines. For itis good that 
he heart be established by grace; not by meats,? which profited not 
hem that were occupied therein. We have an altar whereof they that 
ninister unto the tabernacle have no right to eat. For* the bodies of 
hose beasts whose blood the High Priest bringeth‘ into the Holy Place ° 
we burned “ fuithout the camp.”° Wherefore Jesus also, that He 
night sanctify the People by His own blood, suffered without the gate. 
Therefore let us go forth unto Him “ fuithout the camp,” bearing His 
‘eproach. For here we have no continuing city, but we seek one to come.’ 

By Him therefore let us offer unto God continually a sacrifice of 


raise,’ that is, “ the fruit of our lips,”° 
And be not unmindful of benevolence and liberality, for such 


lame. 


making confession unto His 


we the sacrifices which are acceptable unto God. 

_ Render unto them that are your leaders obedience and submission ; for 
hey on their part’ watch for the good of your souls, as those that must 
five account; that they may keep their watch with joy, and not with 


amentation ; 


sooner.” 


+ “Carried away,” not “carried about,” is 
he reading of the best MSS. 

* 2 Not by meats. The connection here is very 
lifficult. The reference seems to be, in the 
irst place, to Judaizing doctrines concerning 
clean and unclean meats; but thence the 
thought passes on to the sacrificial meats, on 
which the priests were partly supported. Some 
fink this verse addressed to those who had 
emselyes been priests, which would be an ar- 
mment for supposing the Epistle addressed to 
the Church at Jerusalem. (Compare Acts vi. 











_ ® The connection seems to be, that the vic- 
jéms sacrificed on the day of Atonement were 


and therefore not eaten. 

4 Viz. on the day of Atonement. 
sare chaps. ix. and x. 

y 8 The words “for sin” are omitted in the 
yest MSS. 

Ad Levit. xvi. 27 (LXX. verbatim). The 


Com- 


for that would be unprofitable for you. 

Pray for me; for I trust" that I have a good conscience, 
desiring in all my conduct to live rightly. But I the rather 
* beseech you to do this, that I may be restored to you the 


camp of the Israelites was afterwards represent- 
ed by the Holy City; so that the bodies of 
these victims were burnt outside the gates of 
Jerusalem. See above, p. 636, note 6. 

7 Literally, the city which 7s to come. Com- 
pare x. 34, and the kingdom that cannot be 
shaken, xii. 28. 

8 The Christian sacrifice is “a sacrifice of 
praise and thanksgiving,” contrasted with the 
propitiatory sacrifices of the old law, which 
were forever consummated by Christ. See x. 
4-14. 

® Hosea xiv. 2. (LXX.) 
Hebrew text is different.) 

10 The pronoun is emphatic. 

ll This seems to be addressed to a party 
amongst these Hebrew Christians who had tak- 
en offence at something in the writer's conduct. 

22 We have already observed that this im- 
plies that a personal connection existed be- 
tween the writer and the readers of this Episdle. 
The opinion of Ebrard, that this verse is writ- 


(The present 


10 
ll 


12 


13 


14 


15 


16 


17 


18 
19 


ro B: 


21 


22 


& 


884 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. CHAP, XXV 


Now the God of peace, who raised up’ from the dead the gres 
Shepherd of the sheep,” * even our Lord Jesus, through the bloo 
of an everlasting covenant, — make you perfect in every good work to d 
His will, working in you that which is well pleasing in His sight, b 
Jesus Christ. To whom be glory forever.’ Amen. 

I beseech you, brethren, to bear with these words of exhortation ; for 
have written shortly.‘ 

Know that our brother Timotheus is set at liberty; and with him, i 





he come speedily, I will see you. 


Salute all them that are your leaders, and all the saints. 
Grace be with you all. Amen. 


They of Italy * salute you. 





Here Hes Faustina. In peace.’ 


ten by St. Luke in St. Paul’s person, and verse 
23d in his own person, appears quite untena- 
ble; no intimation of a change of person is 
given (compare Rom. xvi. 22); nor is there 
any inconsistency in asking prayers for a pros- 
perous journey, and afterwards expressing & 
positive intention of making the journey. 

1 This denotes not to bring again (A. V-), 
but to bring up from below, to raise up. (Rom. 
x. 7.) 

2 This is an allusion to a passage in Isaiah 
(Is. Ixiii. 11, LXX.), where God is described 
as “ He who brought up from the sea the shepherd 
of the sheep” (viz. Moses]. 

8 “ And ever” is probably to be omitted 
both here and Rom. xi. 86, and xvi. 27. 

4 They are asked to excuse the apparent 
harshness ef some portions of the letter, on the 


ground that the writer had not tim~ fow circ 
locution. 
& “They of Italy.” We agree wita Wi 
in thinking that this “of” may be most 
rally understood as used from the position of 
readers. This was the view of the earlier im 
preters, and is agreeable to Greek analogy. 
fact, if we consider the origin in most I 
guages of the gentilitial prepositions (von, dt 
&c.), we shall see that they conform to 
same analogy. Hence we infer from this} 
sage that the writer was in Italy. 
® A Christian tomb with the three 
guages, from Maitland’s Church in the ¢ 
combs, p.77. The name is Latin, the inst 
tion Greek, and the word Shalom or “pe 
is in Hebrew. See p. 28. 





APPENDICHS. 


ON THE TIME OF THE VISIT 


a. avoid circumlocution, 


as subsequent by St. Paul. 


, 
j 
\ 
‘ 
7 


reading the en 


APPENDIX I. 


TO JERUSALEM MENTIONED IN GALA- 
TIANS (Chap. ii.) 

we shall call the visit mentioned in Galatians ii. 1 the 

Galatian Visit; and we shall de ‘gnate the visit mentioned in Acts ix. as 

pisit (1), that in Acts xi. and xii. as visit (2), that in Acts xv. as visit (3), that in 


Acts xviii. as visit (4), that in Acts xxi. as visit (5). 
I. The Galatian Visit was not the same with visit (1), because it is mentioned 


Il. Was the Galatian Visit the same with visit (2) 2% The first impression from 
d of Gal. i. and beginning of Gal. ii. would be that it was; for St. 


tioned in Gal. i. 18, which was visit (1), and that in Gal. ii. 1, which we have called 


the Galatian Visit. 


object in this passage is not to enumerate all 


On the other side, however, we must observe that St. Paul’s 


his visits to Jerusalem. His opponents 


had told his converts that Paul was no true Apostle; that he was only a Christian 


object is to refute this statement. 


mission from the chief Apostles. 














1This question is one of the most import- 
ig ant, both chronologically and historically, 
in the life of St. Paul. Perhaps its discus- 
sion more properly belongs to the Epistle to 
the Galatians than to this place; but it has 
been given here as a justification of the 
_ yiew taken in Ch. VII. 

2Gal. ii. 1. 

8To support this view, either the conver- 
sion must be placed much earlier than we 
_ think probable, or ‘‘ fourteen,” in Gal. ii. 1, 
‘must be altered into ‘‘ four.” 


teacher authorized by the Judean Apostles ; 
knowledge of the Gospel from Peter, James, and the rest of “the twelve.” St. Paul’s 
This he does by declaring, firstly, that his com- 
mission was not from men, but from God; secondly, that he had taught Christianity 
for three years without seeing any of “the twelve” at all; thirdly, that, at the end 
of that time, he had only spent one fortn 
and then had gone to Cilicia and remained personally unknown to the Judean 
Christians; fourthly, that, fourteen years afterwards, he had undertaken a journey 
to’ Jerusalem, and that he then obtained an acknowledgment of his independent 
Thus we see that his object is, not to enumerate 


| 
| 
R 
, 
p 
; 
. 
: Paul seems to imply that there had been no intermediate visit between the one men- 
. 
> 


that he derived his authority and his 


ight at Jerusalem with Peter and James, 


4We must certainly acknowledge that St. 
Paul appears to say this; and some com- 
mentators have avoided the difficulty by sup- 
posing, that although Paul and Barnabas 
were commissioned to convey the alms from 
Antioch to Jerusalem, yet that St. Paul was 
prevented (by some circumstances not men- 
tioned) from going the whole way to Jeru- 
salem. For example, it might be too hazard- 
ous for him to appear within the walls of 
the city at such a time of persecution. 


886 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 




























every occasion where he might possibly have been instrueted by “ the twelve,’ but t 
assert (an assertion which he confirms by oath, Gal. i. 20) that his knowledge « 
Christianity was not derived from their instruction. A short visit to Jerusalen 
which produced no important results he might naturally pass over, and especially 
he saw none of “the twelve” at Jerusalem when he visited it. Now, this was pi ob 
ably the case at visit (2), because it was just at the time of Herod Agrippa’s pers 
cution, which would naturally disperse the Apostles from Jerusalem, as the persecu 
tion at Stephen’s death did. With regard to St. Peter, it is expressly said, that 
after his miraculous escape from prison, he quitted Jerusalem.t This suppositior 
is confirmed by finding that Barnabas and Saul were sent to the Elders of the ch 
at Jerusalem, and not to the Apostles. 

A further objection to supposing the Galatian Visit identical with visit (2) i 
that, at the time of the Galatian Visit, Paul and Barnabas are described as havin 
been already extensively useful as missionaries to the Heathen; but this they ha 
not been in the time of visit (2). ; 

Again: St. Paul could not have been, at so early a period, considered on a foo’ 
ing of equality with St. Peter; yet this he was at the time of the Galatian Visit? _ 

Again: visit (2) could not have been so long’ as fourteen years* after visit (1) 
For visit (2) was certainly not later than 45 a.p.; and, if it was the same as th 
Galatian Visit, visit (1) must have been not later than from 31 to 33 a.p. (alloy 
the inclusive Jewish mode of reckoning to ve possibly employed). But Aretas 
we have seen p. 76) was not in possession of Damascus till about 37. 

Again: if visit (2) were fourteen years after visit (1), we must suppose nearh 
all this time spent by St. Paul at Tarsus, and yet that all his long residence ther 
is unrecorded by St. Luke, who merely says that he went to Tarsus, and from thene 
to Antioch.* 4 

III. The Galatian Visit not being identical with (1) or (2), was it iden Lic 
with (3), (4), or (5)? We may put (5) at once out of the question, because § 
Paul did not return to Antioch after (5), whereas he did return after the Galati : 
Visit. There remain, therefore, (3) and (4) to be considered. We shall take (4 
first. p 

IV. Wieseler has lately argued very ingeniously that the Galatian Visit w 
the same with (4). His reasons are, firstly, that, at the Galatian Visit, the Apostle 
allowed unlimited freedom to the Gentile converts; i. e. imposed no conditio 
upon them, such as those in the decrees of the Council passed at visit (3). his 
however, is an inference not warranted by St. Paul’s statement, which speaks of 
acknowledgment of his personal independence, but does not touch the question of th 
converts. Secondly, Wieseler urges, that, till the time of visit (4), St. Paul’s posi 
tion could not have been so far on a level with St. Peter’s as it was at the Galatia 
Visit. Thirdly, he thinks that the condition of making a collection for the pe 
Christians in Jerusalem, which St. Paul says® he had been forward to fulfil, m 1s 
have been fulfilled in that great collection which we know that St. Paul set on fe 
immediately after visit (4), because we read of no other collection made by St. P 
for this purpose. Fourthly, Wieseler argues that St. Paul would not have beet 
likely to take an uncircumcised Gentile, like Titus, with him to Jerusalem at 
period earlier than visit (4). And, moreover, he conceives Titus to be the same y i 
the Corinthian Justus,’ who is not mentioned as one of St. Paul’s companions til 
Acts xviii. 7; that is, not till after visit (3). 

* Acts xii. 17. 2See Gal. ii. 9. ® The collection carried up to Jerusalem ; 
h : _ 891 visit (2) might, however, be cited as an e 
and the note B on the Chronological Table in ception to this’ remark; for (although m6 
Appendix III. expressly stated) it is most probable tha 
j St. Paul was active in forwarding it, s! 
“Acts ix. 30, and xi. 26. See what Prof. he was selected to carry it to Jerusalem, — 
Burton says on this interval. ™ Many of the most ancient MSS. and ver 
5Gal ii. 10, sions read Titus Justus in Acts xviii. 7. 


i APPENDIX ON THE CHRONOLOGY OF GAL. II. 


887 


It is evident that these arguments are not conclusive in favor of visit (4), even 
df there were nothing on the other side; put there are, moreover, the following ob- 


him at visit (4). Secondly, had so impor 


other Apostles taken place at visit (4), 


_jections against supposing the Galatian Visit identical with (4). Firstly, Barnabas 
was St. Paul’s companion in the Galatian Visit: he is not mentioned as being with 
tant a conference between St. Paul and the 
it would not have been altogether passed 


over by St. Luke, who dwells so fully upon the council held at the time of visit (3), 
‘the decrees of which (on Wieseler’s view) were inferior in importance to the con- 
_cordat between St. Paul and the other Apostles which he supposes to have been made 
at visit (4). Thirdly, the whole tone of the second chapter of Galatians is against 
- Wieseler’s hypothesis; for, in that chapter, St. Paul plainly seems to speak. of the 
first conference which he had held, after his success among the Heathen, with the 
chief Apostles at Jerusalem; and he had certainly seen and conferred with them 


, during visit ( 3) iG 





| Jerusalem took place. 


-  +YV. We have seen, therefore, that, if the Galatian Visit be mentioned at all in 
the Acts, it must be identical with visit (3), at which the (so-called) Council of 


We will now consider the objections against the identity of 


these two visits urged by Paley and others, and then the arguments in favor of the 


_ identity. 


Objections to the identity of the GALA- 
. nran Visit with Visit (3). 


1. St. Paul, in Gal. (ii. 1), mentions 
; this journey as if it had been the next 
_ yisit to Jerusalem after the time which 
he spent there on his return from Da- 
_mascus: he does not say any thing of 
any intermediate visit. This looks as 
_ if he were speaking of the journey which 
he took with Barnabas to Jerusalem 
(Acts xi. 30) to convey alms to the 
Jewish Christians in the famine. 


yi 


2. In the Galatians, the journey is 
said to have taken place “by revela- 
tion” (Gal. ii. 2); but in Acts xv. 2-4, 


6-12, a public mission is mentioned. 
Hi 







ti 


3. In the Galatians, Barnabas and 
_ Titus are spoken of as St. Paul’s com- 
{ F panions; in the Acts, Barnabas and 
| others (Acts xv. 2): but Titus is not 
‘mentioned. 






Answers to the Objections. 


1. This objection is answered above, 
p. 886. 


2. The journey may have taken place 
in consequence of a revelation, and yet 
may also have been agreed to by a vote 
of the church at Antioch. Thus, in St. 
Paul’s departure from Jerusalem (Acts 
ix. 29, 30), he is said to have been sent 
by the brethren in consequence of danger 
feared; and yet (Acts xxii. 17-21) he 
says that he had taken his departure in 
consequence of a vision on the very same 
occasion (see pp. 186, 187). 


3. This argument is merely ew silen- 
tio, and therefore inconclusive. In the 
Acts, Paul and Barnabas are naturally 
mentioned, as being prominent charac- 
ters in the history; whereas, in the Epis- 
tle, Titus would naturally be mentioned 
by St. Paul as a personal friend of his 
own, and also because of his refusal tc 
circumcise him. 


888 


4. The object of the visit in Acts xv. 
is different from that of the Galatian 
Visit. The object in Acts xv. was to 
seek relief from the imposition of the 
Mosaic Law: that of the Galatian Visit 
was to obtain the recognition of St. 
Paul’s independent apostleship. 


5. In Acts xv., a public assembly of 
the church in Jerusalem is described; 
while in the Galatians, only private 
interviews with the leading Apostles are 
spoken of. 


6. The narrative in the Epistle says 
nothing of the decision of the Council 
of Jerusalem, as it is commonly called, 
mentioned Acts xv. Now, this decision 
was conclusive of the very point dis- 
puted by the Judaizing teachers in Gala- 
tia, and surely, therefore, would not 
have been omitted by St. Paul in an ar- 
gument involving the question, had he 
been relating the circumstances which 
happened at Jerusalem when that de- 
cision was made, _ 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF st. PAUL, 
































4. Both these objects are implied 
each narrative. The recognition of § 
Paul’s apostleship is implied in Acts x 
25; and the relief from the impositic 
of the Mosaic Law is implied, Gal. ii. 
where the word “ uncircumcision ” sh V 
that the Apostles at the time of § 
Paul’s visit to Jerusalem, mentioned | 
the Epistle, acknowledged that the w 
circumcised might partake of “the g 
pel.” The same thing is shown by tl 
fact that the circumcision of Titus 
not insisted on. We must remembe 
also, that the transactions recorded a 
looked upon from different points — 
view in the Acts and in the Epistle: f 
Acts xv. contains a narrative of a gre 
transaction in the history of the Chure 
while St. Paul, in the Epistle, alludes t 
this transaction with the object of pre 
ing the recognition of his independe 
authority. 


5. The private interviews spoken 
in the Epistle do not exclude the su 
position of public meetings having a 
taken place; and a communication to fi 
whole Church (Gal. ii. 2) is express 
mentioned. 


6. The narrative in Galatians gives 
statement intended to prove the reco 
nition of St. Paul’s independent autho 
ity, which is sufficient to account f 
this omission. Moreover, if St. P. 
omission of reference to the decision | 
the Council proved that the journey I 
speaks of was prior to the Council, 
must equally prove that the whole Epi 
tle was written before the Council 
Jerusalem; yet it is generally a TOY 
edged to have been written long aft 
the Council. The probable reason 
St. Paul does not refer to the decisia 
of the Council is this, — that the Jud 
izing teachers did not absolutely dispu 
that decision: they probably did not d 
clare the absolute necessity of cireun 
cision, but spoke of it as admitting 
greater privileges and a fuller coven 
with God. The Council had only d 
cided that Gentile Christians need n 
observe the Law. The Judaiziny par 
might still contend that Jewish Ch 










¥. It is inconsistent to suppose that, 
after the decision of the Council of Jeru- 
em, St. Peter could have behaved as 
he is described as doing (Gal. ii. 12) ; for 
how could he refuse to eat with the un- 
“circumcised Christians, after having ad- 
yoeated in the Council their right of 
admission to Christian fellowship? 


‘APPENDIX ON THE CHRONOLOGY OF GAL. Il. 


"889 


tians ought to observe it (as we know 
they did observe it till long afterwards). 
And also the decrees of the Council left 
Gentile Christians subject to the same 
restrictions with the Proselytes of the 
Gate. Therefore the Judaizing party 
would naturally argue, that they were 
still not more fully within the pale of 
the Christian Church than the Prose 
lytes of the Gate were within that of the 
Jewish Church. Hence they would urge 
them to submit to circumcision, by way 
of placing themselves in full member- 
ship with the Church; just as they 
would have urged a Proselyte of the 
Gate to become a Proselyte of Righteous- 
ness. Also St. Paul might assume that 
the decision of the Council was well 
known to the Churches in Galatia; for 
Paul and Silas had carried it with them 
there. 


- 


7. This objection is founded on a mis- 
understanding of St. Peter’s conduct. 
His withdrawal from eating at the same 
table with the uncircumcised Christians 
did not amount to a denial of the de- 
cision of the Council. His conduct. 
showed a weak fear of offending the 
Judaizing Christians who came from 
Jerusalem; and the practical effect of 
such conduct would have been, if per- 
sisted in, to separate the Church into 
two divisions. Peter’s conduct was still 


- more inconsistent with the consent which 


he had certainly given previously (Gal. 
ii. 7-9) to the “gospel” of Paul, and 
with his previous conduct in the case of 
Cornelius (see end of Chap. VII.). We 
may add that whatever difficulty may be 
felt in St. Paul’s not alluding to the 
decrees of the Council in his Epistle to 
the Galatians, must also be felt in his 
total silence concerning them when he 
treats of the question of “ things sacri- 
ficed to idols” in the Epistles to Corinth 
and Rome; for that question had been 
explicitly decided by the Council. The 
fact is that the Decrees of the Council 
were not designed as of permanent au- 
thority, but only as a temporary and 
provisional measure; and their author- 
ity was superseded as the Church grad- 
ually advanced towards true Christicn 
freecor:. 


890 


8. The Epistle mentions St. Paul as 
conferring with James, Peter, and John; 
whereas, in Acts xv., John is not men- 
tioned at all; and it seems strange that 
so distinguished a person, if present at 
the Council, should not have been men- 
tioned. 


9. Since, in the Galatians, St. Paul 
mentions James, Peter, and John, it 
seems most natural to suppose that he 
speaks of the well-known apostolic 
triumvirate so often classed together in 
_the Gospels. But if so, the James men- 
tioned must be James the Greater; and 
hence the journey mentioned in the Gala- 
tians must have been before the death of 
James the Greater, and therefore before 
the Council of Jerusalem. 


10. St. Paul’s refusal to circumcise 
Titus (Gal. ii.), and voluntary cirecum- 
cising of Timothy (Acts xvi. 3), so soon 
afterwards. 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


8. This argument is only ew silent 
and obviously inconclusive. 










9. This objection proceeds on 
mere assumption that, because James 
mentioned first, he must be James 
Greater; whereas James the Less 
came even a more conspicuous leader oj 
the Church at Jerusalem than James 
Greater had previously been, as we se 
from Acts xv.: hence he might be very 
well mentioned with Peter and Johr 
And the fact of his name coming first i 
St. Paul’s narrative agrees better wit 
this supposition; for James the Greate 
is never mentioned the first in the apos 
tolic triumvirate, the order of which i 
Peter, James, and John: but James th 
Less would naturally be mentioned firs 
if the Council at Jerusalem was met 
tioned, since we find from Acts xy. thi 
he took the part of president in tha 
Council. 


10. Timothy’s mother was a Jewes 
and he had been brought up a Jew 
whereas Titus was a Gentile. The 
cumstances of Timothy’s circumceisic 
were fully discussed in pp. 228-231. 


Thus we see that the objections against the identity of the Galatian Visit wil 
visit (3) are inconclusive; consequently, we might at once conclude (from the obyiol 
circumstances of identity between the two visits) that they were actually identica 
But this conclusion is further strengthened by the following arguments: — , 

1. The Galatian Visit could not have happened before visit (3) ; because, if 
the Apostles at Jerusalem had already granted to Paul and Barnabas? the liber 
which was sought for the “gospel of the uncircumcision”; therefore there we 1 
have been no need for the Church to send them again to Jerusalem upon the san 
cause. And again: the Galatian Visit could not have happened after visit (3); } 
cause, almost immediately after that period, Paul and Barnabas ceased to work t 
gether as missionaries to the Gentiles; whereas, up to the time of the Galatian Vis 
they had been working together.® ; 

2. The chronology of St. Paul’s life (so far as it can be ascertained) agre 
better with the supposition that the Galatian Visit was visit (3) than with at 
other supposition. 

Reckoning backwards from the ascertained epoch of 60 A.p., when St. Paul w 


1See 2 Tim. iii. 15. We may remark that 
this difficulty (which is urged by Wieseler) 
is quite as great on his own hypothesis; for, 


according to him, the refusal happened 0. 
about two years after the consent. i 
—a=, 7Gal. ii, 3-4. 5Gal. ii. 1, 










































A, — Conversion. 


E. — Galatian Visit. 


sht at a more probable date than 38. 


.e., visit (3) ) as above. 


10n this Judaical reckoning, see note B on 
Chronological Table in Appendix III. 
The reading “fourteen” (Gal. Ri Peis 
oubtedly to be retained. It is in all the 
nt MSS. which contain the passage. The 
ng “four” has probably arisen from 
words “four years,’ which relate to a 
erent subject, in the sentence below. The 
position “ after,” denoting “after an in- 
of,” may be used, according to the 
h way of reckoning time, inclusively. 
fourteen years must be reckoned from 
e epoch last mentioned, which is the visit 


APPENDIX ON THE CHRONOLOGY OF GAL, Il. 


891 


snt to Rome, we find that he must have begun his second missionary journey in 51 
that, therefore, the Council (i. e., visit (3) ) must have been either in 50 or 51. 
calculation is based upon the history in the Acts. Now, turning to the Epistle 
9 the Galatians, we find the following epochs: — 


B.—3 years’ interval (probably Judaically reckoned = 2 years).* 
C.— Flight from Damascus, and visit (1). 
D. — 14? years’ interval (probably Judaically reckoned = 13 years).* 


And since Aretas was supreme at Damascus? at the time of the flight, and his 
upremacy there probably began about 37 (see pp. 76 and 93), we could not put the 
Tf we assume this to have been the case, then 


Galatian Visit was 38+ 13=51; which agrees with the time of the Council 


VI. Hence we need not further consider the views of those writers who (like 
aley and Schrader) have resorted to the hypothesis that the Galatian Visit is some 
sed journey not recorded in the Acts at all; for we have proved that the sup- 
tion of its identity with the third visit there recorded satisfies every necessary 
sondition. Schrader’s notion is that the Galatian Visit was between visit (4) and 
t (5). Paley places it between visit (3) and visit (4). 
seated in a discussion of the subject (not published) which has been kindly com- 
nicated to us. The principal points in this hypothesis are, that the Galatians 
converted in the first missionary ‘journey; that the Galatian Visit took place 
ween visit (2) and visit (3); and that the Epistle to the Gdlatians was written 
the Galatian Visit, and before wisit (3). 
e difficulties,t and it is quite possible (see p. 
nt have been formed at the time supposed; but we are strongly of opinion that 
ch later date must be assigned to the Epistle? 


A third view is ably 


This hypothesis certainly obviates 
212, n.2) that the Galatian churches 


(1) to Jerusalem, and not the Conyersion: at 
least, this is the most natural way; although 
the other interpretation might be justified, 
if required by the other circumstances of the 
case. 

32 Cor. xi. 32. 

4Especially the difficulties which relate to 
the apparent discrepancies between the Gala- 
tian Visit and visit (3), and to the circum- 
stance that the Apostle does not allude to 
the Council in his argument with the Gala- 
tians on the subject of cireumcision. 

5 See note on Epistle to the Galatians. 


“a 


APPENDIX i 




















ON THE DATE OF THE PASTORAL EPISTLES, 


the following data into account: — 
1. The three Epistles were nearly contemporaneous with one another. This 
proved by their resembling each other in language, matter, and style of compositi 
and in the state of the Christian Church which they describe; and by their differ 
in all these three points from all the other Epistles of St. Paul. Of course, the f 
force of this argument cannot be appreciated by those who have not carefully stud 
these Epistles; but it is now almost universally admitted by all* who have done 
both by the defenders and impugners of the authenticity of the Pastoral Epistl 
Hence, if we fix the date of one of the three, we fix approximately the date of al! 
2. They were written after St. Paul became acquainted with Apollos, and th 
fore after St. Paul’s first visit to Ephesus. (See Acts xviii. 24, and Titus iii. 13 
3. Hence they could not have been written till after the conclusion of that } 
tion of his life which is related in the Acts; because there is no part of his his 
between his first visit to Ephesus and his Roman imprisonment, which satisfies 
historical conditions implied in the statements of any one of these Epistles. Ve ri 
attempts have been made, with different degrees of ingenuity, to place the Epistle: 
Timothy and Titus at different points in this interval of time; but all have fe 
even to satisfy the conditions required for placing any single Epistle correctly? . 
no one has ever attempted to place all three together at any period of St. Paul’s. 
before the end of his first Roman imprisonment; yet this contemporaneousness of 
three Epistles is a necessary condition of the problem. 
4. The Pastoral Epistles were written not merely after St. Paul’s first Ror 
imprisonment, but considerably after it. This is evident from the marked differe 
in their style from the Epistle to the Philippians, which was the last written dur 
that imprisonment. So great a change of style (a change not merely in the u 
single words, but in phrases, in modes of thought, and in method of composit: 
must require an interval of certainly not less than four or five years to account 
it. And even that interval might seem too short, unless accompanied by cire 
stances which should further explain the alteration. Yet five years of exhs 
labor, great physical and moral sufferings, and bitter experience of human 
might suffice to account for the change. 


Ap aa we can fix the time at which these Epistles were written, we must t 


1 We have noticed Dr. Davidson’s contrary 
opinion before; and we should add that Wie- 
seler may be considered another exception, 
only that he does not attempt to reply to 
the grounds stated by other critics for the 
contemporaneousness of the three Epistles, 
but altogether ignores the question of in- 
ternal evidence from style and Church or- 
ganization, which is the conclusive evidence 
here. Subjoined to this Appendix in the 


$92 






larger editions is an alphabetical list of 
words and phrases peculiar to the Pa 
Epistles, ; 
? Wieseler’s is the most ingenious tl 
which has been suggested for getting | 
this difficulty; but it has been sho "1 
Huther that none of the three Epistle 
be placed as Wieseler places them 
involving some contradiction of the f 
mentioned in them respectively. 


DATE OF THE PASTORAL EPISTLES. 


5. The develop 


ads to the same conclusion as to the lateness of their date. 
implying numerous candidates for these offices ; 


from the presbyterate ; the regular cata- 
),—are all examples of this. 

ll three Epistles are likewise of a nature which 

e. They are of the same class as those at- 


ed in the Hpistle to the Colossians, but appear under a more matured form. 
hich we find condemned in other portions of 


1e choice of presbyters and deacons, 
ye exclusion of new converts, (neophytes*) 
ygue of Church widows (1 Tim. v. 
6. The heresies condemned in a 
orbids the supposition of an early dat 
ack 
‘hey are apparently the same heresies W 
Scripture written in 
f Peter and Jude. 


the latter part of the apostolic age; as, for example, 
We trace distinctly the beginnings 0 
sroke out with such destructive power in the second century, 


893 


N 


ment of Church organization implied in the Pastoral Epistles 


The detailed rules for 


the Epistles 
f the Gnostic Heresy, which 
and of which we have 


already seen the germ in the Epistle to the Colossians. 


7. The preceding conditions might lead us to p 


(see condition 4, above) ; 
have a limit assigned us in this direction by a fact men- 


at Timotheus was still a young man (1 Tim. 


point after A.D. 66 
the first century. But we 
joned in the Epistles to Timothy: viz., th 
iv. 12, 2 Tim. ii. 22) when 
young for the authority intr 
diction over all the Presbyters (many 
According even to modern notions (an 
antiquity on the subject 
at the age of thirty-five. Now, 
a youth still living with his pare 
xvi. 1-3) as his companion. 
xvi. 1-3, compare 2 Tim. i. 4), 
teen or eighteen at the most. 
_ sidering the part he soon a 
519). Hence we may suppose 
.. quently, in 68 (the last year 
8. If we are to believe the universa 
martyrdom occurred in the reign of Nero. 
of the Pastoral Epistles; viz., tha 


Nor, again, 


they were written. We must, of course, 
statement relatively to the circumstances under wh 
usted to him; he was young to exercise supreme juris- 
of them old men) of the Churches of Asia. 
d much more according to the feelings of 
), he would still have been very young for such a position 
Timotheus was (as we have seen, pp. 175 and 228) 
nts when St. Paul first took him in A.p. 51 (Acts 


we cannot imagine him to 
could he be much younger than this, con- 
fterwards took in the conversion of Macedonia (2 Cor. 1. 
him to have been eighteen years old in a.p. 51. 


of Nero), he would be thirty-five* years old. 
1 tradition of the early Church, St. Paul’s 
® Hence we have another limit for the date 


lace the Pastoral Epistles at any 


i. e., in the last thirty-three years of 


understand this 
ich it is used. Timotheus was 


From the way in which he is then mentioned (Acts 


have been more than seven- 


Conse- 


+ it could not have been later than A.D. 68: and 


Eas 
_ this agrees very well with the preceding datum. 


Tt will be observe 


adopted in Chap. XXVIL.,— that the Pastoral Epistles we 
g, St. Paul’s final imprisonment at Rome.* 


* just before, and the last during 





“Y 14 Tim. iii. 6. 
\ 2No objection against the genuineness of 
the Pastoral Epistles has been more insisted 
on than that furnished by the reference to 
the youth of Timotheus in the two passages 
above mentioned. How groundless such ob- 
jections are, we may best realize by con- 
sidering the parallel case of those youns 
Colonial bishops who are almost annually 
_ leaving our shores. Several of these have 
been not more than thirty-four or thirty-five 
years of age at the time of their appoint- 
ment; and how naturally might they be ad- 
; dressed by an elderly friend in the very lan- 
__ guage which St. Paul here addressed to 
- Timotheus ! 
; 8See the authorities for this statement 
above, p. 846. 










d that all the above conditions are satisfied by the hypothesis 


re written, the two first 


4 At this point, in the larger editions, is a 
detailed discussion of the arguments of those 
who, during the present century, have denied 
the genuineness of these three Epistles. 
This was written before the appearance of 
Dr. Davidson’s third volume. The reader 
who is acquainted with that valuable work 
will perceive that we differ from Dr. Davyid- 
son on some material points; nor, after con- 
sidering his arguments, do we see reason to 
change our conclusions. But this difference 
does not prevent us from appreciating the 
candor and ability with which he states the 
arguments on both sides. We would espe- 
cially refer our readers to his statement of 
the difficulties in the way of the hypothesis 
that these Enistles were forget. 


894 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST, PAUL. a 

We come now to consider the order of the three Epistles among themselves: 

1. 1 T1m.—In this we find that St. Paul had left Ephesus for Macedc 
Tim. i. 3), and had left Timothy at Ephesus to counteract the erroneous teachiz 
of the heretics (iii. 4) ; and that he hoped soon to return to Ephesus (iii. 14), 

2. Tirus.— Here we find that St. Paul had lately left Crete (i. 5), and that | 
was now about to proceed (iii. 12) to Nicopolis in Epirus, where he meant to s 
the approaching winter; whereas, in 1 Tim., he meant soon to be back at Ephesus 
and he was afterwards at Miletus and Corinth between 1 Tim. and 2 Tim. (othe 
2 Tim. iv. 20 would be unintelligible). Hence Titus? must have been written 
than 1 Tim. 

3. 2 Tim.— We have seen that this Epistle could not (from the internal ey 
dence of its style, and close resemblance to the other Pastorals) have been writt 
in the first Roman imprisonment. The same conclusion may be drawn also on h 
torical grounds, as Huther has well shown where he proves that it could neither hay 
been written before the Epistle to the Colossians, nor after the Epistle to the Colo 
sians during that imprisonment. The internal evidence from style and matter, 
ever, is so conclusive, that it is needless to do more than allude to this quasi-extern: 
evidence. In this Epistle, we find St. Paul a prisoner in Rome (i. 17): he has latel 
been at Corinth (iv. 20); and, since he left Timothy (at Ephesus), he has been ¢ 
Miletus (iv. 20). Also he has been, not long before, at Troas (iv. 13). 

The facts thus mentioned can be best explained by supposing, (1) that, aft 
writing 1 Tim. from Macedonia, St. Paul did, as he intended, return to Ephesus b 
way of Troas, where he left the books, etc., mentioned 2 Tim. iv. 13, with Carpus 
(2) that from Ephesus he made a short expedition to Crete and back, and on hi 
return wrote to Titus; (3) that, immediately after despatching this letter, he wen 
by Miletus to Corinth, and thence to Nicopolis; whence he proceeded to Rome, 















*Had 1 Tim. been written after Titus, St, just left Ephesus, and (on that hypothesis 
Paul could not have hoped to be back soon would be intending to winter at the ¢ 
at Ephesus, 1 Tim. iii. 14; for he had only Nicopolis, 


t 


5 
Ad 
t 
4 
J 
G 
4 


4 
| 
| 





| 42 
3 





| A. D. 


| 


APPENDIX Ii. 





CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 


BriocRaPHy oF St. PavL. 


36 | () St. Paul’s conversion [supposing 


the 3 years of Gal. i. 18 Judaically 
reckoned]. See p. 891, and note 
(B) below. 


(2) At Damascus. 
(2) Flight from Damascus [see P- 


891] to Jerusalem, and thence to 
Tarsus. 


(2?) During these years, St. Paul 
(2) preaches in Syria and Cilicia, 
€2) making Tarsus_ his head- 
quarters; and probably under- 
goes most of the sufferings 
mentioned at 2 Cor. xi. 24-26; 
yiz., two of the Roman and the 
five Jewish scourgings, and 
(2) three shipwrecks. See pp. 98 
(@) and 109, and note on 2 Cor. 


xi. 25. 


He is brought from Tarsus to Antioch 
(Acts xi. 26), and stays there a 
year before the famine. 


He visits Jerusalem with Barnabas to 
relieve the famine. 


At ANTIOCH. 
At ANTIOCH. 
His “ First Missionary Journey,” from 
Antioch to 
Cyprus, Antioch in Pisidia, Iconi- 
um, Lystra, Derbe, 


and back through the same places to 
| ANTIOCH. 


CoNTEMPORARY EVENTS. 


fe _ 


Death of Tiberius, and accession of 
CatieuLa (March 16). 


Death of Caligula, and accession of 
Craupius (Jan. 25). Judea and 
Samaria given to Herod Agrippa IL. 


Invasion of Britain by Aulus Plautius. 


Death of Herod Agrippa I. (Acts xii.) 
[see note (A) below]. 

Cuspius Fadus (as procurator) suc- 
ceeds to the government of Judea. 


Tiberius Alexander made procurator 
of Judea (about this time). 


Agrippa II. (Acts xxv.) made king of | 
Chalcis; i 


Cumanus made procurator of Judea 
about this time). 
805 


898 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 
AppEenprix III.—continued. 


BrocRaPHy or Sr. Pavuu. CoNTEMPORARY EvENTS. 


50 | St. Paul and Barnabas attend the|Caractacus captured by the Romans 
“ Council of Jerusalem.” in Britain; 
[See p. 191, &c.; and note (B) be-| Cogidunus (father of Claudia [7], 2 
low.] Tim. iv. 21) assists the Romans in 
Britain. 
His “Second Missionary Journey,” 
from Antioch to 
Cilicia, Lycaonia, 
Galatia, 


Troas, Claudius expels the Jews from Rome 
Philippi, Thessalonica, Berea, (Acts xviii. 2). 

Athens, and 

CoRINTH. — Writes 1 Thess. 


At Corinto. — Writes 2 Thess. The tetrarchy of Trachonitis given to 
Agrippa II. 
Felix made procurator of Judea. [See 
note (C) below.] 


(Spring) — He leaves Corinth, and} Death of Claudius, and accession of 
reaches Nero (Oct. 13). 

(Summer) — Jerusalem at Pentecost, 
and thence goes to Antioch. 

(Autumn) — His “Third Missionary 
Journey.” — He goes 

To EPHESUS. 


At EPHESUS. 


At EpHEsuts. 


(Spring) — He writes 1 Cor. 

(Summer) — Leaves Ephesus for Ma- 
cedonia, 

(Autumn) — Where he writes 2 Cor.; 
and thence 

(Winter) —To CorintH, where he 
writes Galatians. 


(Spring) — He writes Romans, and 
leaves Corinth, going by Philippi 
and Miletus 

(Summer)—To Jerusalem (Pente- 
cost), where he is arrested, and sent 
to Cesarea. 





59 | At CasarEa. Nero murders Agrippina. 


60 | (Autumn) — Sent to Rome by Festus | Felix is recalled, and succeeded by 
(about August). Festus [see note (C) below]. 
(Winter) — Shipwrecked at Malta. 


61 | (Spring) — He arrives at Rome. Embassy from Jerusalem to Rome to 
petition about the wall [see note 
(C) below]. 





CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 


897 


AppEeNnDIx III.—continued. 


BrogRapuy oF St. Pav. 


At Rome, Philemon, 
(Spring) — Writes Colossians, 
Ephesians. 


(Autumn) — Writes Philippians. 


(Spring) — He is acquitted, and goes 
to Macedonia (Phil. ii. 24) and 
Asia Minor (Philem. 22). 


(2) He goes to Spain. [For this and 
the subsequent statements, see 
Chap. XXVII.] 


(2) In Spain. 


(Summer) — From Spain (7?) to Asia 
Minor (1 Tim. i. 3). 


(Summer) — Writes 1 Tim. from Ma- 
cedonia. 

(Autumn) — Writes Titus from Ephe- 
sus. 

(Winter) — At Nicopolis. 


(Spring)—In prison at Rome. Writes 
2 Tim 


(Summer) —Executed (May or June). 










CoNTEMPORARY EVENTs. 


Burrus dies; 

Albinus succeeds Festus as procurator ; 
Nero marries Poppea; 

Octavia executed ; 

Pallas put to death. 


Poppza’s daughter Claudia born. 


Great fire at Rome (July 19), followed 
by persecution of Roman Christians; 


Gessius Florus made procurator of 
Judea. 


Conspiracy of Piso, and death of 
Seneca. 


The Jewish war begins. 


Death of Nero in the middle of June. 








NOTES ON THE CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 


Notr (A)— Date of the Famine in Acts xi. 28. 
























WE find in Acts xi. 28 that Agabus prophesied the occurrence of a famine, 
that his prophecy was fulfilled in the reign of Claudius; also that the Christiar 
Antioch resolved to send relief to their poor brethren in Judea, and that this res 
tion was carried into effect by the hands of Barnabas and Saul. After relating 
St. Luke digresses from his narrative to describe the then state (“about that tim 
of the Church at Jerusalem, immediately before and after the death of Herod Ag 
(which is fully described Acts xii. 1-24). He then resumes the narrative whic 
had interrupted, and tells us how Barnabas and Saul returned to Antioch after 
filling their commission to Jerusalem (Acts xii., 25). e 

From this it would appear that Barnabas and Saul went up to Jerusalem 
relieve the sufferers by famine, soon after the death of Herod Agrippa I. 

Now, Josephus enables us to fix Agrippa’s death very accurately: for he te 
(Ant. xix. 9, 2), that, at the time of his death, he had reigned three full years « 
the whole of Judea; and also (Ant. xix. 5, 1), that, early in the first yes 
Claudius (41 A.D.), the sovereignty of Judea was conferred on him. Hence his d 
was in A.D. 44.7 

The famine appears to have begun in the year after his death; for (1) Josey 
speaks of it as having occurred during the government of Cuspius Fadus and Tibe 
Alexander (Ant. xx. 5,2). Now, Cuspius Fadus was sent as Procurator from RB 
on the death of Agrippa I., and was succeeded by Tiberius Alexander; and both 
Procuratorships together only lasted from a.p. 45 to A.D. 50, when Cumanus 
ceeded. (2) We find from Josephus (Ant. xx. 2, 6, compare xx. 5, 2), that, al 
the time of the beginning of Fadus’s government, Helena, Queen of Adiabene, a + 
ish proselyte, sent corn to the relief of the Jews in the famine. (3) At the tin 
Herod Agrippa’s death, it would seem from Acts xii. 20 that the famine could 
have begun; for the motive of the Phenicians in making peace was that their ¢ 
try was supplied with food from Judxa,—a motive which could not have 2 
while Judxa itself was perishing of famine. 

Hence we conclude that the journey of Barnabas and Saul to Jerusalem 
alms took place in a.p. 45. 


Note (B. ) 


In p. 891, we have remarked that the interval of 14 years (Gal. ii. 1) betweer 
flight from Damascus and the Council of Jerusalem might be supposed to be ei 
14 full years, or 13, or even 12 years, Judaically reckoned. It must not be imag 
that the Jews arbitrarily called the same interval of time 14, 13, or 12 years 
the denomination of the interval depended on the time when it began and ende 
follows: If it began on Sept. 1, a.p. 38, and ended Oct. 1, a.p. 50, it would be 

1 Additional authorities for this are given by Wieseler. 
898 


' ¥ 

i. 5 

’ NOTES ON THE CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 899 
4 years, though really only 12 years and one month, because it began before the 
Ast of Tisri, and ended after the 1st of Tisri; and, as the Jewish civil year began on 
the ist of Tisri, the interval was contained in 14 different civil years. On the other 
hand, if it began Oct. 1, A.D. 38, and ended Sept. 1, A.D. 50, it would only be called 12 
years, although really only two months less than the former interval which was called 


‘14 years. Hence, as we do not know the month of the flight from Damascus, nor 


‘ot the Council of Jerusalem, we are at liberty to suppose that the interval between 


‘them was only a few weeks more than 12 years, and therefore to suppose the flight 
Gn A.p. 38, and the Council in AD. 50. 


: Nore (C.)—On the Date of the Recall of Feliz. 


j _ We have seen that St. Paul arrived in Rome in spring, after wintering at Malta; 
and that he sailed from Judea at the beginning of the preceding autumn, and was at 
Fair Havens in Crete in October, soon after “the Fast’ which was on the 10th of 
Tisri (Acts xxvii. 9). He was sent to Rome by Festus, upon his appeal to Cesar; 
and his hearing before Festus haa taken place about a fortnight (see Acts xxiv. 27 
to xxv. 1) after the arrival of Festus in the province. Hence the arrival of Festus 
(and consequently the departure of Felix) took place in the swmmer preceding St. 


Ni Paul’s voyage. 
i This is confirmed by Acts xxiv. 27, which tells us that Paul had been in prison 
two complete years at the time of Felix’s departure: for he was imprisoned at @ 
eeentecost ; therefore Felix’s departure was just after a Pentecost. 
We know, then, the season of Felix’s recall; viz., the swmmer- and we must 
determine the date of the year. 
(a) At the beginning of St. Paul’s imprisonment at Cesarea (i.e., two years 
before Felix’s recall), Felix had been already “ for many years Procurato.s of Judea” 
(Acts xxiv. 10). “ Many years” could not be less than five years: therefore Felix 
had governed Judza at least (5+2=) 7 years at the time of his recall. Now, Felix 
was appointed Procurator in the beginning of the 13th year of Claudius? (Joseph. 
_ Ant. xx. 7, 1, twelfth year complete) ; that is, early in the year A.D. 59. Therefore 
 Felix’s recall could not have occurred before A.D. (53+7=) 60. 
(8) But we can also show that it could not have occurred after A.D. 60, by the 


following arguments: — 
1. Felix was followed to Rome by Jewish ambassadors, who impeached him of 
aved from punishment by the intercession of his brother 


Pallas, at a time when Pallas was? in special favor with Nero (Joseph. Ant. xx. 8, 
i: 9). Now, Pallas was put to death by Nero in the year A.D. 62; and it is improbable, 
that, at any part of that or the preceding year, he should have had much influence 
with Nero. Hence Felix’s recall was certainly not after A.D. 62, and probably not 
after A.D. 60. 

2. Burrus was living (Joseph. Ant., quoted by Wieseler) at the time when Felix’s 
Jewish accusers were at Rome. Now, Burrus died not later than February, 4-D. 62. 
And the Jewish ambassadors could not have reached Rome during the season of the 
Mare Clausum: therefore they (and consequently Felix) must have come to Rome 


not after the autumn of A.D. 61. 
3. Paul, on arriving at Rome, 













misgovernment. He was s 


was delivered (Acts xxviii. 16) to the prefect (not 


he excited the disgust of 
his reign (A. D. 54). 
ason, bat acquitted 5 
s to have regained 


too much on his favor, 


1 Tacitus places the appomtment of Felix earlier 
Nero at the very beginning of 


than this ; bat. on such a question, his authority is 
not to be compared with that of Josephus. In a. D. 55 he was accused of tre: 
2 Pallas had been mainly instrumental in obtain- and, after this acquittal, he seem! 
by presuming bis favor at court. 


a. 


ie ing Nero’s adoption by Claudius ; but, 


900 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


the prefects) :* hence there was a single prefect in command of the pretorians at 
time. But this was not the case after the death of Burrus, when Rufus and Ti 
linus were made joint prefects. Hence (as above) Paul could not have arrived 
Rome before A.D. 61, and therefore Felix’s recall (which was in the year before Paul 
arrival at Rome) could not have been after A.D. 60. 

Therefore Felix’s recall has been proved to be neither after A.D. 60, nor befo: 
A.D. 60: consequently, it was in a.p. 60. 























of A.D. 62 (at the Feast of Tabernacles), and perhaps considerably before that time, 
Hence Festus’s arrival (and Felix’s recall) must have been either in 60 or 61. Now, 


events: (a) Festus represses disturbances. (b) Agrippa II. builds his palace over- 
looking the temple. (c) The Jews build their wall, intercepting his view. (d) 
They send a deputation to Rome to obtain leave to keep their wall. (e) They gai 
their suit at Rome by the intercession of Poppxa. (f) They return to Jerusalem, 
leaving the high priest Ishmael as hostage at Rome. (gq) Agrippa, on their return, 
nominates a new high priest (Joseph), the length of whose tenure of office we are 
not told. (h) Joseph is succeeded in the high priesthood by Ananus, who holds the 
office three months, and is displaced just before the arrival of Albinus. This suc- 
cession of events could not have occurred between the summer of A.D. 61 and the 
autumn of A.D. 62; because the double voyage of the Jewish embassy, with their resi- 
dence in Rome, would alone have occupied twelve months. Hence we conclude that 
from the arrival of Festus to that of Albinus was a period of not less than two years 
and consequently that Festus arrived A.p. 60. 

2. The Procurators of Judea were generally changed when the Propextors of Syria 
were changed. Now, Quadratus was succeeded by Corbulo in Syria a.p. 60: hence we 
might naturally expect Felix to be recalled in that year. 

3. Paul was indulgently treated (Acts xxviii. 31) at Rome for two years after 
his arrival there. Now, he certainly would not have been treated indulgently after 
the Roman fire (in July, 64). Hence his arrival was, at latest, not after (64—2=) 
A.D. 62. Consequently, Felix’s recall was certainly not after 61. 

4. After Nero’s accession (Oct. 13 A.D. 54), Josephus? mentions the following 
consecutive events as having occurred in Judea: ( a) Capture of the great bandit 
Eleazer by Felix. (6b) Rise of the Sicarii. (c) Murder of Jonathan unpunished, 
(d) Many pretenders to Inspiration or Messiahship lead followers into the wilder- 
ness. (¢e) These are dispersed by the Roman troops. (f) An Egyptian rebel, at the 
head of a body of Sicarii, excites the most dangerous of all these insurrections: his 
followers are defeated; but he himself escapes. This series of events could not well 
have occupied less than three years; and we should therefore fix the insurrection of 
the Egyptian not before a.p. 57. Now, when St. Paul was arrested in the Temple, 
he was at first mistaken for this rebel Egyptian, who is mentioned as “ the Egyptian 
who before these days made an uproar” (Acts xxi. 38),—an expression which 
would very naturally be used if the Egyptian’s insurrection had occurred in the pre- 

ceding year. This would again agree with supposing the date of St. Paul’s arrest 
to be a.p. 58, and therefore Felix’s recall a.p. 60. 


1 The official phrase was in the plural, when 2 The references are given by Wieseler. 
there was more than one prefect. So Trajan writes, 
*“Vinctus mitti ad prefectos preetorii mei debet.”— 
Pin. Zp. 2, 65. 


NOTES ON THE CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 201 
















its 


5. St. Paul (Acts xviii. 2) finds Aquila and Priscilla just arrived at Corinth 
rom Rome, whence they were banished by a decree of the Emperor Claudius. We 
9 not know the date of this decree; but it could not, at the latest, have been Jater 
an A.D. 54, in which year Claudius died. Now, the Acts gives us distinct informa- 
on, that between this first arrival at Corinth, and St. Paul’s arrest at Jerusalem, 
there were the following intervals of time: viz., from arriving at Corinth to reaching 
Antioch, 134, years; from reaching Ephesus to leaving Ephesus, 2% years; from 
leaving Ephesus to reaching Jerusalem, 1 year. (See Acts xviii., Xix., and xx.) 
‘These make together 51/4, years; but to this must be added the time spent at Antioch, 
and between Antioch and Ephesus, which is not mentioned, but which may reasonably 
e estimated at 14 year. Thus we have 5% years for the total interval. Therefore 
arrest of St. Paul at Jerusalem was probably not later than (54+5142=) A.D. 59, 
may have been earlier; which agrees with the result independently arrived at,— 
4 it was actually in a.D. 58. 

It is impossible for any candid mind to go through such investigations as these 
hout seeing how strongly they confirm (by innumerable coicidences) the his- 
aceuracy of the Acts of the Apostles, 





oe Aho yas Dae 
Ae Lh 





INDEX. 





Almsgiving amongst the Jews, 61. 

“ Altar of the Twelve Gods” at Athens, 
307; to the “ Unknown God,” 315. 

Amphipolis, 275. 

Amphitheatres in Asia Minor, 

Amplias, 581. 

Amyntas, King of Galatia, 21. 

Ananias, 87. 

Ananias, the Jewish merchant, 117. 

Ancyra, description of, 212 n., 234. 

Andriace, 608, 691. 

Androclus, founder of Ephesus, 462. 

Andronicus, “ kinsman » of St. Paul, 581. 

Anemurium, cliffs of, 142. 

Annus Novatus. — See Gallio. 

>AvOiraroc, the word as translated in the 
A. Y., 131 n. 

« Antinomian,” the term as applied to the 
“ 9]] things lawful” party at Corinth, 
539 n. 

Antinomianism, Corinthian, 539. 

Antinomians, 422. 

Antinous, the favorite of Hadrian, birth- 

place of, 208 1. 

Antioch, 101; Jewish Christians in, 109s 
description and history of the city, 112 
et seq.; earthquake and famine in, 
117; a revelation at, 122. 

Antioch in Pisidia, 150; identified with 
the modern town of Jalobatch, 151; its 
foundation, ib.; called Cesarea by Au 
gustus, 152. 

*Ayrioxeiacg THX, statue of the, 116, ”. 4. 

Antiochus Epiphanes, coins of, 243 his 
adoption of Roman fashions, 25. 

Antiochus Soter, DUN: 

Antigonia Troas—See Alexan 

903 




























A. 






























ABBA,” remarks on the use of the word, 


531 n. 
Acamas, promontory of, 142. 
Acco, 614. 
Achaia, 273; harbors of, 360; province of, 
_ under the Romans, 362. 
Acre, St. Jean d’, 614. 
- Acrocorinthus, the, 359; its importance, 
ibe; views from its summit, 1b. 
" Acropolis, the, 300, 3055 view of the, re- 
stored, 326. 
_ Acts of the Apostles, 121. 
_ Adana, 220 n., 223 n. 
_ Adramyttium, 240, 686. 
| Ege, 220 n. 
_ Agina, Island of, 299. 

_ Agabus the prophet, 117, 615. 
_ Agora, the, of Athens, 306. 
_ Agricola, 14. 
_ Agrippa, Herod, grandson of Herod the 
4 Great, 103; his death, 119. 
_ Agrippa II., 652. 

- Axof, meaning of, 570 1. 
_ Ak-Sher, 233. 
Alban Mount, 731. 
_ Albinus, 667 n. 
Alcibiades, character © 
tions of, at Cos, 605. 
Alexander the coppersmith, 472, 474. 
a Alexander the Great, 6, 75 at Pamphylia, 
m «144. 
_ Alexandria, eminence of, 684. 
_ Alexandria Troas, 241; harbor of, 242, 
591. 
_ Almalee in Lycia, 149. 


587. 


f, 315; fortifica- 


dria Troas 


eee 


904 


Anti-Taurus, the, 224 n, 

Antipas, son of Herod the Great, 26. 

Antipater, 26. 

Antipatris, 650. 

Antonia, the Fortress, 633. 

Antonine Itinerary, 274, 

Antoninus Pius, 584 n. 

Anxur, 728, 730. 

Aorist, St. Paul’s constant use of the, for 
the perfect, 496 n. 3 532 n.; 552 n. 

Apamea in Asia Minor, 114. 

Apelles, 605. 

Apollo Patrous, Temple of, 307. 

Apollonia on the Adriatic, description of, 
277. 

Apollos, 390; 406 et seq.; followers of, 
422. 

Apostles, Acts of the, 47; their office in 
the Primitive Church, 376. 

Apostles and Elders, letters of the, to the 
Christians of Antioch, 197. 

Apostolic Church, the, 60. 

Appellatio, the Roman right of, 669 n. 

Appendices: — I. On the time of the visit 
to Jerusalem mentioned in Galatians 
(chap. ii.), 885. II. On the date of the 


Pastoral Epistles, 892. III, Chrono- 


logical Table, 895. 

Appian Way, 727. 

Appii Forum, 730. 

Aquila, 336, 357, 367. 

Aquila, the translator of the Old Testa- 
ment into Greek, 336. 

Arabia, the word as used by the ancients, 
89. 

Aram, 33. 

Aramezan Jews, 33. 

Aratus, the Greek poet of Cilicia, 328 n. 

Araunah, threshing-floor of, 629. 

Archelaus, son of Herod, his banishment, 
51. 

Archelaus, last king of Cappadocia, 214. 

Archippus, 413. 

Areopagus, 300, 306; description of the, 
325. 

Aretas, the Arab royal title of, 76 n. 4 
coins of, 100 n. 

Arethusa, Pass of, 277. 

Argeus, Mount, 166. 

Aricia, town of, 731, 

-\ristarchus, 687, 


INDEX. 


Aristobulus, the, mentioned in Rom, 
10, 582. 

Aristotle, 310. 

Artemio, 128, 

Artemisian festival, 471, 

Asia, the word as used by the anciey 
205 et seq. 

Asia Minor, robbers in, 145; “ wat 
floods” of, 145; caravans in, 14 
tablelands of, 149; political diyisi 
of, 204 n,. 

"Aoiapya, translation of, 471, n. 2. 

Asiarchs, the, 471. 

Aspendus, 143, 

“ Assemblies of the Wise,” 55. 

Assize-towns of the Romans, 470, 

Assos, 240; notice of, 594. wt 

Astrology, - passion of the Antioches 
for, 115; amongst the Orientals, 133, 

Asyncritus, 582. 

Athenian religion, notice of the, 314, 

Athenodorus, 98. 

Athens, scenery around, 301; descriptioy 
of the city of, 301 et seq. ; its “ careful 
ness in religion,” 314; paganism oj 
contrasted with Christianity, 33] 
compared with Corinth, 333. 

Athos, Mount, 243, 247, 272, 297. 

Attaleia, Bay of, 141; town of, 142; 
tory and description of, 177. 

Attalus Philadelphus, 143. 

Attalus III., King of Pergamus, 206. 

Attica, description of, 300. 

“ Augustan Band,” the, 26 n. 

Augustine, St., on the names of “ Saulus ” 
and “ Paulus,” 137. 

Aulon, Pass of, 276. 

*Airdc éyp, meaning of, in Rom, vii. 25 
561 n. 

Avernus Lacus, 723. 

Axius River, 272. 









B. 


Bale, 220n. ; 724. 

Balaamites, or Nicolaitans, 398, 

“ Barbarian,” use of the word in the N. 
fy ar 

Barjesus the sorcerer, 133. 


INDEX. 


Barnabas at Antioch, 96, 110; accompa- 
nies St. Paul to Jerusalem with contri- 
bution-money in time of famine, 117; 
becomes one of the teachers at Antioch, 
120; departs for Cyprus, 123; arrives 
at Seleucia, 126; at Salamis, 127; and 
at Paphos, 128; brought before Sergius 
Paulus, 133; visits Pamphylia, 141; 
arrives at Perga, 143; and at the table- 

- jand of Asia Minor, 149; reaches An- 

_ tioch in Pisidia, 155; accompanies St. 

Paul to the synagogue there, 155; ex- 

pelled from the city, 162; journeys 

towards Lycaonia, 162; reaches Iconi- 
um, 162; flies from a conspiracy of the 

_ Iconians to destroy him, 164; reaches 

__Lystra, 167; goes to Derbe, 175; turns 

back, and revisits Lystra, Iconium, and 

Antioch, 176; reaches Perga, 176; ac- 

zompanies St. Paul to Jerusalem, 187; 

arrives there, 189; his address to the 

Christian conference at Jerusalem, 

190; returns to Antioch, 196; quarrels 

with and separates from St. Paul, 217, 

218; his subsequent life, 218. 

- Basil, St., 322. 

- Basilica, the Roman, 736. 

 Basilides, the Gnostic, 399 n. 

_ Baptism, infant, 255. 

iM Baris, 633. 

 Baulos-Dagh, the, 238 n. 

Behistoun, rock-inscriptions of, 235 n. 

 Beilan Pass, the, 220. 

Baya, the, 364 n.; 634. 

Benjamin, lot of, 41; the youngest and 

most honored of the patriarchs, 41. 


- Berenice, 23, 213, 652, 671. 


, Reeves, description of, 292. 

Bethesda, Pool of, 634. 

_ Bethsaida, city of, 52. 

Bin-Bir-Kilisseh, 166 n. 

= office of, in the Primitive Church, 

1) 378. 

Bithynia, description of, 207. 

| Boville, 732. 

| Buldur, marble road at, 148; Lake of, 
My 150. 

_ Burning bush, the, 66. 

_ Burrus, the pretorian prefect, 734. 
















905 
C. 


“ Cabala,” meaning of the word, 396 n. 

Capua, 7127. 

Cesar, J., 133. 

Cesarea, 25, 107; its theatre, 
description of the city, 658. 

Cesarea Stratonis, city of, 97 x. 

Caius, or Gaius, 349. 

Caligula, 76, 102. 

Cambunian Hills, the, 272 n. 

Cameniata, Joh., history of, 230 2. 

Campagna of Rome, 731. 

Campanian Way, 726. 

Candace, Queen, 18. 

Cappadocia, description of, 214. 

Caprezx, Island of, 722. 

Casilinum, 728. 

Casius, Mount, 126. 

Catarrhactes River, 142. 

Cayster River, 410. 

Caystrian Meadows, 461. 

“Cemetery,” Christian use of the word, 
69 n. 

Cenchree, 302; notice of, 367; its geo- 
graphical position, 584 n. 

Cephas, the name, 426 n. 

Cephisus River, 303, 311. 

Ceramicus, the, at Athens, 306. 

Cercinitus, the Lake, 276. 

Ceres, Temple of, at Athens, 305. 

Cestrus River, 142. 

Charity amongst the early Christians, 
120. 

“Chiefs of Asia,” 470. 

Chios, 410, 597. 

Chittim, 139. 

“ Chittim, isles of,” 139 n. 

Chloe, family of, 421. 

Chrestus, 335. 

Chrysorrhoas River, 81. 

Chrysostom, John, 170, 236. 

Christianity and Judaism, 29, 30. 

Christianity, dissemination of, in Anti- 
och in Pisidia, 161; compared with 
Greek philosophy, 319; foundation of, 
in Achaia, 409; in Rome, founder of, 
not known, 543. 

“ Christians,” the name, when first used, 
111. 

Chrysippus the Stoic, his birthplace, 20 a 


118; 


906 


Church, the Apostolic, 60; charity of its 
members, 61; first aspect of the, 62; 
formation of the first, of united Jews 
and Gentiles, 161; controversy in the, 
179; great conference of the apostles 
and elders of the, at Jerusalem, 190; 
its decree, 192; foundation of the, in 
Macedonia, 255; constitution of the 
primitive, 376 et seg.; ordinances of 
the, 382; festivals of the, 385; divi- 
sions in the, 387; heresies in the, 390. 

Church of Philippi, 480; veneration of, 
for St. Paul, 480; its liberality to the 
Apostle, 481, 512. 

Church of Tyre, 612. 

Church, the Roman, 739. 

Cibyra, “the Birmingham of Asia 
Minor,” 149. 

Cicero, 13, 14; as governor of Cilicia, 22; 
at Athens, 311, 312 n. 

Cilician churches, foundation of the, 98. 

“ Cilician Gates,” 176, 220 n.; 222 n. 

Cilicia, 13, 18; Rough Cilicia, 19; Flat 
Cilicia, 20; mountain-wall of, 20; as a 
Roman province, 22; under Cicero, 22; 
description of, 214. 

* Cilicium” tents, 45, 150. 

Cimon of Athens, statue of, 306; his vic- 
tory over the Persians at Platea and 
Salamis, 143. 

Citheron, hills of, 300. 

Citium, Phenician colony of, 139 n. 

Claudia, 835, 844 n. 

Claudius Lysias, 636; letter of, to Felix, 
650. 

Claudius, the Emperor, 104, 105; his 
edict banishing the Jews from Rome, 
335. 

Cleanthes the Stoic, hymn of, 5 n. 

Cnidus, notice of, 605, 692. 

Colonia, observations on the constitution 
of a, 252. 

‘Colonna, Cape, 299. 

Colosse, 234 n.; description of, 752 n. 

Colossians, Epistle to the, 752. 

Colossus at Rhodes, the, 607. 

Colony, constitution of a Roman, 252. 

Commerce, Roman, 682. 

Conference, great, of the apostles and 
elders at Jerusalem, 190. 

Constantia, 128. 


INDEX. 


Consular Way, 727. ‘a 

Contributions for poor Jewish Chri 
tians, 509, 542. 

“ Conventus,” use of the word, 471 n. 

Coracesium, cliffs of, 142. 

Coressus mountains, 462. 

Corinth, 333, 334; its early history, 361; 
under the Romans, 362; its destruction 
by Mummius, 362; re-establishment of 
its importance under Julius Czsa 
362; tumult at, 365. 

Corinthian Church, state of, in time of 
St. Paul, 541; its subsequent cha 
acter, 542. 

Corinthians, First Epistle to the, 424; 
Second, 485. 

Corinthians, licentiousness of the, 419. 

Cornelius, 99, 106; conversion of, 107, 
108. 

Corn-vessels of Egypt, 685. 

Cos, Island of, 604. 

Cotyeum, 238 n. 

Council-house of Athens, 307. 

Cragus, Mount, 608. 

Crassus, 133. 

Crescens, 828. 

Crispus, “ ruler of the synagogue,” 350. 

Cross, meaning of the expression, “ to 
boast in the cross,” 537 n. 

Croesus and the “ Ephesian Letters,” 41: . 

Cume, 723. 

Cuspius Fadus, 635. 

Cyduus, the River, 20, 45. 

Cybistra, 225 n. 

Cyprus, 16, 109, 123; as a Roman prov- 
ince, 129; history of, 139. 

Cyrene, 16. 













D. 


Dalmatia, 515. 

Damaris, the female convert at Athens 
330. 

Damascus, 76; roads from, to Jerusalem 
78; history of, 80. 

Daphne, 116. 

Delos, slave-trade of, 19. 

Demas, 747. 

Demetrius and the silver-smiths, 472. 

Demoniac slave, the, at Philippi, 260. 










































D smoniacs, the, of the New Testament, 


nN 
D smosthenes, statue of, 307. 

“Demus, the, of Thessalonica, 289. 
Denarius, silver, 2. 

5, 222, 225; site of, 
225. 

Deyil,” and “ demon,” 259. 

‘Diana, Temple of, at Perga, 143; statue 
of, by Praxiteles, 308. 

Diana of Ephesus, worship of, 413; Tem- 
_ ple of Ephesus, 464; worship of, 466. 
Dicearchia, 724. 
‘Diogenes, tomb of, 584 n 


Dionysius, the convert at Athens, 330. 
Dium, 296. 

Drachma, the, 416 n. 

-Drepanum, promontory of, 142. 
‘Drusilla, wife of Felix, 664. 
‘Dyrrhachium, 278 1. 


E. 


Earnest-money, 487. 

_ Easter, 385. 

Edessa, 292 n. 

_ *Hyeudv, meaning of the term, 

_Egnatia, Via, 274. 

_ Egyptian corn-vessels, 685. 

oe Elder,” the name, 378. 

- Elogium, the document so called, 3 n. 

Elymas Barjesus, 133. 

_ Epenetus, “ the first-fruits of Achaia,” 

‘5st. 

_ Epaphras, 413, 747, 753. 

_ Epaphroditus, 785. 

" *Exapyia, meaning of, 139 n., 214 n. 

_ “ Ephesian Letters,” 413. 

_ Ephesian magic, 413. 

_ Ephesians, Epistle to the, 766; parallel- 

ism between it and the Epistle to the 

Colossians, 765. 

_ Ephesus, its geographical position, 410; 

description of, 461; its natural advan- 

_ tages, 462; foundation of the city, 7b. ; 
its present appearance, 463; its cele- 

brated temple, 464; political constitu- 

tion of, 469; tumult in the city, 473; 

speech of the town-clezk, 475. 

Ephraim, hills of, 648. 

_ Epictetus, philosophy of, 321. 


131 n. 


a 


INDEX. 


907 


Epicureans, their philosophy, 319. 

Epicurus, garden of, 320; notice of him, 
319 n. 

Epimenides of Crete, 824 n. 

Epipole, 721. 

*Extoxorxoc, oftice of, 378, 602 n. 

Epistles of St. Paul: — First Epistle to 
the Thessalonians, 340; Second Epistle 
to the Thessalonians, 352; First Epis- 
tle to the Corinthians, 424; Second 
Epistle to the Corinthians, 485; Epis- 
tle to the Galatians, 523; Epistle to the 
Romans, 544; Epistle to Philemon, 
749; to the Colossians, 752; to the 
Ephesians, 766; to the Philippians, 
786; First Epistle to Timotheus, 811; 
Second to Timotheus, 836; Epistle to 
the Hebrews, 855. , 

Epistles, Pastoral, on the date of the, 
892; peculiar words and phrases in the, 
894. 

Epiphanius, Bishop of Salamis, 153, 218. 

Eponymi, the, 307. 

*Epavoc, the entertainment 
446 n. 

Erastus, 421, 583. 

Erectheium, the, 309. 

Eski-Karahissar, 233. 

Essenes, the, 32. 

Etesian winds, 682. 

Eubea, Island of, 299. 

Eunice, mother of Timotheus, 175 

“ Euroclydon,” the, 700; etymology of 
the word, 700 n. 

Eurymedon, River; 142. 

Eutychus, restored to life by St. Paul, 
593. 

« Evangelist,” the term, 615 n. 

Exorcists, Jewish, 415. 

Eyerdir, Lake of, 150. 


so called, 


ibe 


Fair Havens, 694. 
Famagousta, 127. 
Felix, 651; summoned to Rome, 667. 
Festivals of the Primitive Church, 385, 
Festus, 667. 
Formiz, 729. 

Fundi, plain of, 729. 


Furies, sanctuary of the, 307. 


908 
G. 


Gadarenes, demoniacs of the country of 
the, 260. 

Gaggitas River, 254. 

Gaius, or Caius, 521, 583. 

Galate and Kelte, 210. 

Galatia, description of, 209; foundation 
of, 211. 

Galatian Church, state of the, 521. 

Galatians, Epistle to the, 523. 

Galen, 131. 

Gallesus, precipices of, 461. 

Galli, the, of Galatia, 235. 

Gallio, originally called Anneus Novatus, 
proconsul of Achaia, 363. 

Gamaliel, 53, 54; prayer of, 54 n. 

Games of Asia and Ephesus 471. 

Gate of St. Stephen, 68. 

Gauls, settlement of the, in Asia, 210. 

Gazith, or “ the Stone Chamber,” 65. 

Genealogies, the, mentioned in the Pas- 
toral Epistles, 394. 

Gentiles at the synagogue of Antioch in 
Pisidia, 160; addressed by St. Paul, 
160; their reception of the Word of 
God, 161; religiously and socially sepa- 
rated from the Jews, 181. 

Gibea, 50. 

Gilboa, Mount, 50. 

Gnosticism, 751. 

Gnostics, 399 n. 

Gophna, 648. 

Gordium, 212 n. 

Gospel first preached in Europe, 255. 

“Grace before meat,” the, as used in the 
Primitive Church, 816 n. 

Tpapparetc, the, of Acts xix. 35, 469. 

“ Grecians,” 34. 

Greek tongue, 9; a theological language, 
9; its universal spread among the edu- 
cated classes, 15. 

Greeks, the, 7; social condition of, 10; 
their science and commerce, 11. 

Grego, Cape, 127. 

Gregory Nazianzene, St., 322. 

Grotius on the names “Saulus” and 
“ Paulus,” 137. 

Gymnasium, the, in ancient Greek cities, 
586 n. 


INDEX. 


H. 


Hemus, Mount, 610. 

Haliacmon River, 293. 

Hannibal in the fleet of Antiochus, 14% 

Harmodius and Aristogeiton, statues o 
307. 

Hebrews, Epistle to the, its authorshi 
848, 852; its readers, 849; its objec 
855; text of Epistle, 855. 

Helena, mother of King Izates, 117. 

Hellenist Jews, 33. : 

Heresies in the Primitive Church, 395 
in the later Apostolic Church, 393, 

Hermas, 582. Me 

Hermes, 582. 

Hermon, Mount, 79. 

Hermus River, 239. 

Herod Agrippa I., 26, 104. 

Herod Agrippa II., 652. 

Herod Antipas, 75. 

Herodians, the, 32. 

Herodion, 582. 

Herod, King of Chalcis, 653. 

Herod the Great, 24; interview with Au 
gustus, 25; death of, 51. 

Herod’s theatre and amphitheatre, 118. 

Herostratus, 464. . 

Hierarchy, the Greek, 467. 

Hillel, Jewish school of, 53. 

Hospitality, Christian, 256, 257. 

Hymettus, Mount, 300. 







iF 


Iconium (now Konieh), 162; its history, 
163. , 

Ida, Gulf of, 240 n. 

“Idols, dumb,” recent Bass i. of, 
Tarsus, 221 n. 

Ilissus River, 303. 

Ilium, New, 242 n. 5 

Imbros, Island of, 247. 

Illyricum, 273; Greek, 514; Roman, 5 

Informers at Rome, 831. 

Isauria, 19. 

Isbarta, 146 n. 

Isthmian games, 585; Stadium, note on 
the, 585. 


ul 
q 


( INDEX. 


[sthmus, notice of the, 357. 

‘Italian Band,” the, 26. 

‘Ttalian Cohort,” the, of Cornelius, 108. 
Italy, misery of, during Rome’s splendor, 
12. 

Izates, King of Adiabene, 117. 


J. 


Jacob’s Well, 79. 
James the Just, 191; his address to the 
conference of Christians at Jerusalem, 
192, 621. 
James, St., 118. 
Jason, 287, 583. 
Jebel-el-Akrab, 126. 
Jerusalem, state of, under the Romans, 
_ 51; conference at, between the Chris- 
_tians and the Pharisaic Christians, 
190. 
Jewish dispersion, the, 15, 17 n. 
Jewish exorcists, 415. 
Jewish mode of teaching, 54. 
Jewish names, history of, 135. 
Sewish spiritual pride and exclusive big- 
i otry, 160. 
Jews, languages as by, at the period 
q of the Apostles, 2; religious civiliza- 
tion of the, 3; influence of, on the hea- 
_ then world, 6; dispersion of, 15; colony 
i of, in Babylonia, 16; in Lydia and 
_ Phrygia, 16; in Africa, 16; in Alexan- 
_ dria, 17; in Europe, 17; in Rome, 17; 
proselytes of, 17; forcibly incorpo- 
‘rated with aliens, 18; Jews in Arabia, 
18; in the east of the Mediterranean, 
18; Jewish sects, 30; Jews not unfre- 
; “quently Roman citizens, 43; state of 
i the Jews after the death of Herod, 52; 
_ mode of teaching amongst, 54; alms- 
“giving amongst, 61; numerous in Sa- 
 lamis, 128; insurrection of, at Salamis, 
_ 128; synagogue of, at Antioch in 
ny ‘Pisidia, 155; spiritual pride and exclu- 
_ sive bigotry of, 160; intrigues of Juda- 
‘izers at Antioch, 162; influential posi- 
tion of, at Thessalonica, 280; colony 
| of, at Berea, 293; in Athens, 313; in 
| great numbers in Athens, 335; ban- 
a ‘ished from Rome by command of the 
Emperor Claudius, 335; colonies of, in 






















909 


Asia Minor, 336; charges of the, 
against St. Paul at Corinth, 364; Jews 
at Ephesus, 368; irritation of the, at 
the progress of Christianity, 588; con- 
spiracy of, to take the life of St. Paul 
in the Isthmus, 589; hatred of, of the 
Roman soldiers at Jerusalem, 635; in- 
dignation of, at the appearance of St. 
Paul in the Temple, 627; slaughter of, 
in the streets of Cxsarea, 660; Jews in 
Rome, 738. 

John the Baptist, 406; disciples of, 411. 

John, St., 118; his meeting with St. 
Paul, 195. 

John, “‘ Whose surname was Mark,” 119, 
124; leaves St. Paul and Barnabas, 
and returns to Jerusalem, 144, 196, 
218. 

Jonathan the high priest, 654. 

Joses, the Levite of Cyprus, 109. 

Judaizers generally, 390. 

Judea, history of, 652; geographical 
position of, 6; notices of, 18; political 
changes in, 25; state of, 51. 

Judas, 197. 

Julia, 582. 

Julius, city of, 52. 

Juliopolis, Tarsus so called, 43 x. 

Junius, “ kinsman” of St. Paul, 581. 

Jus Italicum, remarks on the, 242 n. 


K. 


Kara-Dagh, or Black Mountain, 1663 
view of, 225. 

Kelte and Galatex, 210. 

“ Keys, The,” 129. 

Kiutaya. — See Cotyeum. 

Konieh. — See Iconium. 


L. 


Ladik, 233. 

Laodicea Combusta, 234. 
Laodicea, Church of, 765. 
Lasea, 696. 

Latmus, Mount, 604. 
Lebanon, 19. 

Lectum, Cape, 594. 


910 


Legions, Roman, 655. 

Lemnos, 246. 

Leoni, Port (the Pireus), 302. 

Leontopolis, Temple of Onias at, 35 n. 

Libertines, synagogue of the, 62. 

Limyra, Greek tablets at, 148. 

Linus, 835. 

Liris, River, 729. 

Lissus, the Modern Alessis, 273 n. 

Lois, grandmother of Timotheus, 175. 

Longinus, Governor of Syria, 635. 

“Long Legs” of Athens, the, 303 ”. 

“ Long Walls” of Athens, 303. 

Lucius of Cyrene, 121, 122. 

Lucrine Lake, oyster-beds of, 723. 

Luke, St., his meeting with St. Paul, 
Silas, and Timotheus, at Alexandria 
Troas, 244; they sail from Troas, 246; 
arrive at Samothrace, 247; reach Phil- 
ippi, 250; left behind at Philippi, 269; 
visited by St. Paul at Philippi, 590; 
they beth sail from Philippi, and arrive 
at Troas, 591. Leaves Troas, and ar- 
rives at Assos, 595; at Miletus, 599; 
at Patara, 610; at Tyre, 611; at Cxsa- 
rea, 615; at Jerusalem, 619; writes 
his Gospel, 665; accompanies St. Paul 
from Cesarea to Rome, 687; remains 
with him till St. Paul’s death, 687, 835. 

Lycabettus, 300. 

Lycaonia, 165; drought of, 225 n. 

Lyceum. the, 311. 

Lydia, 175; her profession of faith and 
baptism, 255. 

Lystra, city of, 166; visited by St. Paul, 
167. 


M. 


Maccabean shekels, 2. 

Maccabees, Second Book of, authorship 
of 16 17 7. 

Macedonia Prima, 272; Quarta, 273 n. 
Secunda, 273; Tertia, 273 n. 

Macedonia, coins of, 245. 

Macedonians, liberality of the, 511. 

Meander, Valley of the, 461; 
601 n. 

Magicians, Oriental, 132 et seq. 

Méyor, good and bad senses in which it 
was used, 133, n. 9. 


River, 


INDEX. 


Mahometan school, description of, 47n. 

Malea, Cape, 360. 

Manaen, foster-brother of Herod Antip 
12], 122. 

Maran-atha, meaning of the word, 459 

Marathon, 299. 

Marius, 133. 

Marriages between the Jews and Greek: 
228, . 

Mary, 41. 

Massicus Hills, 728. 

Meals, customs of Greek and Roma 
267 n.; 466 n. 

Megabyzi, or priests of Diana, 467. 

Meliss, the priestesses so called, 467. — 

Melita, 715, 719. 

Mercurius Propyleus, 308. 

Messogis, 461. 

Milestone, the Golden, 307. 

Miletus, 410, 598. 

Minerva Promachus, 302, 305; statue of, 
309. 

Minerva Hygeia, statue of, 308. 

Minturne, 728. 

Mithridates, King of Pontus, 218, 

Mitylene, notice of, 596. 

“Mnason of Cyprus,” 109, 617. 

Mopsuestia, 220 n. 

Mummius, 362. 

Munychia, height of the, 303 n. 

Museum of Athens, the, 300, 

Mycale, 598. 

Myra, 690. 

Mysia, description of, 237; remarks 
the history of, 237 n. 







N. 


Nablous, or Neapolis, 78. 

Narcissus, the, mentioned in Rom., 3 
11, 582. ‘ 

Navigation of the ancients, 677 et seq. 

“ Nazarenes,” 111. 

Nazarites, the, 367; the four, 623; 

of, 625, 626. 

Neapolis, or Nablous, 78. 

Neapolis of Macedonia, 248. 

Nereus, 582. 

Nero, his marriage with Poppea, 784 
converts in the household of, 795; hi 
character, 805; St. Paul brought be 
fore, 805. 


Te eee eS Oe 





INDEX. 911 


Neptune, statue of, at Athens, 305. 
Nestor, tutor of Tiberius, 99. 
Nicholas of Antioch,” 18. 

Nicholas, St., 691. 

Nicolaitans, or Balaamites, 398. 
Nicomedes III., King of Bithynia, 207. 
Nicopolis, 516. 

Nicopolis in Epirus, 827. 

Nicosia, 127. 

Népoc' meaning of, 548, 2. 1. 


0. 


Olives, Mount of; 632. 
Olympas, 582. 

Olympus, Mount, 27 2, 296. 
Onesimus, the slave, 748; meaning of the 
name, 750 n. 
Onesiphorus, 835. 
Orontes, Valley of the, 18; the River, 

114; description of the, 124. 
Ortygia, 721. 
Overseer, office of, in the Primitive 
Church, 378. 


j P. 


Pactyas, Mount, 461. 

«“ Painted Porch,” the, 317. 

Palatine, the, 781. 

Pallas, death of, 785. 

Pamphylia, 208; Sea of, 142; descrip- 
tion of, 208. 

Pangeus, Mount, 248. 

Paoli, village of, in Pisidia, 146 n. 

Paphos, 147; New, history of, 140 e¢ seg. 
Old, 140. 

Parnes, hills of, 300, 301. 

Paroreia in Phrygia, 150. 

Participles, accumulation of, in Acts 
xvi. 6, 7, 237 n.; used substantively, 
534 n. 

Parthenon, the, at Athens, 309. 

“ Paschal Lamb is Christ, who was slain 
for us,” remarks on the passage, 433 n. 

Patara, harbor of, 608. 

Patrobas, 582. 

Paul, St., a Pharisee, 31; language of his 
infancy, 37; his childhood at Tarsus, 


39; his descent from Benjamin, 40, 41; 











Paul, St., continued: — 


his early education, 42; period of his 
birth, 42; his station in life, 46; his 
boyhood, 48; sent to Jerusalem, 49; 
his study there, 58; his early manhood, 
59; his taste for Greek literature, 60; 
his presence at the death of St. 
Stephen, 69; his persecution of the 
Christians, 72; his journey to Damas- 
cus, 75; importance of his conversion, 
83; vision of Jesus Christ, 84; his call, 
85; his blindness, 86; his recovery of 
sight, 88; his baptism, 89; his journey 
into Arabia Petrea, 90; his return to 
Damascus, 93; conspiracy to assassin- 
ate him, 93; his escape, 94; his return 
to Jerusalem, 94; nis meeting with the 
apostles, 96; he withdraws to Syria 
and Cilicia, 98; travels with Barnabas 
to Antioch, 110; carries the contribu- 
tion-money from Antioch to Jerusalem 
in time of famine, 117; departs for 
Cyprus, 123; arrives at Seleucia, 126; 
at Salamis, 127; at Paphos, 129; his 
denunciation of Elymas Barjesus, 134; 
his name changed to Pavt, 135; visits 
Pamphylia, 141; arrives at Perga, 143; 
journeys to the table-land of Asia 
Minor, 149; reaches Antioch in Pisidia, 
155; his address to the Jews in the 
synagogue there, 156; impression made 
on his hearers, 159; scene on the fol- 
lowing sabbath, 160; expelled from the 
synagogue, 161; turns from the Jews, 
and preaches to the Gentiles, 161; 
journeys towards Lycaonia, 162; ar- 
rives at Iconium, 163; escapes from a 
conspiracy to crush him, 164; reaches 
Lystra, 167; his miracle there, 169; 
worship offered to him, 170; his ad- 
dress to the Lystrians, 171; stoned in 
the city, 173; recovers from appar- 
ent death, 173; travels to Derbe, 175; 
revisits Lystra, Iconium, and Antioch, 
176; reaches Perga, 176; travels to 
Jerusalem, 187; his companions on the 
journey, 187; his arrival at the Holy 
City, 189; his address to the confer- 
ence of Christians in Jerusalem, 191; 
public recognition of his mission to the 
heathen, 194; his meeting with St 


912 


Paul, St., continued: — 

John, 195; returns to Antioch, 196; 
rebukes St. Peter for his weak conduct, 
199; St. Paul’s personal appearance, 
200; St. Peter’s reconciliation with 
him, 201; he proposes to Barnabas to 
visit the churches, 215; quarrels with 
and separates from Barnabas, 216, 217 . 
takes Silas with him into Cilicia, 218; 
takes Timotheus into companionship, 
227; reaches Iconium, 231; journeys 
through Phrygia, 233; arrives at Gala- 
tia, 235; his sickness, 235; his recep- 
tion there, 236; journeys to the Agean, 
238; arrives at Alexandria Troas, 241; 
is joined by St. Luke at Troas, 246; 
they sail from Troas, 246; arrive at 
Samothrace, 247; reach Philippi, 250; 
St. Paul preaches the gospel for the 
first time in Europe, 255; the demo- 
niac slave, 260; St. Paul scourged, 
and cast into prison, 262; his conver- 
sion of the jailer, 267; released from 
prison, 269; leaves Philippi, 271; ar- 
rives at Thessalonica, 277 3 visits the 
Synagogue at Thessalonica, 281; sub- 
jects of his preaching, 281; his own 
labor for the means of support, 284; 
leaves Thessalonica for Berea, 292; 
arrives there, 293; leaves the city, 295; 
his arrival on the coast of Attica, 300; 
lands at Athens, 303; his reflections 
amidst the idolatry of Athens, 312; 
“left in Athens alone,” 313; addresses 
the Athenians in the Agora, 322; goes 
up to the hill of the Areopagus, 324; 
his speech to the Athenians, 326; de- 
parts from Athens, 331; takes up his 
abode at Corinth, 331; his address to 
the Jews in the synagogue there, 338; 
rejoined by Silas and Timotheus, 338 
n.; writes his First Epistle to the 
Thessalonians, 340; he turns from the 
Jews to. the Gentiles, 348; his vision, 
350; writes the Second Epistle to 
the Thessalonians, 352; continues to 
reside in Corinth, 356; brought by 
the Jews before Gallid, proconsul of 
Achaia, 364; who refuses to hear the 
charges, 365; departs from Achaia, 
366; takes his farewell of the Church 


INDEX. 
Paul, St., continued: — 


of Corinth, 366; sails from Cenchres 
by Ephesus to Cexsarea, 367; visits tne 
synagogue at Ephesus, 368 5 Teaches 
Cesarea, 369; leaves Cxsarea, for Jeru- 
salem, 369; visits Antioch for the last 
time, 370; departs from Antioch, 403; 
arrives at Ephesus, 411; the magicians 
of Ephesus, 414; burning of the mystic 
books, 416; the Apostle pays a short 
visit to Corinth, 418; returns to Ephe- 
sus, 420; writes the First Epistle to the 
Corinthians, 424; his future plans, 
459; Demetrius and the silver-smiths, 
472; Caius and Aristarchus seized by 
the mob, 473; tumult in Ephesus, 474; 
St. Paul bids farewell to the Christians 
of Ephesus, 476; departs from the city, 
476; arrives at Alexandria Troas, 479; 
preaches the gospel there, 480; sails 
from Troas to Macedonia, 480; lands 
at Neapolis, 480; proceeds to Philippi, 
480; his love for the Philippian Chris- 
tians, 480; passes over to Macedonia, 
482; state of his bodily health, 482; 
rejoined by Titus, 483; writes his Sec- 
ond Epistle to the Corinthians, 485; 
he collects contributions for the poor 
Christians in Judea, 509; he journeys 
southward, 517; his feelings on ap- 
proaching Corinth, 518; state of the 
Galatian Church, 521; writes his Epis- 
tle to the Galatians, 523; convinces the 
Christians of his apostleship, 540; he 
punishes the disobedient by publicly 
casting them out of the Church, 540; 
sends a letter by Phebe to the Roman 
Church, 542; his Epistle to the Ro- 
mans, 544; conspiracy of the Jews te 
take his life, 589; flies from Corinth 
to Macedonia, 589; visits St. Luke at 
Philippi, 589; they leave there to- 
gether, 591; arrive at Troas, 591; St. 
Paul restores the life of Eutychus, 
593; leaves Troas, and arrives at As- 
sos, 595; at Miletus, 599; his speech 
to the Ephesian presbyters there, 601; 
he departs from Miletus, 604; arrives 
at Patara, 610; sails for Pheenicia, 
610; arrives at Tyre, 612; leaves Tyre, 
613; arrives at Cesarea, 614; meets 








INDEX. 


Paul, St., continued: — 
with Philip the Evangelist, 615; 
warned by Agabus of danger to be ap- 
prehended at Jerusalem, 615; sets out 
for Jerusalem, 617; his reception by 
the presbyters, 620; advice of the 
Christians of Jerusalem to St. Paul, 
623; the four Nazarites, 623; St. 
Paul seized at the festival of Pente- 
cost, 627; beaten by the mob, 636; res- 
cued by Claudius Lysias, 637; his con- 
yersation with Lysias, 637; the Apos- 
tle addresses the multitude from the 
stairs, 637; their rage, 640; sentenced 
by Lysias to “ receive the lashes,” 640; 
asserts his rights as a Roman citizen, 
641; taken before the Sanhedrin, 642; 
struck by order of the high priest Ana- 
nias, 642; tumult in the judgment-hall, 
643; the Apostle taken back to the fort- 
ress, 644; conspiracy to assassinate 
him, 645; the plot discovered, 646; re- 
moyed by Lysias to Czsarea to be 
judged by Felix, 647; ordered to be 
kept in Herod’s pretorium, 651; sum- 
moned before Felix, 660; charges 
brought against him, 660; his speech 
before Felix, 661; remanded, 663; 
brought up again before the governor, 
664; imprisoned again, 664; brought 
before Festus, 668; his “appeal unto 
Cesar,” 669; brought before Herod 
Agrippa II1., 671; his speech to the 
king, 672; departs from Cesarea for 
Rome, 686; puts into Sidon, 687; 
reaches Myra, 690; Cnidus, 692; an- 
chors at Fair Havens, 695; sails from 
Fair Havens, 699; the storm, 700; 
leaky state of the vessel, 706; St. 
Paul’s vision, 707; his address to the 
sailors, 708; they anchor for the night, 
709; wrecked on the coast of Melita, 
715; his miracles at Malta, 718; sails 
from Malta, 720; puts into Syracuse, 
720; visits Rhegium, 721; reaches 
Puteoli, 721; journey from Puteoli 
toward Rome, 726; reaches Rome, 733; 
his interview with the Jews there, 741; 
his occupations during his imprison- 
ment at Rome, 747; Onesimus, 748; 
the Apostle writes his Epistle to Phile- 
58 





913 


Paul, St., continued: — 
mon, 749; writes his Epistle to the 
Colossians, 752; writes his Epistle to 
the Ephesians, 766; visited by Epaph- 
roditus, 783; writes his Epistle to the 
Philippians, 786; he makes many con- 
verts in Nero’s household, 795; his 
trial before Nero, 804; charges brought 
against him, 806; acquitted, 808; he 
goes to Asia and Spain, 809; writes his 
First Epistle to Timotheus, 811; writes 
his Epistle to Titus, 823; his second 
imprisonment at Rome, 828; first stage 
of his final trial, 833; is remanded to 
prison, 834; writes his Second Epistle 
to Timotheus, 836; his death, 847. 

Pausanius, his visit to and description 
of Athens, 305. 

Pedalium, the, of Strabo and Ptolemy, 
127. 

Pediezus River, 127. 

Pella, 272. 

Pentecost, feast of, at J erusalem, 625. 

Perga, 142. 

Pericles, statue of, at Athens, 309. 

Peripatetics, the, 311. 

Persis, 582. 

Pessinus, 235. 

Peter, St., 63, 107; in captivity, 118; his 
address to the conference of Christians 
at Jerusalem, 190; his weak conduct at 
Antioch, 198; openly rebuked by St. 
Paul, 199; St. Peter’s personal appear- 
ance, 200; his reconciliation with St. 
Paul, 201. 

Persecution of Nero, 830. 

Pessinus, capital of the Tolistaboii, 212 2. 

Petra, origin of the Arab city of, 75 n. 

Petronius, 104. 

Phaleric Wall, the, 304. 

Pharisaie Christians at Jerusalem, 622. 

Pharisees, the, 30; in Jerusalem, 189. 

Phaselis, promontory of, 148 n.; battles 
of, 143. 

Philemon, 413; Epistle to, 749. 

Philip, son of Herod the Great, 26. 

Philip, Tetrarch of Gaulonitis, 52. 

Philip the Asiarch, 474 n. 

Philip the Evangelist, the companion of 
Stephen, 74, 615; his family, 615. 

Philippi, description of, 250. 


914 


Philippians, Epistle to the, 786. 

Philologus, 582. 

Philomelium, city of, 151; identified with 
Ak-Sher, 151, 233, 234. 

Philosophy, Greek, notice of the older, 
316; later schools, 321; spread of, 321. 

Phlegon, 582. 

Phebe of Cenchrex, 542. 

Phenicians, the, 8 

Phenix, harbor of, 697. 

Physicians among the ancients, 270, 271. 

Pieric Valley, the, 275 n. 

Pirzus, the, 300, 302. 

Pisidia, 145; robbers of, 145; violence. of 
its flooded rivers, 146; mountain-scen- 
ery of, 147, 149. 

Platza, battle of, 143. 

Plato, philosophy of, 316, 317. 

Pliny on the Conventus, or assize-town, 
470. 

Pnyx, the, 300, 306 n., 308. 

Polemo II., King of Pontus, 22, 23, 213. 

Politarchs, the, of Thessalonica, 290. 

Polycarp, martyrdom of, 474 n. 

Pompeiopolis, 19. 

Pompey the Great, 19; in Damascus, 24; 
at Jerusalem, 24. 

Pomptine marshes, 729. 

Pontus, last king of, 23 n. 

Pontus, description of, 213. 

“ Pontus,” origin of the name, 213 n. 

Pontus Galaticus, 213 n. 

Poppea, 784, 808. 

Posidonium at the Isthmus of Corinth, 
588. 

Posts established by Augustus, 781. 

Pretorian guards, 655. 

Pretorium, 780. 

Praxiteles, 308. 

“ Presidents of the Games,” 471. 

Priam, Palace of, 592. 

Prion, Mount, 462, 472. 

Priscilla, 336 n., 337, 368, 411, 425 n. 

Proconsuls, 129. 

Propretors, 129 et seg. 

Proselytes, Jewish, 17. 

Proselytes, female, at Damascus, 18, 152; 
at Antioch in Pisidia, 161. 

Proseucha at Lystra, 175; the word, 253. 

Ptolemais, 613. 

Pudens, 835. 


INDEX. 


Puteoli, 721, 723. 
Pydna, 296. 
Pythagoras, philosophy of, a1@ 


QQ, 


Quadratus, Governor of Syria, 654, 
Quartus, 583. 


R. 


“ Rabbinism,” 55. 

Resurrection of the body, 456 n. et 

Rhegium, 721. 

Rhodes, notice of, 605. 

Rhodian fleet at Phaselis, 143. 

Rhyndacus River, 239. 

Roman Church, 739; name of founder n 
known, 740. 

Roman amphitheatre, 12; army, the, 65: 
commerce, 683; fleet at Phaselis, 14% 
power in the East, 11; growth 
government of, 12. . 

“Roman,” meaning of the word in #] 
New Testament, 251 n. 

Rome, description of, 732. 

Rufus, 784. 


Sadducees, the, 30, 63. 

St. John at Ephesus, 476. 

St. Paul’s Bay, view of, 716. 

Salamis, 124, 127; copper-mines at, 128 
destroyed, 128; sea-fight at, 128; ba 
tle of, 143, 301. 

Salonica, Gulf of, 297. 

Samaria, 649. 

Samaritans, the, 33, 73. 

Samian ship-builders, 361. 

Samos, 271 n. 

Samothrace, 243, 244, 247, 

Sangarius River, 238. 

Sanhedrin, the, 52, 64, 65; its power ow 
foreign synagogues, 75. 

Saronie Gulf, 299. 

Sarus River, 224. 


Say, village of, 146 n. 









av-Sou River, 146 n. 

ul.—See Paul, St., “Saul,” 

“Paul,” the words, 43, 44. 

Sc va, sons of, the exorcists, 415; re- 

_ buked by the demons, 416. 

Schools, Jewish, 56; customs in, 57; St. 

Paul an eager student in, 57. 

Schammai, Jewish school of, 53. 

Schenus, port of, 360. 

io, 597. 

ecundus of Thessalonica, 290. 

eleucia, foundaticn of, 112, 125; im- 

_mense excavation at, 125; its excellent 

harbor, 126. 

Seleucus Nicator, 114. 

Selge, 146. 

eneca the philosopher, 363; brother of 

- Galho, 363. 

ergius Paulus, 129, 131. 

Seven Capes,” the, 608. 

Sharon, Plain of, 649. 

eba, Queen of, 17. 

ip-builders of Samos, 361. 

Ships of the ancients, 677 et seq.; rud- 

ders similar to those of the early 
orthmen, 679; differences between 

and those of the moderns, 681. 


ide, 143. . 
Sidon, notice of, 688, 


jilas, 196, 198; uccompanies St. Parl to 
, Cilicia, 219; scourged and cast into 
" prison at Philippi, 262; released from 
prison, 269; leaves Philippi, 269; vis- 
' its the synagogue at Thessalonica, 281; 
_ accompanies St. Paul to Berea, 292; 
| left behind with 't'imotheus at Berea, 
_ 295; joins St. Paul at Corinth, 338; 
accompanies the Apostle to Ephesus, 
i. Cesarea, and Jerusalem, 368-370; re- 


and 
























of Ephesus, 472; their 
shrines of Diana, 472; their fury 
against St. Paul, 473; pacified by the 
own-clerk, 475. 

Simeon, father of Gamaliel, 53. 

neon, son of Gamaliel, 54 n. 

meon, surnamed Niger, 121. 

mon Magus, 415 n. 

nuessa, 728. 

e-trade of Delos, 19. 

nyrna, 410. 


INDEX. 


915 


Socrates, character of, 316. 

Soli, town of, 19. 

Solomon, Temple of, 628. 

Solon, statue of, 307. 

Sopater of Berea, 290, 

Sorcery, Jewish, 415. 

Sosipater, 583 n., 589. 

Sosthenes, chief of the Corinthian Jew- 
ish synagogue, 365; beaten by the 
Greek mob, 365. 

Stachys, 581. 

Stadium, enclosure of the, 463; Isthmian, 
note on the, 584. 

Stadia in Asia Minor, 587 n. 

Stagirus, 277; the birthplace of Aris- 
totle, 277. 

Stephen, St., 61, 63, 64, 66; his trial, 67; 
his martyrdom, 68; his prayer, 69; his 
burial, 72. 

Stephen, St:, Gate of, 68 n.; identity of 
wmth the Damascus Gate, 68 n. 

Stoa Pecile, the, 311. 

Stocks, the, 263. 

Stoics, 311; their philosophy, 317, 318. 

Strato’s Tower, 658. 

Stromboli, 722. 

Strymon River, 272. 

Students, Jewish, 58. 

Sulla at Athens, 304. 

“ Sultan Tareek ” Road, 150. 

Sunium, Cape of, 300. 

Sychar, city of, 74 n. 

“‘ Synagogue of the Libertines,” 56; the 
first, 56; number of, in Jerusalem, 56; 
in Salamis, 128; in Antioch in Pisidia, 
152; ancient and modern, 153, 160; 
the, at Thessalonica, 281; at Athens, 
314; at Corinth, 338. 

Synnada, 232. 

Syntyche, 786. 

Syracuse, 720. 

“Syrian Gates,” the, 220. 

Syrophenician woman, 
Christ with, 74. 


interview of 


Tallith, the, 154. 
Talmud, the, 55. 
Tarsus, 20; coin of, 20; named “ Me- 


916 


tropolis,” 20; condition of, under the 
Romans, 21; not a municipium, 42; 
scenery of, 45. 

Taurus, Mount, 19, 222. 

“Taverns, the Three,” 731. 

Tavium, capital of the Eastern Galatians, 
212 n. 

Tectosages, the, 211. 

Temple, position of the, 628; Temple of 
Solomon, 628; that of Zerubbabel, 629; 
that of Herod, 629; the Outer Court, 
629; “Porch of Solomon,” 630; the 
“ Beautiful Gate,” 630; the sanctuary, 
631; “Court of the Women,” 631; the 
Treasury, 631; the Court of Israel, 
631; the Court of the Priests, 631; the 
Hall Gazith, 631; the Altar, 632; the 
Vestibule, 632; the Holy Place, 632; 
the Holy of Holies, 632; connection of 
the Temple with the Fortress Antonia, 
634, 

‘Tertullus, 660. 

Tetrapolis, the, 114. 

Teucer, kingdom of, 127. 

Thais, tomb of, 584 n. 

Thales, philosophy of, 316. 

Thamna, 649. 

Thasos, 248. 

Theatre, the, of Athens, 307; consecrated 
to Bacchus, 307. 

Thecla, St., of Iconium, 164 n. 

Themistocles, tomb of, 303; his fortifica- 
tion of the Pirzus, 303. 

Therapeute, the, 32. 

Thermopyle, 299. 

-Thessalonian Letters, the, 285. 

Thessalonians, First Epistle to the, 340; 
Second, 352. 

Thessalonica, 277; description of, 278; 
the most populous town in Macedonia, 
278. 

Tiberias, 26; city of, 52; sea of, 77. 

Tiberius, 103, 133. 

Tiberius Alexander, 635 n. 

Tigranes, 125. 

Timotheus, 174, 175, 226; birthplace of, 
227 n.; becomes the companion of St. 
Paul, 227; his circumcision, 230; 
reaches Iconium, 231; accompanies St. 
Paul to Galatia and to the Aigean, 236, 
239: sails from Troas, 246; arrives at 


INDEX. 







Samothrace, 247; at Philippi, 250; 
behind at Philippi, 269; again with St. 
Paul at Berea, 293; left behina at 
Berea, 296; joins St. Paul at Corinth, 
338; accompanies St. Paul in his sub- 
sequent journeys, 367 et seg.; de- 
spatched by St. Paul from Ephesus to 
Macedonia, 421; First Epistle to, 811; 
Second Epistle to, 836. 

Titus, 187, 189, 190; visits St. Paul at 
Philippi, 483; his account of the state 
of the Church at Corinth, 483; directed 
by St. Paul to return to Corinth, 484; 
his character, 513; St. Paul’s Epistle 
to, 823. . 

Tongues, gift of, remarks on the, 459 m. 

“ Town-clerk,” the, of the Authorized 
Version of the Bible, 469. 

Triopium, the modern Cape Crio, pronr 
ontory of, 605. 

Troas, description of, 591.— See Alexan 
dria Troas. 

Trogyllium, 598. 

Trophimus, 479, 499 2. 

Tryphena, 582. 

Tryphosa, 582. 

“Tullianum,” the, 263. 

Tyana, 222. 

Tychicus, 479, 748, 762. 

Tyrannus, 412. 

Tyre, 612, 613. 




















U. 


Unchaste behavior condemned, 435 m. 

Unknown gods, altars of the, 315; emgin 
of the, 315 n. 

Urbanus, 581. 

Urbs libera, constitution of, 288: its 
privileges, 288. 


Vv. 


Valentinus the Gnostic, 399 m 
Ventidius Cumanus, 635. 
Venus, worship of, 139. 
Vestments, the sacred, 635. 
Via Appia, 726; Egnatia, 274. 


INDEX. 


-Vitellius, 76. 
Vulturnus River, 726. 


W. 


“ Walls, Long,” of Athens, 308. 

Women, influence of, over the religious 
opinions of the ancients, 161; their 
holy influence in early Christianity, 
256. 

Writing-materials employed by St. Paul, 

«783 1. 





917 
x. 


Xanthus, Valley of the, 14%. 


Z. 


Zabeans, the, 406 n. 

Zeaiot, the term, 525 n. 

Zealots, the, 32. 

Zeno, school of, 311; his philosophy, 317, 
Zerubbabel, Temple of, 628. 


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